In proceeding2 to trace the development and characteristics of Puritanism in an English colony, I beg to remark that I write, not as an Englishman, but as a Canadian colonist3 by birth and life-long residence, and as an early and constant advocate of those equal rights, civil and religious, and that system of government in the enjoyment4 of which Canada is conspicuous5.
In tracing the origin and development of those views and feelings which culminated6 in the American Revolution, in the separation of thirteen colonies from Great Britain, it is necessary to notice the early settlement and progress of those New England colonies in which the seeds of that revolution were first sown and grew to maturity7.
The colonies of New England resulted from two distinct emigrations of English Puritans; two classes of Puritans; two distinct governments for more than sixty years. The one class of these emigrants were called "Pilgrim Fathers," having first fled from England to Holland, and thence emigrated to New England in 1620, in the Mayflower, and called their place of settlement "New Plymouth," where they elected seven Governors [Pg 2]in succession, and existed under a self-constituted government for seventy years. The other class were called "Puritan Fathers;" the first instalment of their emigration took place in 1629, under Endicot; they were known as the Massachusetts Bay Company, and their final capital was Boston, which afterwards became the capital of the Province and of the State.
The characteristics of the separate and independent government of these two classes of Puritans were widely different. The one was tolerant and non-persecuting8, and loyal to the King during the whole period of its seventy years' existence; the other was an intolerant persecutor9 of all religionists who did not adopt its worship, and disloyal from the beginning to the Government from which it held its Charter.
It is essential to my purpose to compare and contrast the proceedings10 of these two governments in relation to religious liberty and loyalty11. I will first give a short account of the origin and government of the "Pilgrim Fathers" of New Plymouth, and then the government of the "Puritan Fathers" of Massachusetts Bay.[1]
In the later years of Queen Elizabeth, a "fiery12 young clergyman," named Robert Brown, declared against the lawfulness13 of both Episcopal and Presbyterian Church government, or of fellowship with either Episcopalians or Presbyterians, and in favour of the absolute independence of each congregation, and the ordination14 as well as selection of the minister by it. This was the origin of the Independents in England. The zeal15 of Brown, like that of most violent zealots, soon cooled, and he returned and obtained a living again in the Church of England, which he possessed16 until his death; but his principles of separation and independence survived. The first congregation was formed about the year 1602, near the confines of York, Nottingham, and Leicester, and chose for its pastor17 John Robinson. They gathered for worship secretly, and were compelled to change their places of meeting in order to elude18 the pursuit of spies and soldiers. After enduring many cruel sufferings,[Pg 3] Robinson, with the greater part of his congregation, determined19 to escape persecution21 by becoming pilgrims in a foreign land. The doctrines23 of Arminius, and the advocacy and sufferings of his followers24 in the cause of religious liberty, together with the spirit of commerce, had rendered the Government of Holland the most tolerant in Europe; and thither25 Robinson and his friends fled from their persecuting pursuers in 1608, and finally settled at Leyden. Being Independents, they did not form a connection with any of the Protestant Churches of the country. Burke remarks that "In Holland, though a country of the greatest religious freedom in the world, they did not find themselves better satisfied than they had been in England. There they were tolerated, indeed, but watched; their zeal began to have dangerous languors for want of opposition26; and being without power or consequence, they grew tired of the indolent security of their sanctuary27; they chose to remove to a place where they should see no superior, and therefore they sent an agent to England, who agreed with the Council of Plymouth for a tract28 of land in America, within their jurisdiction29, to settle in, and obtained from the King (James) permission to do so."[2]
During their twelve years' pilgrimage in Holland they were good citizens; not an accusation30 was brought against any one of them in the courts; they were honourable31 and industrious32, and took to new trades for subsistence. Brewster, a man of property, and a gentleman in England, learned to be a printer at the age of forty-five. Bradford, who had been a farmer in England, became a silk-dyer. Robinson became noted33 as a preacher and controversialist against Arminianism.
