The nuptial2 contract of Giuffre Borgia and Sancia of Naples was signed January 25, 1494, but King Ferdinand died before the marriage was performed, and the crown passed to Federigo of Aragon. Giuffre by the contract received for himself and his heirs in perpetuity the principality of Squillace and the county of Cariati in Calabria. The King of Naples and the Pope each promised to give the young man an annual allowance of ten thousand crowns, and Giuffre was to be received and treated as a prince throughout the Regno. The marriage was celebrated3 with great pomp, May 7, 1494, and Giuffre remained in Naples several months. This alliance for a time put an end to the strife4 between the Vatican and those who, supported by the King of Aragon, had been holding part of the papal territory by force.
Naples was now filled with reports of the preparations88 which Charles VIII. of France was making for invading Naples, and King Alfonso sent Ferrante de Genaro to urge Ludovico il Moro to oppose the coming of the French King. Desiring the Pope’s aid, Alfonso also requested an interview with him, and about the end of June the Pontiff, accompanied by three cardinals6, set out to meet him at Vicovaro. Burchard describes the departure of the Pope in great detail; among the cardinals in his suite7 was his Eminence8 of Valencia.
July 14th the approach of the King was announced to the Pope. As they entered the town Caesar, Cardinal5 of Valencia, who had gone to escort his Majesty9, rode on the King’s left. The Pope and the King remained in Vicovaro three days, and a coalition10 was established between them and Florence against the King of France, but as all of the allies were afraid of Charles, it came to nothing. The Pope and Caesar returned to Rome some time before July 17th.
To understand why Ludovico il Moro urged the King of France to invade Naples it is necessary to go back to the time of Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan, whose oppressions and cruelties were ended by his assassination11 in December, 1476, as he was about to enter the church of St. Stephen.
Galeazzo left an infant son, Gian Galeazzo Maria, and a widow, Bona of Savoy, sister-in-law of Louis XI. of France. The Duchess acted as regent for her son, but Ludovico, brother of the murdered duke, soon succeeded in wresting12 the power from her. He also refused to turn the government over to his nephew Galeazzo Maria, when he came of age—at the same time virtually holding him89 prisoner. Galeazzo Maria’s wife, Isabella of Aragon, daughter of Alfonso, Duke of Naples, hereditary13 prince of the Regno, complained to her father, whereupon, to render the opposition14 of Naples unavailing, and eventually obtain control of Milan, Ludovico hit upon the plan of inducing the youthful King of France, Charles VIII., to come to Italy and assert the old rights of the House of Anjou to the throne of Naples.
By his contemporaries Ludovico was regarded as the greatest political genius of the age, and the extravagant15 admiration16 bestowed17 on him shows that the adoption18 of any means to egotistic purposes was regarded not only as justifiable19 but also as commendable20. Ludovico accepted the applause as his due, and boasted that “the Pope was his chaplain, the Emperor his condottiere, Venice his chamberlain, and the King of France his courier to come and go at his bidding.”
Charles VIII. was a visionary, weak, headstrong young man, and, disregarding the advice of his counsellors, he readily fell in with Ludovico’s plans. Vast preparations were made for war; a great army was gathered at Vienne and a large amount of artillery21 of a size hitherto unknown in Italy was sent to Genoa. Before Charles entered the peninsula, however, Don Federico began the war by an attack on Genoa, which, however, was unsuccessful.
Finally, August 23, 1494, Charles himself left Vienne and crossed the Alps to Asti, where he fell ill. On his recovery he visited his cousin, the deposed22 Duke of Milan, and his young wife, who were kept by Ludovico in the castle of Pavia. The90 Duchess pleaded for her husband and infant son and for her father and family, against whom Charles was advancing.
Shortly after the King’s visit the young duke died, and it was generally believed that he had been poisoned by his uncle, Ludovico.
