Martin The Early Life of Luther. Luther was born the 10th of November, 1483, at Eisleben, in Saxony. His father was a miner, of Mansfield, and his ancestors were peasants, who lived near the summit of the Thuringian Forest. His early years were spent at Mansfield, in extreme poverty, and he earned his bread by singing hymns1 before the houses of the village. At the age of fifteen, he went to Eisenach, to a high school, and at eighteen entered the university of Erfurt, where he made considerable progress in the sciences then usually taught, which, however, were confined chiefly to the scholastic2 philosophy. He did not know either Greek or Hebrew, but read the Bible in Latin. In 1505, he took his degree of bachelor of arts, and, shortly after, his religious struggles commenced. He had witnessed a fearful tempest, which alarmed him, while on a visit at his father's house, and he was also much depressed3 by the death of an intimate friend. In that age, the serious and the melancholy4 generally sought monastic retreats, and Luther, thirsty after divine knowledge, and anxious to save his soul, resolved to forsake5 the world, and become a monk6. He entered an Augustinian monastery7 at Erfurt, soon after obtaining his first degree. But the duties and studies of monastic life did not give his troubled soul the repose8 he sought. He submitted to all the irksome labors10 which the monks11 imposed; he studied the fathers and the schoolmen; he practised the most painful austerities, and fastings, and self-lacerations: still he was troubled with religious fears. His brethren encouraged his good works, but his perplexities and doubts remained. In this state of mind, he was found by Staupitz, vicar-general of the order, who was visiting Erfurt, in his tour of inspection12, with a view to correct the bad morals of the monasteries13. He sympathized with Luther in his religious feelings, treated him with great kindness, and recommended the reading of the Scriptures14, and also the works of St. Augustine whose theological views he himself had embraced. Although St. Augustine was a great oracle17 in the Roman church, still, his doctrines19 pertaining20 to personal salvation21 differed in spirit from those which were encouraged by the Roman Catholic divines generally, who attached less importance to justification22 by faith than did the venerated23 bishop24 of Hyppo. In that age of abuses, great importance was attached, by the church, to austerities, penance25, and absolutions for money. But Luther, deeply imbued26 with the spirit of Augustine, at length found light, and repose, and joy, in the doctrine18 of justification by faith alone. This became more and more the idea of his life, especially at this time. The firmness of his convictions on this point became extraordinary, and his spiritual gladness now equalled his former depression and anxiety. He was soon to find a sphere for the development of his views.
Luther was consecrated27 as a priest in 1507, and in 1508 he was invited by Frederic, Elector of Saxony, to become a professor in the new university which he had established at Wittemberg. He was now twenty-five years of age, and the fact, that he should have been selected, at that early age, to teach dialectics, is a strong argument in favor of his attainments29 and genius.
He now began to apply himself to the study of the Greek and Hebrew, and delivered lectures on biblical theology; and his novel method, and great enthusiasm, attracted a crowd of students. But his sermons were more striking even than his lectures, and he was invited, by the council of Wittemberg, to be the preacher for the city. His eloquence31, his learning, and his zeal32, now attracted considerable attention, and the elector himself visited Wittemberg to hear him preach.
In 1512, he was sent on an embassy to Rome, and, while in Italy, obtained useful knowledge of the actual state of the hierarchy33, and of morals and religion. Julius II., a warlike pontiff, sat on the throne of St. Peter; and the "Eternal City" was the scene of folly34, dissipation, and clerical extortion. Luther returned to Germany completely disgusted with every thing he had seen—the levity35 and frivolity36 of the clergy37, and the ignorance and vices38 of the people. He was too earnest in his religious views and feelings to take much interest in the works of art, or the pleasures, which occupied the attention of the Italians; and the impression of the general iniquity39 and corruption40 of Rome never passed away, and probably gave a new direction to his thoughts.