Bradford, the historian of their colony and its Governor for eleven years, gives the chief reasons for their dispute in Holland and of their desire to remove to America.[3]
As to what particular place these Pilgrims should select for settlement in America, some were for Guiana, some for Virginia; but they at length obtained a patent from the second or Northern Virginia Company for a settlement on the northern[Pg 4] part of their territory, which extended to the fortieth degree of North latitude—Hutchinson Bay. "The Dutch laboured to persuade them to go to the Hudson river, and settle under the West India Company; but they had not lost their affection for the English, and chose to be under their government and protection."[4] Bancroft, after quoting the statement that "upon their talking of removing, sundry34 of the Dutch would have them go under them, and made them large offers," remarks: "But the Pilgrims were attached to their nationality as Englishmen, and to the language of their times. A secret but deeply-seated love of their country led them to the generous purpose of recovering the protection of England by enlarging her dominions35. They were restless with the desire to live once more under the government of their native land."[5] It appears from Bradford's History, as well as from his Letter Book, and other narratives37, that there were serious disputes and recriminations among the Pilgrim exiles and their friends in England, before matters could be arranged for their departure. But only "the minor38 part [of Robinson's congregation], with Mr. Brewster, their elder, resolved to enter upon this great work." They embarked39 at Delft Haven40, a seaport41 town on the River Maeser, eight miles from Delft, fourteen miles from Leyden, and thirty-six miles from Amsterdam. The last port from which they sailed in England was Southampton; and after a tempestuous42 passage of 65 days, in the Mayflower, of 181 tons, with 101 passengers, they spied land, which proved to be Cape20 Cod43—about 150 miles north of their intended place of destination. The pilot of the vessel44 had been there before and recognised the land as Cape Cod; "the which," says Bradford, "being made and certainly known to be it, they were not a little joyful45."[6] But though the Pilgrims[Pg 5] were "not a little joyful" at safely reaching the American coast, and at a place so well known as Cape Cod; yet as that was not their intended place of settlement, they, without landing, put again to sea for Hudson river (New York), but were driven back by stress of weather, and, on account of the lateness of the season, determined not to venture out to sea again, but to seek a place of settlement within the harbour.
As the Pilgrims landed north of the limits of the Company from which they received their patent, and under which they expected to become a "body politic46," it became to them "void and useless." This being known, some of the emigrants on board the Mayflower began to make "mutinous47 speeches," saying that "when they came ashore48 they would use their own liberty, for none had power to command them." Under these circumstances it was thought necessary to "begin with a combination, which might be as firm as any patent, and in some respects more so." Accordingly, an agreement was drawn49 up and signed in the cabin of the Mayflower by forty-one male passengers, who with their families constituted the whole colony of one hundred and one.[7] Having thus provided against disorder50 and[Pg 6] faction51, the Pilgrims proceeded to land, when, as Bradford says, they "fell upon their knees and blessed the God of heaven who had brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and delivered them from all the perils52 and miseries53 thereof, again to set their[Pg 7] feet on the firm and stable earth, their proper element."[8] Of the manner of their settlement, their exposures, sufferings, labours, successes, I leave the many ordinary histories to narrate54, though they nearly all revel55 in the marvellous.[9]
I will therefore proceed to give a brief account of the Plymouth government in relation to religious liberty within its limits and loyalty to the Mother Country.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] From the nature of the facts and questions discussed, the following history is largely documentary rather than popular; and the work being an historical argument rather than a popular narrative36, will account for repetitions in some chapters, that the vital facts of the whole argument may be kept as constantly as possible before the mind of the reader.
[2] Burke's (the celebrated56 Edmund) Account of European Settlements in America. Second Edition, London, 1758, Vol. II., p. 143.
[3] Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation57, pp. 22-24. Massachusetts Historical Collection, 4th Series, Vol. III.
[4] History of Massachusetts, Vol. I., pp. 11, 12.
[5] History of the United States, Vol. I., p. 304.
[6] Many American writers and orators58 represent the Pilgrims as first finding themselves on an unknown as well as inhospitable coast, amidst shoals and breakers, in danger of shipwreck59 and death. But this is all fancy; there is no foundation for it in the statement of Governor Bradford, who was one of the passengers, and who says that they were "not a little joyful" when they found certainly that the land was Cape Cod; and afterwards, speaking of their coasting in the neighbourhood, Bradford says, "They hasted to a place that their pilot (one Willm. Coppin, who had been there before) did assure them was a good harbour, which he had been in." (History of Plymouth Plantation, p. 86.) They did not even go ashore on their first entrance into Cape Cod harbour; but, as Bradford says, "after some deliberation among themselves and with the master of the ship, they tacked60 about and resolved to stand for the southward, to find some place about Hudson river for their habitation." (Ib., p. 117.) "After sailing southward half a day, they found themselves suddenly among shoals and breakers" (a ledge61 of rocks and shoals which are a terror to navigators to this day); and the wind shifting against them, they scud62 back to Cape Cod, and, as Bradford says, "thought themselves happy to get out of those dangers before night overtook them, and the next day they got into the Cape harbour, where they rode in safety. Being thus arrived in a good harbour, and brought safe to land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of heaven," &c.
