The most circumstantial account we have of the murder of the Duke of Gandia is contained in Burchard’s diary,16 and is as follows: “June fourteenth the cardinal1 of Valencia and the Illustrious Don Giovanni Borgia of Aragon, Duke of Gandia, Prince of the Holy Roman Church, Captain-General of the pontifical2 forces, and most beloved son of his Holiness dined at the home of their mother, Donna Vannozza, near the church of San Pietro ad Vincola with their mother and several other persons. The repast finished and night having come, Caesar and Gandia, accompanied by a few of their people, mounted their horses and mules3 to return to the Apostolic Palace. They rode together to a place not far from the palace of Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, the Vice-Chancellor. There the Duke, saying he intended to go and enjoy himself for a while before returning to the palace, took leave of his brother, the cardinal, and having dismissed all but one of the servants he had with him, he rode back. He also kept with him a certain person who was masked108 and who had come to him while at supper, and who for the past month had been coming to see him almost every day at the Apostolic Palace. The Duke took this person up on the crupper of his mule4 and rode off to the Piazza5 degli Ebrei, where he left the servant he had kept, telling him to wait for him there until the twenty-third hour, and if he did not return then to go back to the palace. Having given these instructions, the Duke with the mysterious person on the crupper, rode away from the servant to some place—I know not where—and was killed and thrown into the river.”
The servant left in the Piazza degli Ebrei was found there mortally wounded and unable to give any information.
The morning of the fifteenth day, the Duke having failed to return to the Apostolic Palace, the Pope became uneasy, but, assuming that his son had gone to see some mistress and that he did not wish to be observed coming away in the daytime, the father concluded he would return that night; but Gandia failing to put in an appearance, the Holy Father became alarmed and caused a thorough investigation6 to be made.
Among those examined was a certain Giorgio Sclavus, who made a business of gathering7 driftwood along the banks of the river and who stated that on the night the Duke disappeared he was guarding his wood when, about the fifth hour, he saw two men on foot come from the Hospital Sclavorum, along the public highway close to the river. After looking about in every direction and seeing no one, they returned the way they had come. Soon after two others appeared from precisely109 the same place and did as the former couple had done, and, discovering no one, they made a signal to their comrades. Immediately a man rode forth8 on a white charger with a dead body behind him.
The corpse9 was taken from the horse and cast into the stream, whereupon the rider asked, “Did it sink?” To which the others replied, “Signor, si.” Then all disappeared whence they had come.
When the man was asked why he had not reported the crime to the Governor of the city, he replied that in his time he had seen a hundred bodies cast into the Tiber at this very place and no questions had been asked.
Men were secured in the city to drag the river; a large reward was offered for the recovery of the body, and about nightfall it was found, fully10 clothed; even his purse, containing thirty ducats, was untouched. On the corpse were nine wounds, one in the throat and eight in the head, body, and legs, thus proving that the Duke had bravely defended himself. The body was taken to the Castle of St. Angelo, and subsequently to the Church of Santa Maria.
When Alexander learned of his son’s murder his grief exceeded all bounds. For several days he would neither eat nor drink, and the efforts of his familiars to console him were unavailing.
The Pope directed the Governor of the city to apprehend11 the murderers, but in vain. Rome was filled with rumours13. The Orsini were suspected, so was Bartolomeo d’Alviano; even Lucretia Borgia’s husband, Giovanni Sforza, was mentioned in connection with the crime. By those close to110 the Pope Cardinal Ascanio Sforza was said to have been, if not the perpetrator at least the instigator14 of the murder—he had recently complained to the Pope of an insult he had received from Gandia. Ascanio, when summoned by his Holiness, refused to obey until his safety had been guaranteed by the ambassadors of Spain and Naples. When he did appear, however, the Pope received him kindly15 and allowed him to depart at his pleasure. Ascanio, nevertheless, believed it prudent16 to leave Rome for a while.
