The Northern States up to this time had not come under the influence of the Superintendent2 at Fort Stedman. The Chief Commissioner3 had decided4 that no expedition should be sent into those States until after the rains of 1887, unless it became absolutely necessary for the support of the friendly Sawbwa of Hsipaw. The chief had been able, as has been explained (p. 147), with the alliance of San Ton Hon to hold his own and to defeat their opponents headed by Naw M?ng and the Chaunggwa Prince. If he had stopped at that point much misery5 and destruction would have been saved. But Hkun Saing's vanity had been inflated6 by the reception he had received at Mandalay when ten years' revenue had been remitted7 to him and the States of M?ngtung, Mangl?n, and Hsumhsai made over to him, and he cherished visions of further aggrandisement. San Ton Hon was very much of the same mind.
After defeating the Prince they turned their forces southward and made an attack on Hsenwi Alelet, where comparative peace had been maintained by the Pa-?k-Chok at M?ngyai. San Ton Hon led his troops down by the east while Hsipaw's men, under the Sawbwa's father-in-law, went by the west. Mr. Hildebrand had heard of their designs and sent them orders to desist. The allies persisted, however, alleging8 that they were acting9 under instructions from Mandalay. M?ngyai was occupied. The Pa-?k-Chok and Naw M?ng, who was with him, escaped[161] to M?ngnawng and sent messengers to Fort Stedman praying for redress10. They were ordered to remain quiet until the Superintendent should come to Hsenwi. San Ton Hon remained in M?ngyai making arrangements for administering the district. He then left for the town of Hsenwi in obedience12 to a further order from Mr. Hildebrand. By the end of August, 1887, peace had been restored, that is to say, active fighting had ceased in the Northern States, and the contending parties awaited the coming of the Superintendent to settle their claims. Little harm would have resulted from the turbulence13 of Hsipaw and San Ton Hon if they had restrained their followers14 from ravaging15 the country. These bandits, San Ton Hon's Kachins at the head of them, had burnt and destroyed everything. Thus the autumn of 1887 saw the cessation of bloodshed in both the Northern and Southern States. All were beginning to look to the British representative at Fort Stedman as the final arbitrator of disputes, and trade began to revive.
Meanwhile the objects to be aimed at and the measures to be taken in the ensuing open season of 1887-8 were occupying the Chief Commissioner. Mr. Hildebrand was invited to Mandalay, and the subject was fully16 discussed and settled in consultation17 with him. The main lines of the policy to be followed in relation to the States were defined. The conditions upon which the chiefs were to hold their States under the British Government were determined18 and embodied19 in a patent, or sanad, to use the Indian term, for the greater chiefs, and in a letter of appointment for the lesser20. By the sanad the recipient21 was recognized as a feudatory chief and empowered to govern his territories in all matters whether criminal, civil, or revenue, and was authorized23 to nominate for the approval of the Government a fit person according to Shan usage to be his successor. These privileges were made subject to certain conditions, one of which was the payment of a tribute, settled for five years at the amount previously24 paid to the King, and liable to revision thereafter. The forests and royalties25 on all minerals and precious stones were reserved to the Government. Order was to be maintained by the chief, the rights and[162] customs of the people were to be respected, and trade protected. All disputes arising between one State and another were to be referred to the Superintendent, at whose headquarters the chief was to maintain an agent or representative. The order of appointment given to the lesser men bound them to pay the revenue assessed by the Superintendent, and in all matters connected with the administration of their districts to conform to the instructions and orders issued by the Chief Commissioner or the Superintendent.
It was decided that each chief or ruler, whether known by the title of Sawbwa or some lesser designation, should be required to appear in person, to make a declaration of allegiance, and to subscribe26 to the terms of his sanad. Where there were rival claimants, weight was to be given to the fait accompli, and to considerations of expediency27 rather than to those of abstract right or justice. It was not held incumbent29 on the British Government to go behind existing facts or to inquire how the man in possession came by his power, provided he appeared to be a person capable of maintaining order.
Some matters of importance hitherto unsettled were decided by the Chief Commissioner at this time. The important State of Lawksawk had been left in temporary charge of a Burman Myo?k (vide page 154). There was a man named Hkun Nu who had been the (hereditary30) Myoza of a small State called Tabet by the Burmans, Tamhpak by the Shans. He had been deposed31 about 1892 by the Burman Government because he could not raise the revenue demanded from the State. He lived in great poverty in Mandalay until the deposition32 of the King. His case coming to the Chief Commissioner's notice, a small allowance, enough to keep him alive, was made to him. Hkun Nu proved himself useful in giving information about the Shan country and in taking letters, not without some personal risk, to various potentates33. He accompanied the expedition to the Shan States early in 1887, and was found by Mr. Hildebrand to be both intelligent and trustworthy and to be a person of some influence in the Shan country. On Mr. Hildebrand's recommendation, and with the goodwill34 of many of the notables of Lawksawk, and of some[163] of the principal Sawbwas such as M?ngnai and M?ngpawn, he was appointed by the Chief Commissioner to be Sawbwa of Lawksawk, a territory of 4,048 square miles and paying a gross revenue of Rs. 27,297. Thus from being the dismissed magistrate36 of a petty district, earning a small wage as a guide and messenger, Hkun Nu became the ruler of a considerable and wealthy State by a sudden turn of the wheel of fortune. It may be recorded here that the State prospered37 under him. On his death in 1900 he was succeeded by his son, who was summoned to Rangoon in 1906, and presented to their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Wales. He received the decoration of K.S.M. on the 1st of January, 1907, and has done much in the way of road-making and otherwise to improve his country.
Another matter that came up was the Sawbwa of M?ngnai's claim to the adjacent State of Kengtawng, which had been made over by the Burmese Government to Twet Nga Lu. Orders were now passed confirming the Sawbwa's title to administer Kengtawng as a State subordinate to him.
Many important questions remained, which could not be settled until the Superintendent was able to visit each State with a sufficient military escort to mark his authority and to render opposition38 improbable. Hsenwi was in a disturbed and distracted condition and had to be pacified39 and arrangements made for its administration. The method in which the group of smaller States on the western edge of the plateau known as the Myélat was to be administered had also to be considered and decided. The nearness of these States to Mandalay had resulted in diminishing their independence. Their position was in fact not much different from that of a purely40 Burman district. Then there were the Trans-Salween States, with which communication had not as yet been established. Five of the smallest of these had been claimed by the Siamese. Another very difficult matter was the attitude of the Karennis, whose relations with the British Government it was necessary to define. In the case of every State, big or little, the amount paid as revenue during the King's time had to be ascertained41, the tribute payable43 to the British[164] Government to be determined, and engagements to be taken for its regular payment.
In Mr. Hildebrand's expedition in the beginning of 1887 only one force had been employed. Experience showed that the area to be dealt with was too large for one column. While the force was in the south, fighting and disturbances44 were going on in the north. The appearance of two expeditions, one starting from Mandalay and visiting the north, the other from Fort Stedman, taking the Southern States and then moving up to combine with the first, would make a greater impression than a single force of much larger strength. Rumour45 would magnify the numbers of each, and if opposition were contemplated46 by any of the chiefs, he would not know where to direct his attack. For these reasons it was decided to employ two columns. The larger, under command of Major Swetenham, 27th P.I., was composed of:—
2 guns 1-1 Eastern Division, R.A.