The selection, before leaving England, of the neighbourhood of the Hudson river as their location, showed a worldly sagacity not to be exceeded by any emigrants even of the present century. Bancroft designates it "the best position on the whole coast." (History of the United States, Vol. I., p. 209.)
[7] The agreement was as follows:—"In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread63 Sovereign Lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, Defender64 of the Faith, &c., having undertaken, for the glory of God and advancement65 of the Christian66 faith, and honour of our King and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of [then called] Virginia, do by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and of one another, covenant67 and combine ourselves together into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation68, and furthermore of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue69 hereof to enact70, constitute, and frame such just laws, ordinances71, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most mete72 and convenient for the general good of the colony, unto which we promise all due submission73 and obedience74. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed75 our names at Cape Cod, the 11th of November, in the 18th year of the reign22 of our Sovereign Lord King James, of England, France, and Ireland the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth. Anno Dom. 1620." Mr. John Carver was chosen Governor for one year.
This simple and excellent instrument of union and government, suggested by apprehensions76 of disorder and anarchy77, in the absence of a patent for common protection, has been magnified by some American writers into an almost supernatural display of wisdom and foresight78, and even the resurrection of the rights of humanity. Bancroft says, "This was the birth of popular constitutional liberty. The middle ages had been familiar with charters and constitutions; but they had been merely compacts for immunities79, partial enfranchisements, patents of nobility, concessions80 of municipal privileges, or the limitations of sovereign in favour of feudal81 institutions. In the cabin of the Mayflower humanity recorded its rights, and instituted a government on the basis of 'equal laws' for the 'general good.'" (History of the United States, Vol. I, p. 310.)
Now, any reader of the agreement will see that it says not a word about "popular constitutional liberty," much less of the "rights of humanity." It was no Declaration of Independence. Its signers call themselves "loyal subjects of the King of England," and state one object of their emigration to be the "honour of our King and country." The Pilgrim Fathers did, in the course of time, establish a simple system of popular government; but from the written compact signed in the cabin of the Mayflower any form of government might be developed. The good sense of the following remarks by Dr. Young, in his Chronicles of the Pilgrims of Plymouth, contrast favourably82 with the fanciful hyperboles of Bancroft: "It seems to me that a great deal more has been discovered in this document than the signers contemplated83. It is evident that when they left Holland they expected to become a body politic, using among themselves civil government, and to choose their own rulers from among themselves. Their purpose in drawing up and signing this compact was simply, as they state, to restrain certain of their number who had manifested an unruly and factious84 disposition85. This was the whole philosophy of the instrument, whatever may have since been discovered and deduced from it." (p. 120.)
[8] Bradford's History of the Plymouth Plantation, p. 78. "The 31st of December (1620) being Sabbath, they attended Divine service for the first time on shore, and named the place Plymouth, partly because this harbour was so called in Capt. John Smith's map, published three or four years before, and partly in remembrance of very kind treatment which they had received from the inhabitants of the last port of their native country from which they sailed." (Moore's Lives of the Governors of Plymouth, pp. 37, 38.)
The original Indian name of the place was Accomack; but at the time the Pilgrims settled there, an Indian informed them it was called Patuxet. Capt. John Smith's Description of New England was published in 1616. He says, "I took the description as well by map as writing, and called it New England." He dedicated86 his work to Prince Charles (afterwards King Charles II.), begging him to change the "barbarous names." In the list of names changed by Prince Charles, Accomack (or Patuxet) was altered to Plymouth. Mr. Dermer, employed by Sir F. Gorges87 and others for purposes of discovery and trade, visited this place about four months before the arrival of the Pilgrims, and significantly said, "I would that Plymouth [in England] had the like commodities. I would that the first plantation might here be seated if there come to the number of fifty persons or upward."
[9] See following Note:—
Note on the Inflated88 American Accounts of the Voyage and Settlement of the Pilgrim Fathers.—Everything relating to the character, voyage, and settlement of the Pilgrims in New England has been invested with the marvellous, if not supernatural, by most American writers. One of them says, "God not only sifted89 the three kingdoms to get the seed of this enterprise, but sifted that seed over again. Every person whom He would not have go at that time, to plant the first colony of New England, He sent back even from mid-ocean in the Speedwell." (Rev. Dr. Cheever's Journal of the Pilgrims.)
The simple fact was, that the Mayflower could not carry any more passengers than she brought, and therefore most of the passengers of the Speedwell, which was a vessel of 50 tons and proved to be unseaworthy, were compelled to remain until the following year, and came over in the Fortune; and among these Robert Cushman, with his family, one of the most distinguished90 and honoured of the Pilgrim Fathers. And there was doubtless as good "seed" in "the three kingdoms" after this "sifting91" of them for the New England enterprise as there was before.