It was also said that Antonio Maria Pico della Mirandola, inspired by Ascanio, had committed the murder, and even Giuffre was suspected, because—at least, so it was stated—Gandia had been unduly17 intimate with his wife. In the effort to fasten the guilt18 on Caesar it was said that both he and Gandia were rivals for Sancia’s favours, and that, owing to jealousy19, he had killed his brother. Burchard’s account contains all that is known of the murder of the Duke. Suspicion finally crystallised around Caesar, although the reasons for ascribing the crime to him are so slight that it is amazing that historians have for four hundred years laid the guilt at his door; we are not offered even circumstantial evidence; the most that is adduced against him is a possible motive20, and there were undoubtedly21 equally strong motives22 for him against the crime, especially if he had the astuteness23 we are led to believe he possessed24.
Even admitting he was potentially the criminal into which he later developed, is it possible that he would have begun his career of iniquity25 with a crime so monstrous26 as the deliberately27 planned111 murder of his own brother? Caesar was then twenty-one and Gandia twenty-three years of age. The latter may have received great honours at the hands of their father, but so had the former. Caesar, a Prince of the Church, of vast wealth, could look forward to a far more brilliant career than could any mere28 princeling of Benevento. He must have known that even the Papacy was within his prospects29, and in that age what potentate30 in Italy could compare with Christ’s Vicar? Although Caesar disliked the Church the sacerdotal character of the cardinal was no impediment to great temporal enterprises; like a cloak, it could be laid aside and assumed again at pleasure; it was a distinct advantage, as Caesar must have known.
There are men who are jealous of the success of all others, but they are invariably weak characters, and no one can accuse Caesar Borgia of weakness; even admitting he was jealous of Gandia, it is unlikely that his jealousy was sufficiently31 bitter to induce him to plan the murder of his brilliant and accomplished32 brother, whose talents and advancement33 would surely contribute to the progress of all the family. In that age, although there were determined34 family feuds35 and rivalries36, there was frequently a strong sense of family solidarity37, and this the Borgias possessed in an eminent38 degree.
Who was the unknown man in the mask who had been coming to see Gandia at the Papal Palace almost daily for a month past, and who had even called on him during the supper in Vannozza’s garden? Perhaps some pander39 or low associate who had accompanied him during his debauches;112 or if not this, a decoy sent by some enemy of the Duke or of his family—and Italy was teeming40 with them.
If the murder was the work of some enemy, what would be more natural than for the assassin to endeavour to turn suspicion from himself and at the same time heap infamy41 upon the Borgias by launching the rumour12 that the Cardinal of Valencia was the author of the crime?
It is clear that Gandia voluntarily went into the quarter of the city dominated by the most determined enemies of the Borgia—the Orsini. His personal attendant was found in the morning murdered, in the Piazza degli Ebrei, where the Duke had left him. Evidently the man in the mask had led Gandia into a trap, and then, after he had been dispatched, had provided for the taking off of this henchman. When Gandia left the servant he evidently thought he might not return that evening.
But how could the man in the mask have visited Gandia every day for a month for the purpose of entrapping42 him, without the Duke discovering it was a plot? Clearly Gandia had no suspicions whatever.
The whole affair is so mysterious that we are inclined to ask whether Burchard’s statement of the circumstances is correct.
It is against all reason to suppose that Gandia would have ventured at night unattended into the quarter of the Orsini with a strange man behind him on his mule, unless he was going to keep an assignation, and his remark to Caesar shows that such was his purpose.
If this assignation was only a plot to get him113 away from his own people, who contrived43 it? Did Caesar? For Caesar to have arranged it right in the stronghold of their bitterest enemies, a mass of details, a planning, and a coincidence of events wellnigh impossible would have been necessary. It is much more logical to suppose that those enemies themselves planned it—especially as Gandia had been brought from Spain expressly to crush the Orsini.