On his return, in 1512, he was made doctor of divinity, then a great distinction, and renewed his lectures in the university with great ardor41. He gave a new impulse to the studies, and a new form to the opinions of both professors and students. Lupinus and Carlstadt, his colleagues, were converts to his views. All within his sphere were controlled by his commanding genius, and extraordinary force of character. Luther's Early Religious Struggles. He commenced war upon the schoolmen, and was peculiarly hostile to Thomas Aquinas, whom he accused of Pelagianism. He also attacked Aristotle, the great idol42 of the schools, and overwhelmed scholasticism with sarcasm43 and mockery.
Such was the state of things when the preachers of indulgences, whom Leo X. had encouraged, in order to raise money for St. Peter's Church, arrived in the country round the Elbe. They had already spread over Germany, Switzerland, and France. Their luxury and extravagance were only equalled by their presumption44 and insolence45. All sorts of crime were pardoned by these people for money. Among the most remarkable46 of these religious swindlers and peddlers was Tetzel. He was a friar of the Dominicans, apostolical commissioner47, inquisitor, and bachelor of theology. He united profligate48 morals with great pretensions49 to sanctity; was somewhat eloquent50, so far as a sonorous51 voice was concerned, and was very bold and haughty52, as vulgar men, raised to eminence53 and power, are apt to be. But his peculiarity54 consisted in the audacity55 of his pretensions, and his readiness in inventing stories to please the people, ever captivated by rhetoric56 and anecdote57. "Indulgences," said he, "are the most precious and sublime58 of God's gifts." "I would not exchange my privileges for those of St. Peter in heaven; for I have saved more souls, with my indulgences, than he, with his sermons." "There is no sin so great that the indulgence cannot remit59 it: even repentance60 is not necessary: indulgences save not the living alone,—they save the dead." "The very moment that the money clinks against the bottom of this chest, the soul escapes from purgatory61, and flies to heaven." "And do you know why our Lord distributes so rich a grace? The dilapidated Church of St. Peter and St. Paul is to be restored, which contains the bodies of those holy apostles, and which are now trodden, dishonored, and polluted."
Tetzel found but few sufficiently63 enlightened to resist him, and he obtained great sums from the credulous64 people. This abomination excited Luther's intensest detestation; The Ninety-Five Propositions. and he accordingly wrote ninety-five propositions, and nailed them, in 1517, to the gates of the church, in which he denounced the traffic in indulgences, and traced the doctrine of absolution to the usurped65 power of the pope. He denied the value of his absolution, and maintained that the divine favor would only be granted on the condition of repentance and faith.
In these celebrated66 propositions, he struck at the root of scholastic absurdities67, and also of papal pretensions. The spirit which they breathed was bold, intrepid68, and magnanimous. They electrified69 Germany, and gave a shock to the whole papal edifice70. They had both a religious and a political bearing; religious, in reference to the grounds of justification, and political, in opening men's eyes to the unjust and ruinous extortions of Rome.
Among those who perceived with great clearness the political tendency of these propositions, and rejoiced in it, was the elector of Saxony himself, the most powerful prince of the empire, who had long been vexed71, in view of the vast sums which had been drained from his subjects. He also lamented72 the corruptions73 of the church, and probably sympathized with the theological opinions of Luther. He accordingly protected the bold professor, although he did not openly encourage him, or form an alliance with him. He let things take their course. Well did Frederic deserve the epithet74 of Wise.