50 rifles—West Surrey Regiment47.
150 rifles—27th P.I.
25 British}
25 Native} Mounted Infantry48
20 lances—1st Bombay Lancers.
It assembled at Fort Stedman, and was called the Southern Shan Column.
The smaller column was commanded by Major Yates, 1-1 Eastern Division, R.A., and included the following troops:—
2 guns 1-1 Eastern Division, R.A.
50 rifles—Royal Munster Fusiliers.
100 rifles—43 G.L.I. (Bombay Army).
50 rifles—Native} Mounted Infantry.
25 rifles—British}
This column was designated the Northern Shan Column. Its starting-point was Maymyo (Pyinulwin), forty miles from Mandalay.
To Mr. Hildebrand, as Superintendent of the Shan States, was given the chief political charge, and, within certain[165] limits laid down by the Chief Commissioner, the movements of the columns and the measures to be taken for the pacification49 of the country were left to his discretion50. He was to accompany the Southern Column, and Mr. J. G. Scott was appointed to go with him as his Assistant. Lieutenant51 H. Daly was posted as civil officer with the Northern Column. In all political matters he was placed entirely52 under Mr. Hildebrand, and was told that he was to act, and only to act, under his instructions.
The relations of Mr. Hildebrand to the military officers in command of the columns were carefully defined. The primary object of the expeditions was to establish peace, decide disputes, and lay the foundations of orderly rule for the future. The need of warlike operations was not anticipated. The military officers commanding were instructed therefore to give to the civil officers every assistance in carrying out the wishes of Government that could be given with due regard to the safety and well-being53 of the troops. In the event of hostilities54 becoming necessary, then the civil officer was to stand aside while the soldiers became solely55 responsible for the planning and carrying out of the necessary operations. The maintenance of the strictest discipline was enjoined56, and the most scrupulous57 exactitude in paying for labour and supplies. Troops and followers were made to understand that they were operating in a friendly country.
Instructions were given to Mr. Hildebrand as to the route to be taken by each column, the matters demanding his attention, and the principles by which he was to be guided. Mr. Daly with the Northern Column was to move through Hsipaw to Northern Hsenwi, then to Tawngpeng, the chief of which State was still recalcitrant58; and thence returning to Hsipaw, he was to march to M?ngyai in Central Hsenwi.
Mr. Hildebrand with the Southern Column was to go to M?ngpai, thence to Mawkmai, thence to M?ngpan, and then to M?ngnai, which was a convenient centre for the settlement of many matters. After a halt there, which it was anticipated might extend to several weeks, the column was to turn northward59 and march through the[166] intervening States to M?ngyai, which it was to reach about the same time as the Northern Column. The idea was to bring the two columns together in Hsenwi, where the contending parties of San Ton Hon, Naw Hpa, Naw M?ng and Nga Aw the Pa-?k-Chok, whom San Ton Hon and the Hsipaw Sawbwa had expelled from M?ngyai, were expected to give trouble. At M?ngyai, the settlement of the large State of Hsenwi—the most difficult, perhaps, of the duties entrusted60 to Mr. Hildebrand—would have to be taken in hand.
The Southern Column started on the 22nd of November, 1887, on its five months' march through the States. Before it moved, the chiefs of the Myélat and the Sawbwas and Myozas of States in the neighbourhood of Fort Stedman, were called in; the revenue to be paid by each was fixed61, and the drafts of their sanads and letters of appointment given to them. There was no difficulty with any of them except Saw ?n, the Sawbwa of Yawnghwè, who owed his position to the support afforded to him by the British Government. He objected to the payment of revenue, and feigned62 illness to avoid appearing before the Superintendent. He made it almost impossible to get coolies or bullocks, except directly through him and at most exorbitant63 rates. He exhibited, in fact, a fine example of a swollen64 head. But it may be that he partly believed in the truth of some absurd stories respecting the withdrawal65 of the British from Burma, which he was found afterwards to have spread abroad.
The first halt was made at Kaung-i, the residence of the M?ngpai Sawbwa. The settlement of the chronic66 feud22 between him and Pobye, the Karenni chief, was the main business here. Pobye appeared, and the Superintendent heard both parties. After vainly endeavouring to bring them to an agreement, Mr. Hildebrand induced them to pledge themselves to abide67 by the Chief Commissioner's decision, and meanwhile to keep the peace. At a later date, they submitted their case at Rangoon to the Chief Commissioner, who settled the dispute....
At M?ngpai every effort was made without success to induce Sawlapaw, the powerful chief of Eastern Karenni, to come in and arrange a modus vivendi with the British authorities. He remained obstinately68 hostile, and had to be chastised69 later on.
A Jungle Camp in the Shan States.
[167]
At this halt, where several chiefs were assembled, the principle of succession ruling in the Shan States was discussed. It appeared that as a rule succession devolved on the eldest70 son of the chief wife: failing her male issue, on the eldest male issue of the next wife. Failing heirs in the direct line, the succession went to collaterals71. This was shown to be the ancient custom not to be departed from except in the case of obvious unfitness of the heir for the duties of his position either from incapacity or from vice72. In Loilong and Hsahtung some questions relating to minor73 chiefships were settled. It was found that on this south-western frontier of the Shan States the inhabitants were mostly Karens and kindred races split up into small tribes speaking different dialects, timid and shy people submitting to the tyranny of dacoits and outlaws74 who sought a refuge in their hills from the pursuit of the police and troops in the low country.
The column marched through the Mawkmai territory to M?ngpan. No special matter had been marked for settlement in Mawkmai. But it was noted76 that the villagers in the south stood in great fear of Sawlapaw, and paid blackmail77 to him. Work in the forests of Southern and South-eastern Mawkmai had been stopped on account of the hostility78 of the Karenni chief. The adjacent country was practically deserted79, and the complaints against Sawlapaw were loud. Mawkmai, however, at this time was the most wealthy and prosperous of the Shan States, and the Sawbwa seemed powerful enough to hold his own against any of his neighbours.
From Mawkmai the column went on to M?ngpan. Here they met the Siamese Commissioners80 and Mr. Archer81, His Majesty's Acting Vice-Consul at Chiengmai (Zimme), who had come to discuss the claim made by the Bangkok Government to some small States east of the Salween. M?ngpan had been taken and burnt by the filibuster82 Twet Nga Lu, who had so far recognized British authority that after his expulsion from Kengtawng by Kun Kyi, the M?ngnai Sawbwa, he came to Fort Stedman and laid his claim before the Superintendent. It was considered and rejected by the[168] Chief Commissioner. Thereupon he collected a regiment of bravi, as numerous in the Shan States in 1887 as in Italy of the Middle Ages, and descending83 on Kengtawng burnt whatever had escaped former devastations. Compelled to retreat by the Sawbwa's men, he retired85 south on M?ngpan, and captured it in December, 1887. Again driven out by the M?ngnai troops, he fell back beyond the Salween, the M?ngnai men following him. But as the pursuit led them into the territory of M?ngtung and M?ng Hang, which were claimed by the Siamese, they were ordered by the Superintendent to retire to the right bank of the Salween. Twet Nga Lu was left encamped close to M?ngtung, where a small Siamese garrison86 was stationed, and he thus escaped for the time. He was proclaimed a rebel and dacoit and every chief in the Shan States was desired to treat him as an outlaw75. This was the situation at M?ngpan when the Southern Column met Mr. Archer and the Siamese Commissioners at that place.