Again—we may ask—was the Duke playing false with his own people? He had seen little of them, he scarcely knew them. Did he perhaps fancy that he might rise more rapidly by casting his fortunes with the enemies of the Pope than by supporting him? Was the mysterious man in the mask the agent of some family or faction44 trying to win over the Duke? Gandia accompanied this man apparently45 without even a suggestion of fear into the enemy’s quarter. If he was concerned in some conspiracy46 against his family and the Vatican, some obstacle in the negotiations47 may have made his death and that of the bully48 left in the square necessary to prevent exposure, even if it had not at first been intended to murder the Duke.
If he was plotting against the Vatican, who were his fellow-conspirators in the Orsini quarter? The affair seems to contain more than a mere assignation, for if not why was it necessary to dispatch the servant?
It was not long before accusations49 came from without, started perhaps by persons who at a distance felt secure from the wrath51 of the Borgia.
February 22, 1498, Pigna, the Ferrarese ambassador114 in Venice, reported that he had heard that Caesar had caused the Duke of Gandia’s death. This was more than eight months after the crime; it was the first time the charge had definitely been made; several of the Orsini were then in Venice, and they would undoubtedly have spread the rumour, as the Pope had endeavoured to cast suspicion on them. If they, however, had brought about the Duke’s destruction, they would probably have gloried in the deed.
The accusation50 once made against Caesar, it was repeated by Paolo Capello in a relation of September 25, 1500, and also in the famous letter to Silvio Savelli of November 15, 1501. This same Capello, Venetian ambassador, wrote: “Every night the bodies of four or five murdered men, bishops52, prelates, and so forth, are found in Rome.” Under Alexander VI. crime held high carnival54 in the Eternal City, as it had under his predecessors55.
The Pope did not receive Caesar—at least, publicly—for five weeks, and the cardinal busied himself with preparations for his journey to Naples to crown the King.
His Holiness seemed to have changed; he was constantly at work with the six cardinals56 he had appointed to draw up plans for the reform of the Church, and he declared in consistory that henceforth family considerations and projects would have no weight with him.
At last he gave up trying to discover the murderer, and the conviction became general that he, better than all others, knew who the guilty one was. Alessandro Braccio, the Florentine orator57 in115 Rome, said in one of his dispatches: “Whoever managed the affair had a good head, and courage—and every one admits that he was a ‘master.’” This peculiar58 attitude toward crime, which is merely a form of the unreasoned and immoral59 admiration60 for success regardless of means still everywhere prevalent, was especially noticeable in Italy during the Renaissance61. Machiavelli well illustrates62 it in his remarks on Giovanpagolo Baglioni in connection with the expedition of Pope Julius II. to Perugia in 1505, for the express purpose of driving the Baglioni from their domain63. Although the Pope had a considerable army he entered the city with only a small guard, in spite of the fact that Giovanpagolo had a large force—and the “prudent men who were with the Pope commented on his rashness and on the cowardice64 of Giovanpagolo, who might have won eternal glory and at the same time have destroyed his enemy and secured vast spoils, for the Pope was accompanied by all the cardinals with their rich belongings65. His restraint was not due to any goodness or conscience, for he was a man who, in order to reign66, had murdered many of his kinsmen67; and it was concluded that there are men who do not know how to be great criminals or perfectly68 good—for a crime may possess greatness and be to some extent glorious [generosa]. Therefore Giovanpagolo did not know how—or better, did not dare—when he had the opportunity, to perform a deed for which every one would have admired his courage and which would have secured him eternal fame. And he would have been the first to show the prelates how little respect is due to those who live and reign as they do; and116 he would have performed a deed whose greatness would have wiped out all infamy.”17
The Vice-Chancellor’s palace near which Caesar and Gandia parted on the night of June 14, 1497, was on the Banchi Vecchi in the Ponte Quarter, where the Orsini had four strongholds—Monte Giordano, Torre di Nona, Tor Millina, and Tor Sanguigna. Besides the Orsini and their retainers a large number of Jews dwelt in this part of the city.