Charles had sent an ambassador, Philippe de Commines, to endeavour to obtain the support of the Venetians, but they held aloof23. The envoy24 explained that the King desired their aid and counsel in his undertaking25; to which they replied that he was indeed most welcome, but that they could not give him any help, as they were afraid of the Turk—although they were at peace with him—and as to advising such a wise King, and one who already had such able counsellors, it would be great presumption26 on their part; nevertheless, they would much rather assist than injure him. They were careful to talk and also act with circumspection27. “I believe their affairs are conducted more judiciously28 than those of any other power or prince in the whole world,” concludes Commines. As Venice would not assist him, it was necessary for Charles to secure Florence before advancing into Naples. He therefore decided29 to march through Tuscany, where he encountered no opposition, the cities in many cases voluntarily opening their gates to him and asking his protection.
The citizens of Florence were well disposed toward the French, hoping they would help them to throw off the tyranny of Piero de’ Medici, who refused to desert Naples. Charles therefore entered Tuscany and laid siege to Sarzana, whereupon Piero’s courage failed, and he secretly tried to make91 terms for himself. His situation had become so desperate that he offered to give up Pisa, Leghorn, Pietrasanta, and Librafatta, and he also agreed that the Republic should advance Charles a large sum of money. On learning of this the Florentines became so incensed31 that Piero fled and took refuge at the Court of Giovanni Bentivoglio of Bologna and never returned. After a short stay in Pisa and Florence the King set out for Rome.
At that time the French army was greatly superior to the armies of Italy. Charles’s cavalry33 consisted of lances, each composed of a heavily-armed man-at-arms and his three or four attendants; they and their horses were well equipped. The great strength of the French infantry34, however, lay in the Swiss mercenaries.
The Italian troops were subjects of various states and were under the command of their own captains and were paid by them; consequently cohesion35 and discipline were entirely36 lacking in the armies of the peninsula. The Italian foot-soldiers were inferior to the Swiss, who were regarded as the best in the world. In addition to their heavy guns the French had a large number of light brass37 field-pieces, which could be easily moved about, and which threw iron balls, and were discharged with considerable rapidity, while the Italian guns were so heavy that they could be moved only by oxen and with the greatest difficulty; their ammunition38 consisted of heavy stone balls.
In the fifteenth century wars the loss of life was slight—notwithstanding the blood-curdling accounts of contemporary chroniclers. The defensive39 armour40 was so massive that it was difficult to kill a man,92 although it was comparatively easy to unhorse him.
War is a trade—in spite of the efforts of the advocates of brute41 force to glorify42 it. Wars were usually brought about then by adventurers bent32 on gain, as they are now, by the so-called captains of industry—who control all civilised Governments—for the extension of commerce, but always, of course, in the sacred name of patriotism43, which Dr. Johnson described as “the last refuge of a scoundrel.” The leaders and the men in their pay fought for any state which hired them, and they might at any time change employers. The famous Italian captains played the game of war with great profit to themselves and no little skill.
While the French troops were overrunning the Patrimonium Petri a body of their cavalry under Monsignor Yves d’Allegre captured Madonna Adriana Orsini, Giulia Bella, the Pope’s mistress, and her sister Girolama, and great was the consternation44 of his Holiness; his anxiety to secure the return of the ladies set all Italy to laughing and gave the sonneteers an opportunity to display their wit, of which they were not slow to avail themselves. The captain who made the precious capture wanted to hold them for a vast ransom45, “because the Holy Father would give his very eyes to have them back”; but Charles surrendered them for a comparatively insignificant46 sum, doubtless not valuing them as highly as did Christ’s Vicar.
The Neapolitan troops retreated before Charles, who entered Rome the last day of the year 1494; and Burchard describes in detail the manner of93 his reception and how the populace greeted him with shouts of “Francia, Francia! Colonna, Colonna! Vincola, Vincola!” Evidently they preferred France, Colonna, and Della Rovere to Borgia.
All the great prelates then in Rome promptly47 paid their respects to the King, the youthful Cardinal of Valencia among the number. While the French were in the city they committed all sorts of outrages48, robberies, and murders. It was at this time that Vannozza’s house was plundered49, and on January 10, 1495, the Pope for his greater security removed to the Castle of St. Angelo, accompanied by several cardinals, including Valencia.