In one of his speeches, the late eloquent92 Governor Everett, of Massachusetts, describes their voyage as the "long, cold, dreary93 autumnal passage, in that one solitary94, adventurous95 vessel, the Mayflower of forlorn hope, freighted with prospects96 of a future state, and bound across the unknown sea, pursuing, with a thousand misgivings97, the uncertain, the tedious voyage, suns rise and set, and winter surprises them on the deep, but brings them not the sight of the wished-for shore. The awful voice of the storm howls through the rigging. The labouring masts seem straining from their base; the dismal98 sound of the pumps is heard; the ship leaps, as it were, madly from billow to billow; the ocean breaks, and settles with engulfing99 floods over the floating deck, and beats with deadening, shivering weight against the staggering vessel."
It is difficult to imagine how "winter" could surprise passengers crossing the ocean between the 6th of September and the 9th of November—a season of the year much chosen even nowadays for crossing the Atlantic. It is equally difficult to conceive how that could have been an "unknown sea" which had been crossed and the New England coasts explored by Gosnold, Smith, Dermer and others (all of whom had published accounts of their voyage), besides more than a dozen fishing vessels100 which had crossed this very year to obtain fish and furs in the neighbourhood and north of Cape Cod. Doubtless often the "suns rose and set" upon these vessels without their seeing the "wished-for shore;" and probably more than once, "the awful voice of the storm howled through their rigging," and "the dismal sound of their pumps was heard," and they "madly leaped from billow to billow," and "staggered under the deadening, shivering weight of the broken ocean," and with its "engulfing floods" over their "floating decks." The Mayflower was a vessel of 180 tons burden—more than twice as large as any of the vessels in which the early English, French, and Spanish discoverers of America made their voyages—much larger than most of the vessels employed in carrying emigrants to Virginia during the previous ten years—more than three times as large as the ship Fortune, of 53 tons, which crossed the ocean the following year, and arrived at Plymouth also the 9th of November, bringing Mr. Cushman and the rest of the passengers left by the Speedwell the year before. Gosnold had crossed the ocean and explored the eastern coasts of America in 1602 in a "small bark;" Martin Pring had done the same in 1603 in the bark Discovery, of 26 tons; Frobisher, in northern and dangerous coasts, in a vessel of 25 tons burden; and two of the vessels of Columbus were from 15 to 30 tons burden, and without decks on which to "float" the "engulfing floods" under which the Mayflower "staggered" so marvellously. All these vessels long preceded the Mayflower across the "unknown ocean;" but never inspired the lofty eloquence101 which Mr. Everett and a host of inferior rhapsodists have bestowed102 upon the Mayflower and her voyage. Bancroft fills several pages of his elaborate history to the same effect, and in similar style with the passages above quoted. I will give a single sentence, as follows:—"The Pilgrims having selected for their settlement the country near the Hudson, the best position on the whole coast, were conducted to the most barren and inhospitable part of Massachusetts." (History of the United States, Vol. 1., p. 309.)
There was certainly little self-abnegation, but much sound and worldly wisdom, in the Pilgrims selecting "the best position on the whole coast" of America for their settlement; and there is as little truth in the statement, though a good antithesis—the delight of Mr. Bancroft—that the Pilgrims were conducted to "the most barren and inhospitable part of Massachusetts" for "actual settlement," as appears from the descriptions given of it by Governors Winslow and Bradford and other Pilgrim Fathers, written after the first and during the subsequent years of their settlement. I will give but two illustrations. Mr. Winslow was one of the passengers in the Mayflower, and was, by annual election, several years Governor of the Plymouth colony. It has been stated above that the ship Fortune, of 53 tons burden, brought in the autumn of 1621 the Pilgrim passengers who had been left in England the year before by the sea-unworthiness of the Speedwell. The Fortune anchored in Plymouth Bay the 9th of November—just a year from the day on which the Mayflower spied the land of Cape Cod. Mr. Winslow prepared and sent back by the Fortune an elaborate "Relation" of the state and prospects of the colony, for the information of the merchant adventurers and others in England. He describes the climate, soil, and all the resources of the colony's means of support, together with the process and result of the first year's labour. I will simply give his account of the manner in which they celebrated what in England would be called a "Harvest Home." He says: "Our harvest being got in, our Governor sent four men on fowling103, that so we might, after a more special manner, rejoice together after we had gathered the fruit of our labours. They four in a day killed as much fowl104 as, with little help besides, served the company almost a week; at which time, amongst other recreations, we exercised our arms. Many of the Indians came amongst us, and amongst the rest their greatest king, Massasoit, with some ninety men, whom for three days we entertained and feasted; and they went out and killed fine deer, which they brought to the Plantation, and bestowed them on our Governor, and upon the Captain and others; and although it be not always so plentiful105 with us, we are so far from want that we often wish you partakers of our plenty."