There was another great man who rejoiced in the appearance of Luther's theses; and this was Erasmus — Melancthon. Erasmus, the greatest scholar of his age, the autocrat75 of letters, and, at that time, living in Basle. He was born in Rotterdam, in 1467, of poor parents, but early attracted notice for his attainments, and early emancipated76 himself from the trammels of scholasticism, which he hated and despised as cordially as Luther himself. He also attacked, with elegant sarcasm the absurdities of his age, both in literature and morals. He denounced the sins and follies78 of the monks, and spoke79 of the necessity of reform. But his distinguishing excellence80 was his literary talent and taste. He was a great Greek scholar, and published a critical edition of the Testament81, which he accompanied with a Latin translation. In this, he rendered great service to the reformers, especially to Luther. His fascinating style and extensive erudition gave him great literary fame. But he was timid, conservative, and vain; and sought to be popular, except among the monks, whom he uniformly ridiculed82. One doctor hated him so cordially, that he had his picture hung up in his study, that he might spit in his face as often as he pleased. So far as Luther opposed monkery and despotism, his sympathies were with him. But he did not desire a radical83 reformation, as Luther did, and always shunned84 danger and obloquy85. He dreaded86 an insurrection among the people, and any thing which looked either revolutionary or fanatical. Luther, therefore, much as he was gratified by his favor at first, soon learned to distrust him; and finally these two great men were unfriendly to each other.
Melancthon was too prominent an actor in the great drama about to be performed, to be omitted in this sketch88 of great men who were on the side of reform. He was born in 1497, and was, therefore, fourteen years younger than Luther. He was educated under the auspices89 of the celebrated Greek scholar Reuchlin, who was also a relative. At twelve, he was sent to the university of Heidelberg; at fourteen, was made bachelor of arts; and at seventeen, doctor of philosophy. He began to lecture publicly at the age of seventeen; and, for his extraordinary attainments, was invited to Wittemberg, as professor of ancient languages, at the age of twenty-one. He arrived there in 1518, and immediately fell under the influence of Luther, who, however, acknowledged his classical attainments. He was considered a prodigy90; was remarkably91 young looking, and so boyish, that the grave professors conceived but little hope of him at first. But, when he delivered his inaugural92 oration93 in Latin, all were astonished; and their prejudices were removed. Luther himself was enthusiastic in his praises, and a friendship commenced between them, which was never weakened by a quarrel. The mildness and gentleness of Philip Melancthon strongly contrasted with the boldness, energy, and tumultuous passions of Luther. The former was the more learned and elegant; the latter was the superior genius—a genius for commanding men, and guiding great enterprises.
But there was another great personage, who now viewed the movement of Luther with any thing but indifference95; and this was Melancthon — Leo X. Leo X., the reigning96 pope when the theses were published. He belonged to the illustrious family of the Medici, and was chosen cardinal98 at the age of thirteen. He was the most elegant and accomplished99 of all the popes, patronized art and literature, and ornamented100 his capital with palaces, churches, and statues. But with his sympathy for intellectual excellence, he was prodigal101, luxurious102, and worldly. Indeed, his spirit was almost infidel. He was more ambitious for temporal than spiritual power; and, when he commenced his reign97, the papal possessions were more extensive and flourishing, than at any previous period. His leading error was, his recklessness in the imposition of taxes, even on the clergy themselves, by which he lost their confidence and regard. With a very fine mind, he was, nevertheless, quite unfitted for his station and his times.
Thus far, he had allowed the outcry which Luther had raised against indulgences to take its course, and even disregarded the theses, which he supposed originated in a monkish103 squabble. But the Emperor Maximilian was alarmed, and wrote to the pope an account of Luther's differences with Tetzel. Frederic of Saxony had also written to his holiness, to palliate the conduct of Luther.
When such powerful princes became interested, Leo was startled. He summoned Luther to Rome, to be tried by Prierias. Luther, not daring to refuse, and not willing to obey, wrote to his friend Spalatin to use his influence with the elector to have his cause tried in Germany; and the pope, willing to please Frederic, appointed De Vio, his legate, to investigate the matter. Luther accordingly set out for Augsburg, in obedience104 to the summons of De Vio, although dissuaded105 by many of his friends. He had several interviews with the legate, by whom he was treated with courtesy and urbanity, and by whom he was dissuaded from his present courses. But all the persuasion106 and argument of the cardinal legate were without effect on the mind of Luther, whose convictions were not to be put aside by either kindness or craft. De Vio had hoped that he could induce Luther to retract107; but, when he found him fixed108 in his resolutions, he changed his tone, and resorted to threats. Luther then made up his mind to leave Augsburg; and, appealing to the decision of the sovereign pontiff, whose authority he had not yet openly defied, he fled from the city, and returned to Wittemberg, being countenanced109 by the elector, to whom he also addressed letters. His life was safe so long as Frederic protected him.