The four States in dispute with Siam were M?ngtung, M?ng Hang, M?ng Hta, and M?ng Kyawt. They were claimed by the British Government as part of the undoubtedly87 Burman State M?ngpan, but had been occupied secretly by the Siamese. A fifth, M?ng Hsat, was also claimed by them, but no garrison had been placed in it. It was and always had been a dependency of Kengtung, with which the Siamese could not pretend to have any connection. The Siamese claim had its origin in the conduct of the local rulers (Phayas) of these little territories in the disturbed times following the overthrow88 of King Thebaw.
The Mawkmai Sawbwa made a successful attack on M?ngpan in the cold season of 1886-7. Earlier in the same year the Siamese had moved up a large force from Chiengmai, ostensibly to assist the British in maintaining order: more probably in the hope of picking up some fragments for themselves when the Burman Government went to pieces. Under these circumstances the local rulers, threatened with burning and robbery by Mawkmai, with invasion and slavery by Siam, sought the protection of the more powerful Siamese and drank the water of allegiance to Chiengmai. This was the only foundation for the claim made by the Bangkok Government. Their assertion that[169] the States had been under Siam for a century had nothing to support it. The population was admittedly Shan. A report of the facts was drawn89 up and sent to the Chief Commissioner. Meanwhile a modus vivendi was arranged by Mr. Hildebrand with the Siamese Commissioner on the basis of maintaining the status quo, preserving peace, and abstaining90 from working the forests in the States until the dispute was settled by the Governments of the two countries. It may be stated here that a decision in favour of the British claim was announced in 1888 and effect given to it. Four States were restored to M?ngpan, and possession of the fifth, M?ng Hsat, confirmed to Kengtung.
The State of M?ngpan contains a broad area of good paddy land, and in former times exported large quantities of paddy. When Mr. Hildebrand visited it he found the lands devastated91. With the one exception of Laikha it had suffered more than any other Shan State. The town had been repeatedly burnt by filibusters92. The great bulk of the population had fled over the Salween and scattered93 through the smaller States, some even going as far as Chiengmai (Zimme) and Kengtung. Leaving M?ngpan, the column reached M?ngnai on the 7th of January, 1888, and halted there for some weeks. M?ngnai had been the place of assemblage of the Cis-Salween chiefs in the King's time. All of them had been warned in advance to meet Mr. Hildebrand at M?ngnai, and all except the Sawbwa of Laikha, the Myozas of M?ng Kung and Kehsi Mansam, who had started too late, were present. The chiefs assembled at M?ngnai were:—
The M?ngnai Sawbwa.
The M?ngpawn Sawbwa.
The M?ngpan Sawbwa.
The Mawkmai Sawbwa.
The Wanyin Myoza.
The Nawng Wawn Myoza.
The Hsahtung Myoza.
The M?ngsit Myoza.
The M?ngnawng Myoza.
The Hopong Myoza.
The Keng Hkam Myoza.
The Nam Hkok Myoza.
Naw M?ng, son of Naw Hpa, who was claimant of Hsenwi, and Kun Aw, who was Pa-?k-Chok of M?ngyai in Hsenwi Alelet, and had been ejected by San Ton Hon and Hkun Sa, the exiled chief of M?ngtung, were also present.
[170]
The question of tribute was one in which all took a keen interest, and it was fully discussed. The right of the British Government to demand tribute was not contested. But the manner of it, whether it should be in the form of annual presents or of money to be raised from the people by a house tax, was the subject of dispute. The exemption94 for ten years which had been given to the Sawbwa of Hsipaw caused much heartburning and led to demands for a similar indulgence.
Eventually, however, all agreed to pay tribute, the amount for the next five years being that which had been paid yearly in King Mindon's time.
The Trans-Salween States from various causes did not appear at M?ngnai. But a dispute between Mawkmai and M?ngnai regarding the right to a small Trans-Salween State of M?ng Pu was settled satisfactorily in favour of M?ngnai. Mawkmai's claim had no strong foundation, and after the facts had been set forth95, the Sawbwa accepted them and yielded in a peaceable and graceful96 fashion. It was evident that already the authority of the British Government had been acknowledged by all, and that its decisions would be obeyed.
On the 20th of January Mr. Hildebrand held a Durbar, which all the chiefs, and a very great number of the smaller folk, attended. The draft patents and letters of appointment were given to the chiefs, along with suitable presents, and the advantages of the peace which would follow the establishment of British authority were pointed35 out to them by the Superintendent in a speech. A march past and a sham-fight by the troops gave them an opportunity of comparing British disciplined and trained troops with their own disorderly and ill-equipped followers. Sports followed the Durbar, affording amusement to all and giving a common ground on which all could unite. The wisdom and the excellent results of holding these meetings cannot be denied.
On the 22nd of January, 1888, the column left M?ngnai and started on its way to M?ngyai, where it will be recollected97 (p. 166) it was to meet with the Northern Column and Mr. Daly. The route to be taken on this march had been left by the Chief Commissioner to Mr. Hildebrand's[171] discretion. Is has been seen that the Laikha group of States were not represented at the Durbar. The Superintendent, therefore, instead of taking the route to the east through M?ngnawng, which was reputed to be the shorter, took a western road leading through Laikha, M?ng Kung, and Kehsi Mansam. It proved to be the easiest route that could have been followed, and showed the troops to as large a number of States as possible.
On the second march out the Sawbwa of Laikha and the Myoza of M?ng Kung were met coming to meet the Superintendent. They turned and marched with the column. They said that difficulties in procuring98 supplies had delayed them, and the truth of this statement was proved by the appearance of the countryside when the next march brought the force into Laikha territory—a wide billowy plain not long ago closely cultivated and well peopled: now deserted and waste. "The face of the land," wrote the Superintendent, "was deserted and desolate99 as an American pampas or a Russian steppe. We marched along the main north road which had clearly been not long since a wide thoroughfare travelled over by many men and many cattle. Now it was narrowed to a mere100 path which encroaching bushes and rank grass threatened at no great distance of time altogether to obliterate101. Marks of tigers were seen here and there on the clay trodden hard by the feet of many wayfarers102 now no more to be seen. The few householders who remained were gaunt with hunger, and had not energy enough left to pull up the bamboo spikes103 which had been placed in the ground during the fighting which was the primary cause of all this misery, emphasized by the famine which succeeded as a necessary result. The Hsen (local headman) spiked104 his foot coming out to meet the column."
The description of the town of Laikha is not less melancholy105. It has been on the decline for years. "Civil wars and local disturbances have ruined it slowly but surely." It was one of the finest and wealthiest places in the State, and there were many splendid monasteries106 and elaborate pagodas107. These were found deserted and falling to pieces, the shrines108 left to moulder109 away without a single pious110 offering, the jungle coming up to their very thresholds and creepers tearing the bricks asunder111.