The following day the Holy Father and Philibert De Bressa, Charles’s representative, concluded an agreement by which the Pope was to crown the French monarch50 King of Naples and was to abstain51 from harming the cardinals Della Rovere, Gurk, Savelli, and Colonna. It was also arranged that the Pope’s son Caesar should accompany the King of France as his hostage.
January 28th, after taking leave of the Pope with many expressions of friendship, Charles departed. At the place appointed for Caesar to join him the youthful cardinal presented himself with six magnificent chargers, and they rode forth52, Caesar on the King’s left. Two days later news was brought the Pope that the Cardinal of Valencia, disguised as a stable-boy, had fled from the King’s camp at Velletri.
When Caesar joined the King he had nineteen large chests, which were supposed to contain his personal effects; two of the trunks were brought94 back to Rome; the remaining seventeen were opened by the King’s order after the flight of his hostage, and were found to contain nothing—“at least, so I was informed,” adds Burchard, “but I do not believe this.”
On his return to Rome Caesar spent the first night at the house of Antonio Flores, Auditor53 of the Ruota—perhaps to give the paternal54 anger time to cool. The following day the Pope sent his secretary, the Bishop55 of Nepi and Sutri, to the King to disclaim56 all responsibility for Caesar’s disregard of the agreement.
February 1st the city of Rome sent three envoys57, Hieronymus Portius, the Pope’s intimate, Coronato Planca, senior Consistorial Auditor, and Jacopo Sinibaldi, Master of the Seals, to the King to recommend the city to his care and to beg him not to be angry on account of the cardinal’s flight.
At the time it was generally believed in Rome that his Holiness had connived58 at Caesar’s conduct, but his right to give his son to Charles as a hostage was also questioned. Caesar was then only nineteen, and his flight was clear proof of his powers of dissimulation59 and of his determination. Charles finally concluded to ignore the matter, and in the course of a few days the young cardinal again appeared about the Vatican.
About the time that Caesar took his unceremonious departure the Spanish ambassadors arrived in Charles’s camp to renew the protests of the House of Aragon, which was determined60 to assert its own rights to the Neapolitan throne, and while at Velletri Don Antonio de Fonseca had threatened Charles with war. These protests, which were the95 beginning of the famous League of the Conservation, furnish a more reasonable explanation of Caesar’s flight from the French camp than does the theory of an earlier agreement between himself and his father.
The day the League was proclaimed in Rome—April 1st—a mob of Spaniards attacked a body of Swiss troops belonging to the French army, and Burchard intimates that Caesar inspired the assault in revenge for outrages committed by the mercenaries. The Pope, to avoid the charge of complicity in Caesar’s escape, sent him to Spoleto, where the promising61 ecclesiastic62 awaited developments. Twenty days after Caesar left the French camp Charles VIII. entered Naples as conqueror63.
Ludovico il Moro now began to regret the alliance he had made with King Charles, although by his coming he had been able to make himself Duke of Milan. A league against France was solemnly proclaimed in St. Peter’s on Palm Sunday—the Venetians having signed it March 30th—and when Charles learned of the preparations that were being made in the north of Italy to oppose him and that his ally the Duke of Milan, throwing off his mask, had attacked the French vessels64 in the harbour of Genoa, he became anxious for his own safety. He therefore arranged for the occupation of the Regno, leaving a considerable force in the conquered territory, and decided to return to France. He determined to endeavour to detach Alexander from the league, and with this end in view he set out for Rome. The Pope was his nearest and most dangerous enemy; the King therefore was anxious to win him over and96 obtain from him the investiture of the Kingdom of Naples.
Alexander, knowing that Charles was offended by Caesar’s flight and by his own activity in the formation of the league, decided to avoid him. Therefore, accompanied by Caesar and nineteen other cardinals, he left Rome for Orvieto, where he arrived May 28th. In notifying the people of Orvieto of his intended visit the Pope stated that he was going thither65 to meet the King of France. When his Holiness left Rome he placed Palavicini, Cardinal of Sta Anastasia, in charge of the city, and directed him not to oppose the King in any way, and to show him all honour and respect. The Pontiff’s escort numbered more than five thousand men, including Greek mercenaries, archers66, mounted and on foot, courtiers, and servants.14 The Pope sent to Montefiascone and Viterbo for all the artillery, mortars67, siege guns, and small cannon68, which he placed in the castle, together with the munitions69 of war brought from Rome.