June 16th Cardinal Ascanio Sforza sent his brother, the Moor69, an account of the tragedy, which agrees closely with that of Burchard. He adds that Gandia’s mule was found near the house of Carlo da Parma. Burchard’s narrative70 agrees with all those of the day. Many of the Romans made no effort to conceal71 their joy at being rid of one Borgia, and the satirists did not overlook the murder.
More than three years afterwards, September 28, 1500, the Venetian Ambassador, Paolo Capello, definitely stated that Caesar was the murderer; Capello, however, was not in Rome at the time of the assassination72.
It may never be known who was the murderer of the Duke of Gandia, but there is absolutely no proof that Caesar either instigated73 or planned the assassination. Gandia was about to form an alliance which the Pope believed—and Caesar must have been of the same opinion—would materially strengthen the house of Borgia, and the power of the family had not yet become so firmly established that Caesar would have been likely to commit a117 terrible crime for the purpose of securing the sole dominion74 for himself. He still had need of Gandia, whatever the future might bring him. There certainly were numerous enemies of the Borgia who would profit much more by the destruction of a member of the family than Caesar could.
The kingdom of Naples was torn by discord75; one faction supported France, another Aragon; and in his brief appointing the Cardinal of Valencia legate to crown the King, the Pope enjoined76 him to put an end to the strife77. Caesar’s mission was an important one.
Accompanied by a numerous retinue78, the expenses of which were to be borne by King Frederic, the Cardinal of Valencia left Rome for Naples, and August 1st reached Capua, where he was received by the royal Court with the highest honours. There he fell ill, and Giuffre and his wife, Sancia, left Rome almost immediately to go to him. However, his illness could not have been serious, for he crowned Frederic, the last of the Aragonese rulers of Naples, August 10, 1497.
Caesar acquitted79 himself well, displaying a dignity beyond his years. He was invested with special privileges for the occasion; the symbols of the spiritual as well as of the temporal power—the flabel, the sedia gestatoria, the globe, and the sword—were borne before the Pope’s representative, who exerted himself to secure the goodwill80 of the new sovereign, who invested him, as the representative of the son of the unfortunate Duke of Gandia, with Benevento, the barony of Fiumara, and the county of Montefoscolo.
August 22nd, to the great relief of Frederic,118 whose exchequer81 was suffering severely82 on account of the entertainment, Caesar set out to return to Rome; as he did not reach the city until the 5th of the following month, he may have spent some time inspecting the estates granted Gandia’s son by the newly-crowned King.
The morning of the 6th—says Burchard—all the cardinals who were in the city went to meet Caesar at Santa Maria Nuova, and later all were received by his Holiness, and the Master of Ceremonies adds, “neither father nor son uttered a word, but the Pope, having blessed him, descended83 from the throne.” In this circumstance some writers discover evidence of Caesar’s guilt.
The Pope, accompanied by the Cardinals of Valencia and of Agrigentum, with an escort of a thousand men, went to Ostia, October 17th, to spend a few days. The large guard was made necessary by the proximity84 of the Orsini. The Pope and his family were in grave danger, and now that Gandia was dead who was to defend them? Giuffre was scarcely twenty, and he had cast his fortunes with the House of Aragon; moreover, he showed none of Caesar’s resoluteness85.
At the coronation of the King of Naples the legate had used a sword upon which was engraved86 the motto Cum Numine Caesaris Amen and Caesar Borgia Cardinalis Valentianus, and which is now in the possession of the Gaetani family of Rome. All the engravings on the blade represent scenes of war, and it is therefore reasonable to assume that the cardinal’s dreams turned more to military glory than to ecclesiastical honours, and Gregorovius says, “the allusions87 to the Caesar of119 the Roman Empire show what ideas were already seething88 in the cardinal’s brain.”