[172]
Leaving Laikha on the 30th of January, three marches brought the column to M?ngkung, a State blessed with very fertile soil and good streams. But here also local dissension and Burman interference had brought ruin. On the death of the chief (designated Myoza), one Hkun Saing was able by bribery112 or intrigue113 to procure114 an order from Mandalay giving him the succession. The people, however, clung to the rightful heir, the son of the deceased Myoza, a boy of ten or twelve. Hkun Sang persuaded the neighbouring State of M?ngnawng to take his part. Kehsi Mansam took the boy's side. Nearly every village in both States was burnt, and the able-bodied men were too absorbed in the fight to till the soil. Ruin and famine followed in the track of the fighting, which did not cease until our troops arrived on the Shan plateau. The only villages to which any prosperity remained were those in the hills inhabited by tribes of a Karen origin who held aloof115 from Shan politics. At M?ngkung the minor chief of M?ngsang and M?nghsu came to see the Superintendent. Here also news came that Mr. Daly with the Northern Column had reached Hsenwi and had received from San Ton Hon a promise that he would come to M?ngyai. This hopeful information regarding San Ton Hon enabled the Superintendent to issue a proclamation in Shan to the monks116, headmen, and elders of Hsenwi, assuring them that a settlement of their affairs would certainly be made and ordering them to attend at M?ngyai.
From M?ngkung to Kehsi Mansam was four marches through a country marked by the ravages118 of war. Nevertheless the Myoza, "an undersized, insignificant-looking creature, addicted119 to the use of opium," was not too depressed120 to come out fifteen miles to meet the column, which he played into the town with a band of local musicians and dancers leading the way.
Matters relating to some minor States were discussed at Kehsi Mansam, and the peaceful settlement of Hsenwi seemed not distant. But it was sanguine121 to expect that people who had been engaged in petty wars for years would take suddenly to the ways of peace. The lion does not all at once lie down with the lamb, nor it might be said more appropriately does the jackal make peace with the wild dog.[173] Two days after the arrival of the column at Kehsi Mansam it was reported that an attack had been made on M?ngyai and San Ton Hon's deputy driven out. The men who headed this adventure were nephews of the Pa-?k-Chok and gave out that they were acting for that personage with the Superintendent's approval. As the Pa-?k-Chok and Naw M?ng had accompanied the force ever since it marched from M?ngnai, it was feared that this story might seem probable to San Ton Hon and might prevent him from coming to M?ngyai. Letters, therefore, were sent to reassure122 him and to explain that the expulsion of his man from M?ngyai would not influence the decision of the Superintendent.
From Kehsi Mansam, passing through the Alelet or Central Division of Hsenwi, the column reached M?ngyai on the 15th of February, 1888. Mr. Daly, with the Northern Column, joined Mr. Hildebrand on the 1st of March. Kun San Ton Hon came with him. Meanwhile all the headmen of various denominations123, uncouth124 to English ears, Myozas, Heins, Seins, Ta M?ngs, and Kin11 M?ngs, had collected in obedience to the Superintendent's summons, and were busy no doubt in discussing the situation and the best methods of settlement and comparing the present condition of the State broken up into petty divisions, none of them powerful enough for self-defence, with the comparative order which had prevailed when it was under its hereditary Sawbwas, who could show an unbroken succession for two hundred years.
On the 1st of March, when San Ton Hon arrived with Mr. Daly, all the Hsenwi claimants were assembled at M?ngyai. Naw M?ng—representing his father, Naw Hpa, who was a refugee with the Kachins in the north; Sang Aw, the Pa-?k-Chok, who claimed the Central Division; and San Ton Hon, who claimed the whole State. Naw Hpa was pronounced on all sides to be too old and infirm to rule. Naw M?ng claimed as his heir and representative the whole of Hsenwi, excepting some of the southern subdivisions, which had been given independence in the King's time. His attitude was most reasonable. He confessed his obligations to the British Government. Unless they had occupied Mandalay and removed Thebaw, he and his sister would[174] have been lying still in hopeless imprisonment125. He was ready to bow to the Superintendent's decision, whatever it might be. The Pa-?k-Chok was even more accommodating. He was an old worn man whose only title to be considered in the matter was that he had preserved the peace in the Central Division at a critical time. He would be quite content if he were permitted to administer M?ngyai. San Ton Hon, who had no rightful title to any part of Hsenwi, not unnaturally126 laid claim to all the country that was or had been known by that name. On reflection, however, he adopted an attitude of greater humility127 and declared his willingness to abide by the decision of the Superintendent.
The points to which the Superintendent's inquiry128 should be directed had been laid down by the Chief Commissioner in the instructions given him. Amongst other points, such as the history of the several claimants, their sources of influence and their ability and power to govern, the Chief Commissioner had laid stress on the real wishes of the people of Hsenwi as a whole or of such parts of it as should be separately considered. "You should then," he wrote, "pending129 a full reference to the Chief Commissioner, make such arrangements for the administration of Theinni [Hsenwi] as you deem most fitting, bearing in mind that the great object to be attained130 is peace in the country. You must not be guided either in your provisional arrangements or in your recommendations solely by considerations of abstract right or abstract justice. You must give great weight to considerations of expediency and keep prominently before your mind that Theinni [Hsenwi] must have strong permanent Government in order to ensure peace and prosperity; and that the chief or chiefs must be both friendly to the British Government and ready and able to give proof of friendship by prompt and powerful action should such be necessary." The question whether the policy should be to unite the country into one large State, or to recognize the divisions into which it had been broken up, was left to Mr. Hildebrand's discretion, but an inclination131 in favour of the large State was indicated.
It was decided to hold a conference of all the persons interested in this matter and to ascertain42, so far as might be possible, the views and wishes of the people. A large[175] (Mandat or) temporary hall was constructed by the Pa-?k-Chok for the assemblage. On the date fixed, the 3rd of March, 1888, "about fifty headmen of circles, many superiors of monasteries, monks, sidesmen, almoners, and village elders were assembled, while outside gathered great numbers of the common people from all parts of the country. There were also present beside the claimants, representatives of all the chief Southern States and of Hsipaw." In fact, it was an assemblage of all the estates of the realm in the Shan country—the Lords Temporal, the Lords Spiritual, and the Commons. They had come together to assist in deciding by whom and how the Hsenwi territory should be governed. And they had come at the call of a Government which had taken a visible form in the Shan country only a year before, which only two years previously had displaced the King of Burma to whom the Shans had been subject for centuries, and which was still fighting in Burma proper against the adherents132 of the King. It was certainly an achievement not easily matched in the history of conquests or annexations133, and showed the confidence in our power and our justice which a very short experience had been able to create.
It was not a mere show; the people had not assembled themselves to register a foregone decision. The Superintendent was making an honest attempt to ascertain the wishes of all classes. The machinery135 was rude. But it was quite as likely to succeed in its object as the elaborate devices of advanced democracies which give free play to the arts of false-tongued demagogues and afford them every opportunity of bamboozling136 electors, most of whom are more ignorant of the issues than the Shans who assembled at M?ngyai.
The method adopted for taking the votes was to call upon each head of a circle to record his opinion, and then to take the opinion of the assembly. The first question put was whether Hsenwi should be reunited or whether it should remain divided, and if divided, into how many parts. The opinion against reunion into one State was manifested unmistakably. On the second point there was much discussion, but the result showed a balance, and a large balance, of opinion in favour of two States, North and South.[176] The great majority, when the question of the rulers to be appointed was put, gave the North to San Ton Hon, and the South to Naw M?ng. The Pa-?k-Chok did not press his claim. "On the whole," the report says, "considerable intelligence and a shrewd appreciation137 of the novel idea of an open election were displayed, and a member of the outside crowd created some amusement by his vigorous championing of San Ton Hon. This unexpected interlude had a very good effect in putting most of the headmen at their ease and in persuading the entire assemblage that the election was a perfectly138 open matter, and that any one present might give his opinion and his reasons for holding it." The Shans were evidently a primitive139 people in election matters at least, and had to learn the art of breaking up meetings and silencing opponents.