June 3rd an ambassador arrived from the Emperor Maximilian with a retinue70 of thirty horsemen, and was escorted into the town by a number of cardinals with a guard of a thousand men, horse and foot. The following day an envoy also arrived from the King of France. It is believed that the purpose of Maximilian’s embassy was to prevent the Pope and the French monarch—who was persisting in his efforts to see his Holiness—from coming to any agreement. While the diplomatists were endeavouring to hoodwink each other Caesar was busily engaged in putting97 the strongholds and castles in a condition for defence. The evening of June 4th the Pope held a consistory, at which it was decided to send Juan Lopez, Datory and Bishop of Perugia, to that city, whither the Pope had determined to go, and direct the officials to make proper preparations for the reception of his Holiness. It was said at the time that it was the Pope’s intention to go from Perugia to Ancona and thence to Venice to ask the aid of the Republic, rather than have an interview with Charles.
June 5th the entire Pontifical71 Court set out for Perugia, and they had no sooner left the town of Orvieto than a royal envoy arrived with instructions to follow the Pope and see him at any cost. As soon as the messenger learned of Alexander’s departure he left for Perugia. At Toscanella his people were refused lodging72, a fight ensued, and blood was shed. At Santa Fiora the French learned that Guido Sforza was in command of the citadel73 and they immediately took him prisoner, an act due to their hatred74 of his kinsmen75 Ludovico il Moro, who had betrayed their sovereign. In the meantime the Pope and Caesar had arrived at Perugia, and thus avoided the meeting they feared.
Charles had entered Rome—June 1st—and had remained there only over night. On the 5th he was in Viterbo, and thence he advanced into Lombardy; he avoided Florence and refused to give up Pisa. He reached Pontremoli and crossed the Apennines without encountering any resistance, but found the armies of Milan and Venice, under the command of Francesco Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, lying in wait for him on the other side98 of the mountains. After a brief struggle at Fornovo, on the Taro76, the King with his army of 10,000 men broke through the allied77 forces of 35,000—who lost about 3,500—and escaped to Turin and thence to France, where he apparently78 forgot all about his conquest of Naples, for he left his Viceroy, Gilbert de Montpensier, to look after himself as best he might. Immediately after the battle of Fornovo, Ferdinand II. with a few Spanish troops surprised Naples and captured Montpensier, and the French dominion79 in the Regno came to an end as quickly as it had been established. Before leaving Italy Charles had made peace with Ludovico independently of the Moor’s allies.
The danger passed, the inhabitants of Orvieto, anxious for the Pope to return to their city, sent a delegation80 to request him to do so, and June 21st he did return, but was so anxious to be back in Rome that he remained only a day. The Pontiff, however, appreciated the strategic advantages of the castle of Orvieto so highly that he made the town a legation a latere and appointed his son legate and governor for life.
ORVIETO
From an early engraving81.
To face p. 98.
99 The Pope’s letter announcing Caesar’s nomination82 is dated July 22, 1495, and is as follows:—
“Beloved Sons etc. Having15 for a long time known of your great love and loyalty83 toward us and that you desired us to appoint our beloved son, Caesar, Cardinal of Valencia, to be your protector and governor; and knowing that on account of his high character and especially his sound judgment84, you can expect much from him; and being exceedingly anxious to comply with your wishes in order that you may know how great is our love for you we have decided to make him your governor for life and do so appoint him as you will see by the proper document under our seal. We do this the more willingly as, owing to the great love and affection he bears you, we are confident that you will be well governed and also protected; and that your affairs will prosper85 in all ways. On account of other matters which concern us he is not able to go to you immediately, consequently he sends in his place our beloved son, Giacomo Dracaz, etc. Given in Rome, in St. Peter’s under the Pontifical seal xxii July MCCCCLXXXXV, the third year of our pontificate.
“B. Floridus.”