Governor Bradford, writing in 1646, twenty-five years after this feast, and referring to it, says: "Nor has there been any general want of food amongst us since to this day." (Morton's Memorials, p. 100.)
Such was the result of the first year's experience in this chosen place of settlement by the first New England colony, as stated by the most distinguished of its founders106. During the winter of this year more than half the pioneer settlers had died of a prevalent sickness,—not owing to the climate, but their sea voyage, their want of experience, and to temporary circumstances, for not a death occurred amongst them during the three succeeding years. As great as was the mortality amongst the noble colonists107 of New England, it was far less, comparatively, than that which fell upon the first colonists of Virginia, who were, also, more than once almost annihilated108 by the murderous incursions of the Indians, but from whom the Pilgrim Fathers did not suffer the loss of a life.
In his "true and brief Relation," Mr. Winslow says: "For the temper of the air here, it agreeth well with that in England; and if there be any difference at all, this is somewhat hotter in summer. Some think it colder in winter, but I cannot out of experience say so. The air is very clear and foggy, not as hath been reported. I never in my life remember a more seasonable year than we have here enjoyed."
Mr. Winslow's doubt as to whether the cold of his first winter in New England exceeded that of the ordinary winters which he had passed in England, refutes the fictitious109 representations of many writers, who to magnify the virtues110 and merits of the Plymouth colonists, describe them as braving, with a martyr's courage, the appalling111 cold of an almost Arctic winter—a winter which enabled the new settlers to commence their gardens the 16th of March, and they add in their Journal: "Monday and Tuesday, March 19th and 20th, proved fair days. We digged our grounds and sowed our garden seeds."
Not one of the American United Empire Loyalists—the Pilgrim Fathers of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick—could tell of a winter in the countries of their refuge, so mild, and a spring so early and genial112, as that which favoured the Pilgrim Fathers of New England during their first year of settlement; nor had any settlement of the Canadian Pilgrim Fathers been able to command the means of celebrating the first "Harvest Home" by a week's festivity and amusements, and entertaining, in addition, ninety Indians for three days.
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1
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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culminated
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| v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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maturity
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| n.成熟；完成；(支票、债券等)到期 | |
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persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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lawfulness
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| 法制，合法 | |
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ordination
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| n.授任圣职 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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pastor
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| n.牧师，牧人 | |
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elude
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| v.躲避，困惑 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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haven
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| n.安全的地方，避难所，庇护所 | |
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41
seaport
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| n.海港，港口，港市 | |
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tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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43
cod
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| n.鳕鱼；v.愚弄；哄骗 | |
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vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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ashore
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| adv.在(向)岸上，上岸 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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narrate
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| v.讲，叙述 | |
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revel
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| vi.狂欢作乐，陶醉；n.作乐，狂欢 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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shipwreck
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| n.船舶失事，海难 | |
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tacked
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| 用平头钉钉( tack的过去式和过去分词 )； 附加，增补； 帆船抢风行驶，用粗线脚缝 | |
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ledge
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| n.壁架，架状突出物；岩架，岩礁 | |
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scud
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| n.疾行；v.疾行 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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defender
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| n.保卫者，拥护者，辩护人 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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covenant
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| n.盟约，契约；v.订盟约 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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enact
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| vt.制定(法律)；上演，扮演 | |
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ordinances
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| n.条例，法令( ordinance的名词复数 ) | |
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mete
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| v.分配；给予 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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gorges
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| n.山峡，峡谷( gorge的名词复数 )；咽喉v.（用食物把自己）塞饱，填饱( gorge的第三人称单数 )；作呕 | |
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inflated
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| adj.（价格）飞涨的；（通货）膨胀的；言过其实的；充了气的v.使充气（于轮胎、气球等）( inflate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）膨胀；（使）通货膨胀；物价上涨 | |
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sifted
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| v.筛( sift的过去式和过去分词 )；筛滤；细查；详审 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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91
sifting
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| n.筛，过滤v.筛( sift的现在分词 )；筛滤；细查；详审 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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engulfing
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| adj.吞噬的v.吞没，包住( engulf的现在分词 ) | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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101
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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102
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
fowling
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| 捕鸟，打鸟 | |
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104
fowl
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| n.家禽，鸡，禽肉 | |
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plentiful
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| adj.富裕的，丰富的 | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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107
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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109
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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111
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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