After electing the Sawbwas of Northern and Southern Hsenwi, the boundary to be fixed between the two divisions was discussed and settled with the acquiescence140 of San Ton Hon and Naw M?ng, but against the views of some of the latter's people, who thought that Southern Hsenwi was shorn of some territory which ought to belong to it.
Further disagreement between the Naw M?ng and his people followed when on the second day of the Durbar the amount of revenue to be paid by the two divisions respectively came to be considered. The Naw M?ng offered spontaneously to pay the sum formerly141 paid to the King by the Alelet Division, without making any deduction142 on account of the circles which the boundary now adopted had given to the Northern territory. This easy attitude of their newly appointed chief caused acute discontent, which afterwards manifested itself. San Ton Hon was a man of different stamp. The Naw M?ng had offered a revenue of Rs. 15,000. San Ton Hon made a stand against paying more than Rs. 500. He agreed, after much talking, to pay Rs. 2,000. The Northern Division of Hsenwi was no doubt much poorer at the time than the South. Still the amount was considerably143 less than the State ought to have paid. The Superintendent, however, thought it wiser to accept it than to risk a rupture144 with San Ton Hon.
[177]
The unequal treatment was impolitic as well as unfair and bred trouble in Southern Hsenwi. A month after the column left M?ngyai a rising against Naw M?ng was organized by the discontented party, and he had to make his escape by flight. Mr. Daly, who was at Hsipaw, rode out at once with a small party and summoned all the heads of circles to M?ngyai. An inquiry was held, the leaders of the revolt were arrested and tried by the Sawbwa of South Hsenwi, and were sentenced to terms of imprisonment. New headmen were appointed in place of those condemned145. Mr. Daly returned to Hsipaw, and the Naw M?ng had no further trouble to contend with. The settlement of Hsenwi made at the M?ngyai Durbar has stood the test of time and is a monument to the officers concerned in bringing it about.
Leaving M?ngyai on the 7th of March, the column marched to Lashio by easy stages.
Nothing has been said hitherto as to the Northern Shan Column which accompanied Mr. Daly. Mr. Daly had preceded the force to Hsipaw and made arrangements for its progress. He had despatched letters to the Northern chiefs announcing his coming, and reassuring146 them as to the nature of the movement.
The route laid down for the Northern Shan Column by the Chief Commissioner was from Hsipaw to the northern part of Hsenwi; thence westward147 to Namhsan, the chief town in Tawngpeng; then back to Hsipaw and from Hsipaw on to M?ngyai to meet the Southern Column. No independent powers were given to Mr. Daly, who was to place himself in all political matters under Mr. Hildebrand's orders. He was to act as the precursor148 of the Superintendent, summoning the chiefs and headmen and explaining to them the objects of Mr. Hildebrand's coming. He was also to collect information as to the state of affairs and the position of the various factions149 in Hsenwi. He was given authority, however, to insist on the cessation of fighting, and empowered, if the necessity should arise, to use force in maintaining peace. He was empowered also to take action in Tawngpeng for securing the submission150 of the Sawbwa, and to require him to pay tribute for the past year of such sum as he (Mr. Daly) might judge[178] reasonable, explaining that this payment was exacted because the Sawbwa had harboured disaffected151 persons.
The Northern Column left Hsipaw on the 29th of December, 1887, and crossed into Tawngpeng territory. All the villages were deserted, and on the 30th of December the advance- and rear-guards were simultaneously152 fired into. Two mules153 were killed and a driver wounded. A few volleys into the bush dispersed154 the attacking party. The town of Namhsam was reached on the 31st. All the inhabitants had disappeared. Mr. Daly remained eight days, in the hope of inducing the Sawbwa to come in, but without success. He was able, however, to restore confidence. The townspeople returned to their houses, and on the march of the column to Hsenwi the villagers on the road watched the troops without concern. The attack on the column was afterwards explained. There was an old standing155 feud between Tawngpeng and Hsipaw, dating from a treacherous156 massacre157 of Tawngpeng officials by the grandfather of Hkun Saing, the Sawbwa of Hsipaw. Mr. Daly had been several weeks in Hsipaw, and a number of Hsipaw bullock-drivers were with the column. This aroused the suspicions of the Tawngpeng officials, and orders were given to oppose any armed men from Hsipaw. However this may have been, the misunderstanding was only for a time.
Mr. Daly then went on to the town of Hsenwi, or rather to the site of the town, for the town had been destroyed, to meet San Ton Hon, who after some hesitation158 came in to see him and arranged to attend the Conference at M?ngyai. The Northern Column then marched east to the Kunlon Ferry on the Salween, to Mansi, where San Ton Hon joined Mr. Daly and accompanied him to M?ngyai. Except that the submission of the Tawngpeng Sawbwa had not been obtained owing to his timidity or hostility, the task appointed to the Northern Column had been executed with complete success.
But to go back. After the Durbar was over at M?ngyai, the Southern Column, according to its wont159, gave a display for the popular delight. On the first day there was a sham-fight, which was viewed with much interest by chiefs and followers; and on the second, garrison sports, which it[179] is related "proved a great attraction and tended in no small degree to bring the troops and the people together and to produce good feeling on both sides."
All hope of meeting any of the great Trans-Salween chiefs was now past. Various causes had prevented them from coming in, amongst others a raid made across their track to M?ngnai by the irrepressible Twet Nga Lu, and some mischievous160 lies spread by Saw ?n of Yawnghwè regarding the withdrawal of the British forces. Trans-Salween affairs had therefore to be laid aside for a more convenient season. But much useful information was gathered and recorded by the Superintendent and Mr. Scott.
From Lashio the column moved to Panglon, a village on the eastern borders of Tawngpeng territory, to which place the chief had been summoned to meet the Superintendent and make his submission. He did not obey the summons, but sent excuses for his absence alleging age and infirmities, and saying that he wished his son to be accepted as Sawbwa in his room. Two days afterwards this son, entitled the Naw M?ng, accompanied by most of the chief officials, came in, and with humble161 apologies for the attack made on the Northern Column, tendered his allegiance to the British Government. As it appeared that the old Sawbwa was nearly eighty years of age, it was decided to accept the Naw M?ng, Hkun Kyan, as chief, and to draw out the sanad, or patent, in his name. This was done, and the amount of revenue to be paid by Tawngpeng was determined. It may be recorded here that Hkun Kyan administered the State for seven years until 1895, when he resigned on account of ill-health. A cousin succeeded him but proved incompetent162, and in 1904 a Government officer was put in charge of Tawngpeng. At present, the Sawbwa is administering the State satisfactorily.