The reader may well wonder whether any one was ever deceived by such an epistle.
Caesar’s first act was to make certain appointments to office which were beyond his authority, and when the fact was brought to his attention he withdrew them, and apologised with a tact86 and courtesy which proved the maturity87 of his judgment and character and at once endeared him to the people of Orvieto.
Caesar concludes his letter:—
“In view of the tricks and shrewdness of certain men who have no regard for the truth nothing is more difficult for those who are animated88 by just intentions than to distinguish the true from the false. If in future I should ever do anything contrary to your customs, statutes89, or privileges, know100 that I have been led into error by some designing person, for I am only human and as such am liable to be tricked and deceived.”
The cardinal of nineteen years signs himself C. cardinalis Valentinus, qui vos ex corde amat.
Although the letter does not sound like that of a boy of nineteen we must remember that children were precocious90 in those days and that his training and constant association with astute91 men much older than himself, who were concerned with the great interests of the age, probably made him wise beyond his years.
The letter to the conservators is dated August 7, 1495; consequently the Pope and Caesar had returned to Rome as soon as they knew that the French army was engaged with the forces of the league.
It was about this time that Alexander conceived the great idea of his reign—namely, to secure the definitive92 submission93 of the Romagnol barons who had greatly troubled the earlier years of his Pontificate. Caesar was only twenty years of age, and it is hardly probable that he was of much help in this project, although he could not have been indifferent to events about him—the collecting of men to strengthen the papal army, the repairing and provisioning of the castles about Rome, movements undoubtedly94 directed against the barons of the Romagna now deprived of the support of both France and Naples, the latter the victim of another war, caused by the determination of the Catholic sovereigns to restore the throne of Aragon in the Regno.
At this juncture95 the Pope decided to strengthen101 the Spanish party in the Sacred College; he accordingly at one creation—February 19, 1496—bestowed the cardinalate96 on four Castillians: the Bishop of Segovia, the Bishop of Agrigentum, the Bishop of Perugia, and on Francesco Borgia. The number of Spanish votes in the Sacred College was thereby97 raised to nine, and a great protest was made in Rome.
Romagna, the Marches, and Umbria nominally98 belonged to the Papacy, but in reality they were governed by certain powerful families: the Orsini and Colonna near Rome, the Verano in Camerino, the Freducci in Fermo, the Trinci in Foligno, the Della Rovere in Sinigaglia and Urbino, the Baglioni in Perugia, the Vitelli in Città di Castella, the Sforza in Pesaro, the Malatesta in Rimini, the Manfredi in Faenza, the Bentivoglio in Bologna, and the Este in Ferrara. These families Alexander determined to destroy, ostensibly to recover the territory for the Church, but actually to build up a great principality for his family.
To carry out his design, however, the Pope had to find a reasonable pretext99, and this he readily did, for when the King of France came to Italy the Orsini had entered into a treaty by which they were to help him, although they had hitherto supported the House of Aragon. Alexander could not have had a better excuse for crushing them; accordingly June 1, 1496, in public consistory he had a bull read declaring Virginio, Gian Giordano, Paolo and Carlo Orsini, and Bartolomeo d’Alviano rebels and deprived of their estates for having sided with the French and borne arms against the Church. Their ruin was hastened by the surrender102 of Aversa, July 23rd, when Virginio, the head of the family, was taken prisoner.
To carry out his plan the Pope summoned his son Giovanni, Duke of Gandia, to Rome, intending to confer on him the office of Gonfalonier of the papal forces, a position his elder brother, Pier30 Luigi, had previously100 held. Giovanni was born in 1474; he was therefore two years older than Caesar. In 1492 he had married Do?a Maria Enriquez, a niece of the Catholic Sovereigns, and he seemed destined101 for a great career.
When Giovanni reached Rome, August 10, 1496, the Cardinal of Valencia, accompanied by the entire Court on horseback, went to meet him at the Porta Pertusa, and escorted him in great state to the papal palace.
Giovanni found his sister Lucretia and his brother Giuffre married into two of the great families of the peninsula and his brother Caesar an enormously wealthy Prince of the Church.