In November, 1497, the Spanish physician Gaspare Torrella dedicated89 to the youthful cardinal a work on a loathsome90 disease which had been spread in Italy by the soldiers of Charles VIII., and which was in consequence called the “French sickness.” Caesar himself evidently had suffered from it, for the author states that the world owed the cardinal a debt of gratitude91 for subjecting himself to his treatment.18 A work by Sebastiano Aquilano of Padua on the same subject was dedicated to Ludovico Gonzaga, Bishop53 of Mantua.
February 14, 1498, the body of Pedro Calderon, one of the Pope’s familiars, was found in the Tiber, into which he had fallen, non libenter, as Burchard says, a few days before. In this connection the Venetian ambassador, Capello, writes: “and another time he [Caesar] murdered with his own hand messer Pierotto, under the very mantle92 of the Pope, so that the blood spurted93 up into the face of his Holiness, of whom Pierotto was a favourite.” This account agrees with that in the letter to Silvio Savelli. Sanudo’s report of the affair is the same as Burchard’s, but he adds that Pierotto was “found drowned in the Tiber with a young woman called Madona Panthasilea, one of Madonna Lucretia’s young women and a creature of this pontiff’s—and the cause is not known.” Early in the year 1498 it was rumoured94 in Rome that Caesar intended to leave the Church. A letter written by Alexander in August, 1497—less than two months after the murder of the Duke of Gandia—shows that the Pope120 was already considering a plan which implied this step on his son’s part. Caesar now seldom appeared in the garb95 of a cleric; he went everywhere dressed in the “French style” and armed. His tastes were altogether martial96.
It appears that his Holiness was scheming for Caesar to marry either the widow of King Ferdinand of Naples or Do?a Sancia, his sister-in-law, who was to be separated from Giuffre for this purpose; later the Prince of Squillace was to be made a cardinal to replace his brother, in order that the number of Spanish members of the Sacred College be kept the same.
In this connection Sanudo says in his diary: “Giuffre, younger than his wife, has not yet consummated97 the marriage (he is not sixteen), he is not a man, and according to what I have heard Do?a Sancia has for some months been the mistress of the Cardinal of Valencia.” Fifteenth-century chroniclers went into minute particulars.
Lucretia Borgia’s marriage with Giovanni Sforza had been dissolved in spite of the husband’s protests. For her the Pope was planning a more brilliant future than the insignificant98 Lord of Pesaro could offer and his Holiness readily found a pretext99 for getting rid of him; in his project he was assisted by both Ascanio Sforza and the Duke of Milan. Although every one was against him, Giovanni did not submit tamely, and he it was who launched the charge of incest against the Pope and Caesar and his own wife—a charge which, whether true or false, has done more than anything else to blacken their memory.
Lucretia’s formal divorce took place December121 2, 1497. It had been brought about by the Pope and Caesar purely100 for political reasons, and it was now rumoured in Rome that she was to marry Alfonso of Bisceglia, Sancia’s brother.
The Pope had asked King Frederic for the hand of his daughter Carlotta for Caesar, but both he and the princess absolutely refused. In his anxiety, however, to escape the Pope’s wrath he made one sacrifice and consented to the marriage of Lucretia and Don Alfonso, Sancia’s younger brother. This youth of seventeen came to Rome unattended by any pomp and the betrothal101 took place in the Vatican June 20, 1498, and the marriage the 21st of the following month. Lucretia was about a year older than her husband.