Having settled this matter, the column marched into Hsipaw. It is worth noting that Hkun Saing, the chief of Hsipaw, had obtained greater favour from the British Government than any other of the Shan chiefs. The more prominent of them bitterly resented the concessions163 made to Hkun Saing, namely: the remission of his revenue for ten years and the conferment on him of the three States of M?ngtung, M?nglong, and Hsumhsai, to which he had[180] no right. His services to the British Government consisted in this, that he came down to meet the Chief Commissioner at Mandalay and was the first to make his submission to the Queen-Empress. It might have been expected, therefore, that he would have made some show of providing shelter and supplies for the troops. He did nothing. The extraordinary favours which he had received led him to think that he must be necessary to the Government, and he made no effort to prove his gratitude164. The gift of M?ngtung to Hkun Saing was resented by the inhabitants of that State, who claimed independence and wished to be ruled by their hereditary chief, who had been dismissed by the Sawbwa of Hsipaw. Similar were the feelings of the people of M?nglong, whose hereditary ruler, Nga Maung, gave great trouble to our administration. Mr. Hildebrand worked hard to arrive at some settlement by which peace might be assured. He was unsuccessful, and M?ngtung as well as M?nglong was torn by dissension for some years. At length in 1893, owing to this and other administrative165 failures, a British officer was appointed to advise and guide the Sawbwa Hkun Saing, and by this means peace and order were restored.
On the 9th of April, after a tour of four months and nineteen days, the Southern Shan Column, under Colonel Swetenham, accompanied by Mr. Hildebrand and Mr. Scott, marched into Mandalay. The expedition had done its work well. Every chief, big and little, in the Cis-Salween States had been met and his formal recognition of British supremacy166 obtained. Long-existing feuds167 had been set at rest, and claims the subject of prolonged fighting peaceably adjudicated. The revenue payable by each State had been ascertained, and with one or two exceptions definitely fixed. The Southern Column had marched upwards168 of seven hundred miles, and had passed through the territory of every important chief. The few minor States untraversed by it had been visited either by Captain Jackson, R.E., of the Government of India Survey, or by Lieutenant Stanton, D.S.O., of the Intelligence Department, accompanied in each case by small parties of troops; and by their labours a map had been constructed on which the position of every important place in the Cis-Salween States was scientifically fixed. Moreover, a mass of information regarding the Shan country, its main features and products, and the character and politics of the people, was collected, invaluable169 to those engaged in administering this wide country.
Pagodas at Mang Kao—Shan States.
[181]
If the Shans generally on the west of the Salween have accepted British rule and learned to trust our good faith and moderation, the credit must be given to the work done by the two columns. Although that work was in the main of a civil character, and the military force was there as an escort and a protection in case of need, yet the soldiers deserve quite as great a share of the blessing170 promised to the peacemaker as the civilians171. In building the Indian Empire, soldiers and civilians have always worked hand in hand. In Burma and the Shan States the old tradition was not belied172.
The civil officers with the columns recorded their gratitude to Colonel Swetenham and his officers for their unwearying efforts to assist the Superintendent in his communications with the chiefs and the people. But more than that: "It remains173 to be noted," writes Mr. Scott, "that this desire to aid the Superintendent in his duties was no less conspicuous174 among the native officers, and the men, alike of the 2nd Queen's, the Battery, and the 27th Punjab Infantry. The native officers in particular took a most intelligent and evidently real interest in the objects of the expedition. They not only succeeded in suppressing all crime and ill-treatment of the people by the sepoys and followers, but they were foremost in showing the example of friendly and social intercourse175 with the people. Nearly every one in the regiment had picked up during their two years' stay in Burma a certain amount of Burmese; to this was added a few words of Shan; and these used freely on all occasions, whether apposite or not, never failed to break down the nervousness and awe176 with which the population was at first disposed to regard us. Whenever we halted for any time, friendships were struck up between the troops and the people, and that the goodwill and esteem177 thus created was not merely superficial or assumed was more than once proved in the most satisfactory manner. Followers were lost or strayed away from[182] the camp. In every case these animals or men were taken care of, fed, and in some cases clothed and physicked and eventually sent on to join the column." A further proof of the friendliness178 of the people was the immunity179 of the mails from detention180 or pillage181. Although sent without guards by native runners, they were invariably delivered after passing sometimes through many States and many hands. "If, therefore," concludes Mr. Scott, "as there can be no doubt is the case, the Cis-Salween States have definitely and thankfully accepted our suzerainty, no small share of the credit of our success is due to the exertions182 of the officers of the Shan Column."
In dealing183 with semi-savage184 and ignorant races, the power of rumour and misrepresentation can hardly be overestimated185. When the Shans saw that the Southern Column left no detachment behind it at M?ngnai, and instead of returning from Hsenwi to Fort Stedman marched down to Mandalay, rumour began to be busy and the ignorant imagination of the people to seek reasons for this movement. Ready at hand to supply food for fancy was Saw ?n, the Yawnghwè Sawbwa. An intriguer186 and gossip by nature, he sat down to write letters to all the greater chiefs, informing them that the garrison at Fort Stedman had been reduced to forty men. This advanced person had already begun to take in some of the Rangoon papers and to read the telegrams, which he could not understand but from which he contrived187 to extract the notion that there was going to be a European war and that the British were withdrawing their troops from Burma, to which the notices in the papers of troops leaving in the course of the ordinary reliefs seemed to point. These letters reached men even more ignorant than himself. The impression gained ground that the British power was passing, and the disappointed claimants, the adventurers, and the men with a grievance188 saw an opportunity for action.
It will be remembered that the chief of Eastern Karenni had not met Mr. Hildebrand at M?ngnai. The country of the Karenni, or Red Karens, has an area of nearly five thousand square miles, much of which is hill and forest. On the east it is bounded by Siamese territory; on the north by the Shan States; on the south by Lower Burma;[183] and on the west by a hill tract28 which separates it from the level country of Burma proper. It is divided into Eastern Karenni and Western Karenni. We are concerned at present with the former, which consists of one single State, Gantarawadi. The ruler of this State was Sawlapaw. He resided at the chief place, Saw Lon, and he is aptly described by Mr. Scott as a stubborn man from his youth, who had grown old in the belief that his country was impregnable and his people in their hills invincible189. He was confirmed in this unfounded belief by the extraordinary timidity and cowardice190 of the Shans, who habitually191 submitted to be raided and robbed, and to see their people carried away into slavery by this overbearing savage and his men.
Now Sawlapaw had a long-standing grievance with the adjoining Shan State of Mawkmai. The cause, or the alleged192 cause, was the seizure193 by the Sawbwa of Mawkmai, twenty-two years before, of a number of elephants and timber in Karenni forests. He had endeavoured to get redress from the Burmese Government twice, but without success. The Burmese Government had disappeared, and now he had seen a British force come and go, he was told for good and all. He thought his opportunity had come, and advanced on Mawkmai. The Sawbwa of that State, by name Hkun Hmon, had a bad conscience. His father, Ne Nwe, the man whom Sawlapaw accused of robbing him of his elephants, had died some time back. According to Shan custom Hkun Hmon ought to have buried his father and divided the personality amongst certain relations who were entitled to it. Shan custom demanded that the burial should precede the payment of the legacies194. Hkun Hmon disliking the idea of parting with the property, put off the burial indefinitely, making, it may be hoped, some sort of decent, if temporary, shelter for his father's body, by placing it, for example, in a coffin195 of teak with a generous covering of honey.