So many benefices had been conferred on him that he was one of the richest of the cardinals. At this time Caesar’s secretary was Carlo Valgulio of Brescia, a famous scholar, who dedicated102 his “De Contemplatione Orbium Excelsorum Disputatio,” a translation from Cleomedes, to his master with the usual flattery.
Towards the end of October the Duke of Gandia was made Captain-General of the Pontifical forces, and, together with the Duke of Urbino and several of the Colonna, with all his men, arms, and machines of war, set out for Anguillara for the purpose of seizing the estates of the Orsini.
In less than a month they took ten castles, but103 during this time Bartolomeo d’Alviano made a raid up to the very walls of Rome and just missed capturing Caesar, who was hunting; the cardinal only saved himself by flight.
Carlo Orsini arrived at Soriano January 26, 1497, with the troops of Vitellozzo Vitelli, and after a fierce struggle the Duke of Urbino was captured. In the fight the Duke of Gandia was slightly wounded in the face. Fabrizio Colonna and the legate Pietro de Luna were forced to flee to Ronciglione. The war continued for another month, and ended with an agreement by which the Orsini promised to pay 50,000 ducats for the return of the territory which had been occupied and to release all their prisoners except the Duke of Urbino.
When the King of France had learned of Alexander’s activity against the great feudatories of the Romagna, who had sided with him, he had sent Carlo Orsini and Vitellozzo Vitelli to their aid with fresh troops. One after another the Baglioni, the Della Rovere, and all who hated Alexander and saw that the destruction of the Orsini would be followed by the overthrow103 of their own power joined the Pope’s enemies. Only the Colonna and the Savelli held to the Holy Father.
The Duke of Gandia was the hero of the fêtes which followed the termination of the war. He and Lucretia’s husband, Giovanni Sforza of Pesaro, were selected to meet Gonsalvo de Cordova when he came to Rome, March 15th, after the capture of Ostia, which Minaldo da Guevra had endeavoured to hold for Giuliano della Rovere. The Holy Father, however, continued to look after the104 interests of Lucretia, and especially of those of Caesar, who was given a share of the spoils wrested104 from the Roman barons. Next to Estouteville, Caesar was the wealthiest of the cardinals, and it now began to be whispered about that he intended to relinquish105 the purple.
In entering the Church he had merely yielded to his father’s wishes and he had only the first tonsure106. The ambassadors noted107 his dislike for the Church; his instincts were those of a soldier; he was always armed; he was attracted by war and greedy for power. Had he been the eldest108 son he undoubtedly would have been made Captain-General of the papal forces, for he had more energy, a stronger will, a livelier imagination, and what is perhaps of even greater importance in the egotistical scramble109 for wealth and honours, he had absolutely no moral sense. In the great drama that was preparing he undoubtedly would have promptly found his fitting part. He was as violent and overbearing as his father, who had not dared to punish him when he fled from the French camp.
Giuffre, Prince of Squillace, and his wife, Do?a Sancia of Naples, entered Rome in great state, May 20, 1496, by the Lateran Gate. The Prince was then fourteen and his wife two years older. They were escorted to the principal entrance of the Lateran Church by Caesar and Lucretia, with a company of two hundred persons, including the orators110 of all the powers, the cardinals and their suites111, and numerous citizens; here Giuffre, Sancia, and Lucretia dismounted and entered the edifice112; thence, after a short stay, they proceeded to the Apostolic Palace, where from a window the Pope105 eagerly watched their approach. His Holiness, attended by eleven cardinals—Caesar having now joined him—received them in a great hall. Before the Pope’s footstool was a low bench, on which was a brocaded cushion, and before this on the floor, in the form of a cross, were four large cushions of crimson113 velvet114. Giuffre knelt before the Pope, who took the Prince’s head between his hands, but did not kiss him. Sancia and Lucretia followed, and were received in the same manner. Thereupon the Prince and his consort115 kissed the hands of all the cardinals. This done, Giuffre took his place between his brother, the Cardinal of Valencia, and Cardinal Sanseverino, while Lucretia and Sancia seated themselves on the Pope’s left-hand, and “all conversed116 for some time pleasantly and wittily,” after which they took their departure. The next day Sancia and Lucretia and a number of other women, to the great scandal of Rome, crowded into and about the marble pulpit in St. Peter’s, from which the priests were accustomed to read the gospel.