点击
收听单词发音
收听单词发音 |
1
cardinal
|
|
| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
2
pontifical
|
|
| adj.自以为是的，武断的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
3
mules
|
|
| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
4
mule
|
|
| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
5
piazza
|
|
| n.广场；走廊 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
6
investigation
|
|
| n.调查，调查研究 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
7
gathering
|
|
| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
8
forth
|
|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
9
corpse
|
|
| n.尸体，死尸 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
10
fully
|
|
| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
11
apprehend
|
|
| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
12
rumour
|
|
| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
13
rumours
|
|
| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
14
instigator
|
|
| n.煽动者 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
15
kindly
|
|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
16
prudent
|
|
| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
17
unduly
|
|
| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
18
guilt
|
|
| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
19
jealousy
|
|
| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
20
motive
|
|
| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
21
undoubtedly
|
|
| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
22
motives
|
|
| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
23
astuteness
|
|
| n.敏锐；精明；机敏 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
24
possessed
|
|
| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
25
iniquity
|
|
| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
26
monstrous
|
|
| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
27
deliberately
|
|
| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
28
mere
|
|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
29
prospects
|
|
| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
30
potentate
|
|
| n.统治者；君主 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
31
sufficiently
|
|
| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
32
accomplished
|
|
| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
33
advancement
|
|
| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
34
determined
|
|
| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
35
feuds
|
|
| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
36
rivalries
|
|
| n.敌对，竞争，对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
37
solidarity
|
|
| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
38
eminent
|
|
| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
39
pander
|
|
| v.迎合；n.拉皮条者，勾引者；帮人做坏事的人 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
40
teeming
|
|
| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
41
infamy
|
|
| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
42
entrapping
|
|
| v.使陷入圈套，使入陷阱( entrap的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
43
contrived
|
|
| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
44
faction
|
|
| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
45
apparently
|
|
| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
46
conspiracy
|
|
| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
47
negotiations
|
|
| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
48
bully
|
|
| n.恃强欺弱者，小流氓；vt.威胁，欺侮 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
49
accusations
|
|
| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
50
accusation
|
|
| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
51
wrath
|
|
| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
52
bishops
|
|
| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
53
bishop
|
|
| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
54
carnival
|
|
| n.嘉年华会，狂欢，狂欢节，巡回表演 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
55
predecessors
|
|
| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
56
cardinals
|
|
| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
57
orator
|
|
| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
58
peculiar
|
|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
59
immoral
|
|
| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
60
admiration
|
|
| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
61
renaissance
|
|
| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
62
illustrates
|
|
| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
63
domain
|
|
| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
64
cowardice
|
|
| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
65
belongings
|
|
| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
66
reign
|
|
| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
67
kinsmen
|
|
| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
68
perfectly
|
|
| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
69
moor
|
|
| n.荒野，沼泽；vt.(使)停泊；vi.停泊 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
70
narrative
|
|
| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
71
conceal
|
|
| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
72
assassination
|
|
| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
73
instigated
|
|
| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
74
dominion
|
|
| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
75
discord
|
|
| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
76
enjoined
|
|
| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
77
strife
|
|
| n.争吵，冲突，倾轧，竞争 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
78
retinue
|
|
| n.侍从；随员 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
79
acquitted
|
|
| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
80
goodwill
|
|
| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
81
exchequer
|
|
| n.财政部；国库 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
82
severely
|
|
| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
83
descended
|
|
| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
84
proximity
|
|
| n.接近，邻近 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
85
resoluteness
|
|
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
86
engraved
|
|
| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
87
allusions
|
|
| 暗指，间接提到( allusion的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
88
seething
|
|
| 沸腾的，火热的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
89
dedicated
|
|
| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
90
loathsome
|
|
| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
91
gratitude
|
|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
92
mantle
|
|
| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
93
spurted
|
|
| （液体，火焰等）喷出，（使）涌出( spurt的过去式和过去分词 )； （短暂地）加速前进，冲刺 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
94
rumoured
|
|
| adj.谣传的；传说的；风 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
95
garb
|
|
| n.服装，装束 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
96
martial
|
|
| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
97
consummated
|
|
| v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 )；使完美；完婚；（婚礼后的）圆房 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
98
insignificant
|
|
| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
99
pretext
|
|
| n.借口，托词 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
100
purely
|
|
| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
|
101
betrothal
|
|
| n. 婚约, 订婚 | |
参考例句： |
|
|
|
| 欢迎访问英文小说网 |