Now the principal legatees were in M?ngnai, and were connections of the M?ngnai Sawbwa. Hence the "Smock-faced" Hkun Hmon, as Mr. Scott dubs196 him, when he heard of the Karenni force advancing upon him, knowing that M?ngnai and the Karenni chief were allies, became conscience-stricken;[184] and, imagining that a combined attack would be made on him, fled without raising a finger to defend himself. The Karenni entered Mawkmai on the 2nd of March without let or hindrance197. They proceeded to burn the town and ravage117 the country. They destroyed everything. Even the monasteries and bridges were burnt. The Mawkmai Valley, which up to that time had escaped devastation84 and was the only part of the Shan States that had been spared, was completely ruined. Sawlapaw then appointed a man of his own to be Sawbwa of Mawkmai, and declared the State to be annexed198 to Karenni. Hitherto Eastern Karenni had been treated with much forbearance by the Chief Commissioner—more, perhaps, because it was inconvenient199 to move against it just then than from a desire to spare Sawlapaw.
Mr. Scott, after returning to Mandalay with the Southern Shan Column (see p. 180), had hurried back by the Natteik Pass to Fort Stedman. Late in April the Chief Commissioner sent him orders to clear the Karenni out of Mawkmai and restore the rightful Sawbwa, Hkun Hmon. He left Fort Stedman on the 2nd of May, with a party under Colonel Sartorius of the Beleuchi Regiment, to execute these orders.
The same influences which had led Sawlapaw to go on the warpath, at this moment had operated on the energetic mind of Twet Nga Lu. Since his expulsion from Kengtawng by the M?ngnai troops (vide p. 168) he had remained on the east of the Salween, and had collected a number of his ruffianly followers who had been able to get arms and powder from Chiengmai. Crossing the river he took the town of M?ngpan on the 4th of March, the day after the Karenni's seizure of Mawkmai.
The news of these disturbances had reached Mr. Hildebrand at Hsipaw. He had sent orders to the M?ngnai Sawbwa to collect men to expel Twet Nga Lu and to reinstate Hkun Hmon in Mawkmai. Hkun Kyi raised what men he could and attacked Twet Nga Lu's position, but he was defeated, followed up by the bandit, and had to seek safety in flight. This happened on the evening of the 3rd of May.
On the 6th of May fugitives200 from M?ngnai brought the[185] news of this catastrophe201 to Mr. Scott, who was en route to Mawkmai with Colonel Sartorius. There was no hesitation. The direction of the march was at once changed to M?ngnai. Mr. Scott saw at once the lucky chance offered to him of making an end of Twet Nga Lu. On the 9th of May a halt was made at Kanglu, nine miles west of M?ngnai. The morning of the 10th of May was very wet, which rendered a surprise of the enemy more possible. Mr. Scott had studied the ground when he was with the Southern Column, and felt able to guide a mounted party in the hope of capturing the noted filibuster. There was no Mounted Infantry with the column. All the officers' ponies202 were requisitioned. Six men of the Rifle Brigade and one man of the Beleuchi Regiment were thus mounted; and under the command of Lieutenant Fowler of the Beleuchis, and led by Mr. Scott, the little party started on the adventure.
Following bypaths over the hills, they escaped notice, and the heavy rain falling kept most of the peasants under shelter. The town was entered by the south. Mr. Scott, knowing the ground, led them straight to the Sawbwa's haw—palace is too grand a name—a teak and bamboo structure with a stockade203 round it. Evidently the brigand204 felt quite secure. Hardly any one was about, and Twet Nga Lu himself was in bed in the verandah. He was seized and secured before he quite knew what had happened. This could not be done, however, without some noise, which brought in an armed crowd of his chief retainers. Mr. Scott ordered them peremptorily205 to sit down, which is the Burmese equivalent of "Hands up!" They hesitated. A straight blow between the eyes dropped the foremost. The rest sat down at once, and before they had time to count their opponents or take stock of the situation, the riflemen had collected their arms. An anxious and rather bad time followed until firing was heard, and the gallant206 little advance party knew that their supports had come into action. Colonel Sartorius entered the town from the north, and after a slight engagement, in which four of the ruffians were killed, the town was cleared of the armed rabble207 which had held it.
Along with Twet Nga Lu were taken six notable captains, the chief of whom was Hkun Sang M?ng Cheng, his most[186] trusted bravo, for years a terror to the hillside for his cruelty. He and Twet Nga Lu were famous for their powers of tattooing208 and charming, and all of them were universally believed to be proof against bullet or steel. Mr. Scott decided to let the M?ngnai Sawbwa try them, all except Twet Nga Lu, according to Shan custom. The Sawbwa sentenced them to death, and after the Superintendent had considered and confirmed the sentence, they were shot on a crowded market-day in M?ngnai, by a firing-party of Beleuchi Rifles. The executions were carried out in the presence of British officers and with every regard to humanity and decency209. No greater scoundrels have ever met with a more deserved punishment. "All these malefactors," records the Superintendent, "were charmed against bullet and sword wound, and news of their death spread like wildfire throughout the States, and has done much to reform previously incorrigible210 murderers."
Twet Nga Lu himself was sent into Fort Stedman, presumably as being too noted a personage to be dealt with by a Sawbwa. The Shan States, on the annexation134 of Upper Burma, had been swept into the net and were constituted a part of British India before accurate information had been gained of their political conditions and their relations to the King's Government. On this account there were technical difficulties in the way of a trial by the Superintendent. The Chief Commissioner's orders to the Assistant Superintendent were in these words: "As to the prisoners, including Twet Nga Lu, send such as are Siamese subjects or natives of doubtful States in custody211 to Fort Stedman; make over natives of British Shan States to M?ngnai Sawbwa for trial and punishment according to Shan custom—but do not allow any cruel or barbarous punishments. Take care that Twet Nga Lu does not effect his escape. If the M?ngnai Sawbwa sentences any prisoner to death for an offence other than murder, suspend execution until you get orders on this point." Mr. Hildebrand was instructed therefore to send Twet Nga Lu back to M?ngnai to be tried by the Sawbwa. On the way he attempted to escape, and was shot by the Beleuchi guard escorting him. The men returned to Fort Stedman and reported what had happened, saying that they had buried him on the spot.
It was desired to verify this statement, as there might have been trouble if the brigand had escaped, or even if the Shans had not believed him to have been killed. Unfortunately Mr. Scott, who was at M?ngnai, was too unwell to go to the place, and did not visit it for some time. When he was able to go he found the marks of a very shallow hole, but no human remains of any kind except a long lock of hair, which might have been Twet Nga Lu's. The Shans, however, all believed that Twet Nga Lu was dead, and there was no reason to discredit212 the report of the Beleuchi sepoys.
All doubt on this point was removed afterwards. The scene of the brigand's death was in the wooded hills which border M?ngpawn. The day after he was shot a party of Shans from M?ngpawn disinterred, or rather lifted, the corpse213 from its shallow grave, and shook off the loose earth. The head was cut off, shaved, and sent to M?ngnai, and exhibited there at the north, south, east, and west gates of the town during the absence of the Assistant Superintendent at Fort Stedman. The various talismans214 were removed from the trunk and limbs. Such charms are generally small coins or pieces of metal, which are inserted under the skin. These would be doubly prized as having been enshrined in the flesh of so noted a leader, and no doubt were eagerly bought up. The body was then boiled down, and a concoction215 known to the Shans as Mahè Si was obtained, which is an unfailing charm against all kinds of wounds. So valuable a "medicine" did not long remain in the hands of the poor, and soon found its way into some princely medicine-chest. The value attached to the fat of the tiger, and the demand for it by men of greater culture than the Shans could or can boast, are known to all Indian sportsmen. Such was the end of Twet Nga Lu. It was certainly, so far as the body is concerned, most complete.