Sancia, brought up in the corrupt117 Court of Naples, was a bold and perverse118 woman, who later became Caesar’s most determined and fearless enemy; she was the only person who dared brave him. Older than her husband, she despised and dominated him. It is said that she was the mistress of both her brothers-in-law, the Cardinal of Valencia and the Duke of Gandia, and also later of Cardinal Ippolito d’Este.
In a consistory held June 8, 1497, Caesar Borgia was appointed legate to anoint and crown Frederic of Aragon King of Naples. Alexander106 had consented to invest him with the Regno and remit119 the annual tribute to the Church if he would make Benevento an independent principality for his son, the Duke of Gandia, without feudal120 obligations. In secret consistory the Pope secured the cardinals’ consent to the investiture of the Duke of Gandia with Terracina and Pontecorvo.
Caesar was making extravagant preparations for his departure and Gandia was completing arrangements to go with him to receive the investiture of his new domains121 when an event occurred which changed the whole order of things, and one which has continued to baffle historians—the murder of the Duke of Gandia the night of June 14, 1497.
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barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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nuptial
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| adj.婚姻的，婚礼的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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strife
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| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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coalition
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| n.结合体，同盟，结合，联合 | |
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assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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wresting
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| 动词wrest的现在进行式 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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commendable
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| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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circumspection
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| n.细心，慎重 | |
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judiciously
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| adv.明断地，明智而审慎地 | |
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29
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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30
pier
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| n.码头；桥墩，桥柱；[建]窗间壁，支柱 | |
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31
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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32
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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33
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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34
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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35
cohesion
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| n.团结，凝结力 | |
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36
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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37
brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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38
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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39
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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40
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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41
brute
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| n.野兽，兽性 | |
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42
glorify
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| vt.颂扬，赞美，使增光，美化 | |
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43
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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44
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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45
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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46
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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48
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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49
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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50
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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51
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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52
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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53
auditor
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| n.审计员，旁听着 | |
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54
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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55
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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56
disclaim
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| v.放弃权利，拒绝承认 | |
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57
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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connived
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| v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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59
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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60
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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61
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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62
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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64
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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67
mortars
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| n.迫击炮( mortar的名词复数 )；砂浆；房产；研钵 | |
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68
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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69
munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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70
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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71
pontifical
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| adj.自以为是的，武断的 | |
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72
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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73
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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74
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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76
taro
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| n.芋，芋头 | |
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77
allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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78
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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79
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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80
delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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81
engraving
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| n.版画；雕刻（作品）；雕刻艺术；镌版术v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的现在分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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82
nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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83
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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84
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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85
prosper
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| v.成功，兴隆，昌盛；使成功，使昌隆，繁荣 | |
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86
tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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87
maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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88
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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89
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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precocious
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| adj.早熟的；较早显出的 | |
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91
astute
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| adj.机敏的，精明的 | |
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92
definitive
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| adj.确切的，权威性的；最后的，决定性的 | |
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93
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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94
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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95
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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96
cardinalate
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| 枢机主教之职 | |
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97
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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98
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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99
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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100
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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101
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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102
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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103
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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104
wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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105
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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106
tonsure
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| n.削发；v.剃 | |
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107
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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108
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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109
scramble
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| v.爬行，攀爬，杂乱蔓延，碎片，片段，废料 | |
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110
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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111
suites
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| n.套( suite的名词复数 )；一套房间；一套家具；一套公寓 | |
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112
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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113
crimson
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| n./adj.深(绯)红色(的)；vi.脸变绯红色 | |
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114
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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115
consort
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| v.相伴；结交 | |
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116
conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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117
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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118
perverse
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| adj.刚愎的；坚持错误的，行为反常的 | |
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119
remit
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| v.汇款，汇寄；豁免（债务），免除（处罚等） | |
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120
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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121
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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