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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superintendent
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| n.监督人，主管，总监；(英国)警务长 | |
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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decided
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misery
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inflated
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| adj.（价格）飞涨的；（通货）膨胀的；言过其实的；充了气的v.使充气（于轮胎、气球等）( inflate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）膨胀；（使）通货膨胀；物价上涨 | |
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remitted
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alleging
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acting
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redress
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kin
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obedience
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turbulence
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followers
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ravaging
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fully
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consultation
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determined
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embodied
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lesser
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recipient
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feud
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authorized
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previously
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royalties
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subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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27
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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28
tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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29
incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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30
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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31
deposed
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| v.罢免( depose的过去式和过去分词 )；（在法庭上）宣誓作证 | |
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32
deposition
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| n.免职，罢官；作证；沉淀；沉淀物 | |
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33
potentates
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| n.君主，统治者( potentate的名词复数 )；有权势的人 | |
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34
goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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35
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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36
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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37
prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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38
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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39
pacified
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| 使（某人）安静( pacify的过去式和过去分词 )； 息怒； 抚慰； 在（有战争的地区、国家等）实现和平 | |
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40
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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41
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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42
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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43
payable
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| adj.可付的，应付的，有利益的 | |
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44
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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45
rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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46
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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47
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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48
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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49
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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50
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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51
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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52
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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53
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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54
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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55
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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56
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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57
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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58
recalcitrant
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| adj.倔强的 | |
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59
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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60
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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62
feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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63
exorbitant
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| adj.过分的；过度的 | |
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64
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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65
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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66
chronic
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| adj.(疾病)长期未愈的，慢性的；极坏的 | |
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67
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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68
obstinately
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| ad.固执地，顽固地 | |
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69
chastised
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| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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70
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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71
collaterals
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| n.附属担保品( collateral的名词复数 ) | |
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72
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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73
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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74
outlaws
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| 歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯 | |
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75
outlaw
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| n.歹徒，亡命之徒；vt.宣布…为不合法 | |
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76
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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77
blackmail
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| n.讹诈，敲诈，勒索，胁迫，恫吓 | |
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78
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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79
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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80
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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81
archer
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| n.射手，弓箭手 | |
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82
filibuster
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|
| n.妨碍议事，阻挠；v.阻挠 | |
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83
descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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84
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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85
retired
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|
| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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86
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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87
undoubtedly
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|
| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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88
overthrow
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|
| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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89
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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90
abstaining
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|
| 戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的现在分词 )； 弃权（不投票） | |
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91
devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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92
filibusters
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|
| n.掠夺兵( filibuster的名词复数 )；暴兵；（用冗长的发言）阻挠议事的议员；会议妨碍行为v.阻碍或延宕国会或其他立法机构通过提案( filibuster的第三人称单数 )；掠夺 | |
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93
scattered
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|
| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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94
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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95
forth
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|
| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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96
graceful
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|
| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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97
recollected
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|
| adj.冷静的；镇定的；被回忆起的；沉思默想的v.记起，想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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99
desolate
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|
| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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100
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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101
obliterate
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| v.擦去，涂抹，去掉...痕迹，消失，除去 | |
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102
wayfarers
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| n.旅人，（尤指）徒步旅行者( wayfarer的名词复数 ) | |
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103
spikes
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| n.穗( spike的名词复数 )；跑鞋；（防滑）鞋钉；尖状物v.加烈酒于( spike的第三人称单数 )；偷偷地给某人的饮料加入（更多）酒精（ 或药物）；把尖状物钉入；打乱某人的计划 | |
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104
spiked
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|
| adj.有穗的；成锥形的；有尖顶的 | |
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105
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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106
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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107
pagodas
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| 塔，宝塔( pagoda的名词复数 ) | |
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108
shrines
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| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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109
moulder
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| v.腐朽，崩碎 | |
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110
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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111
asunder
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| adj.分离的，化为碎片 | |
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112
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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113
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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114
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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115
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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116
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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117
ravage
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| vt.使...荒废，破坏...；n.破坏，掠夺，荒废 | |
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118
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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119
addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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120
depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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121
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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122
reassure
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| v.使放心，使消除疑虑 | |
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123
denominations
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| n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 )；教派；面额；名称 | |
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124
uncouth
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| adj.无教养的，粗鲁的 | |
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125
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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126
unnaturally
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| adv.违反习俗地；不自然地；勉强地；不近人情地 | |
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127
humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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128
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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129
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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130
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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131
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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132
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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133
annexations
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| n.并吞，附加，附加物( annexation的名词复数 ) | |
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134
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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135
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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136
bamboozling
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| v.欺骗，使迷惑( bamboozle的现在分词 ) | |
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137
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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138
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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139
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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140
acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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141
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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142
deduction
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| n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎 | |
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143
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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144
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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145
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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146
reassuring
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| a.使人消除恐惧和疑虑的，使人放心的 | |
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147
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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148
precursor
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| n.先驱者；前辈；前任；预兆；先兆 | |
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149
factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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150
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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151
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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152
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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153
mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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154
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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156
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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157
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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158
hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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159
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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160
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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161
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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162
incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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163
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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164
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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165
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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166
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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167
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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168
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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169
invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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170
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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171
civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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172
belied
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| v.掩饰( belie的过去式和过去分词 )；证明（或显示）…为虚假；辜负；就…扯谎 | |
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173
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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174
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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175
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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176
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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177
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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178
friendliness
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| n.友谊，亲切，亲密 | |
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179
immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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180
detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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181
pillage
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| v.抢劫；掠夺；n.抢劫，掠夺；掠夺物 | |
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182
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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183
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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184
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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185
overestimated
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| 对（数量）估计过高，对…作过高的评价( overestimate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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186
intriguer
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| 密谋者 | |
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187
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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188
grievance
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| n.怨愤，气恼，委屈 | |
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189
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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190
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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191
habitually
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| ad.习惯地，通常地 | |
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192
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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193
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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194
legacies
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| n.遗产( legacy的名词复数 )；遗留之物；遗留问题；后遗症 | |
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195
coffin
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| n.棺材，灵柩 | |
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196
dubs
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| v.给…起绰号( dub的第三人称单数 )；把…称为；配音；复制 | |
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197
hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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198
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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199
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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200
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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201
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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202
ponies
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| 矮种马，小型马( pony的名词复数 )； ￡25 25 英镑 | |
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203
stockade
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| n.栅栏，围栏；v.用栅栏防护 | |
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204
brigand
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| n.土匪，强盗 | |
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205
peremptorily
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| adv.紧急地，不容分说地，专横地 | |
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206
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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207
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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208
tattooing
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| n.刺字，文身v.刺青，文身( tattoo的现在分词 )；连续有节奏地敲击；作连续有节奏的敲击 | |
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209
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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210
incorrigible
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| adj.难以纠正的，屡教不改的 | |
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211
custody
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| n.监护，照看，羁押，拘留 | |
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212
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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213
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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214
talismans
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| n.护身符( talisman的名词复数 )；驱邪物；有不可思议的力量之物；法宝 | |
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215
concoction
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| n.调配(物)；谎言 | |
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