The next event in the progress of Luther was the The Leipsic Disputation. Leipsic disputation, June, 1519. The pope seemed willing to make one more effort to convince Luther, before he proceeded to more violent courses. There was then at his court a noble Saxon, Charles Miltitz, whose talents and insinuating110 address secured him the high office of chamberlain to the pope. He accordingly was sent into his native country, with the dignity of legate, to remove the difficulties which De Vio had attempted. He tried persuasion and flattery, and treated the reformer with great civility. But Luther still persisted in refusing to retract, and the matter was referred to the elector archbishop of Trèves.
While the controversy111 was pending112, Dr. Eck, of the university of Ingolstadt, a man of great scholastic ingenuity113 and attainment30, and proud of the prizes of eight universities, challenged the professors of Wittemberg to a public controversy on Grace and Free Will. He regarded a disputation with the eye of a practised fencer, and sought the means of extending his fame over North Germany. Leipsic was the appointed arena114, and thither115 resorted the noble and the learned of Saxony. Eck was among the first who arrived, and, soon after, came Carlstadt, Luther, and Melancthon.
The place for the combat was a hall in the royal palace of Duke George, cousin to the elector Frederic, which was arranged and ornamented with great care, and which was honored by the presence of the duke, and of the chief divines and nobles of Northern Germany. Carlstadt opened the debate, which did not excite much interest until Luther's turn came, the antagonist116 whom Eck was most desirous to meet, and whose rising fame he hoped to crush by a brilliant victory. Ranke thus describes Luther's person at this time. "He was of the middle size, and so thin as to be mere117 skin and bone. He possessed118 neither the thundering voice, nor the ready memory, nor the skill and dexterity119, of his distinguished120 antagonist. But he stood in the prime of manhood and in the fulness of his strength. His voice was melodious121 and clear; he was perfectly122 versed123 in the Bible, and its aptest sentences presented themselves unbidden to his mind; above all, he inspired an irresistible124 conviction that he sought the truth. He was always cheerful at home, and a joyous125, jocose126 companion at table; he even, on this grave occasion, ascended127 the platform with a nosegay in his hand; but, when there, he displayed the intrepid and self-forgetting earnestness arising from the depth of a conviction, until now, unfathomed, even by himself. He drew forth128 new thoughts, and placed them in the fire of the battle, with a determination that knew no fear and no personal regard. His features bore the traces of the storms that had passed over his soul, and of the courage with which he was prepared to encounter those which yet awaited him. His whole aspect evinced profound thought, joyousness129 of temper, and confidence in the future. Principles of the Leipsic Disputation. The battle immediately commenced on the question of the authority of the papacy, which, at once intelligible130 and important, riveted131 universal attention." Eck, with great erudition and masterly logic16, supported the claim of the pope, from the decrees of councils, the opinions of scholastics, and even from those celebrated words of Christ to Peter—"Thou art Peter, and on this rock will I build my church," &c. Luther took higher and bolder ground, denied the infallibility of councils, and appealed to Scripture15 as the ultimate authority. Eck had probably the advantage over his antagonist, so far as dialectics were concerned, being a more able disputant; but Luther set at defiance132 mere scholastic logic, and appealed to an authority which dialectics could not reach. The victory was claimed by both parties; but the result was, that Luther no longer acknowledged the authority of the Roman church, and acknowledged none but the Scriptures.
The Leipsic disputation was the grand intellectual contest of the Reformation, and developed its great idea—the only great principle, around which all sects133 and parties among the Protestants rally. This is the idea, that the Scriptures are the only ultimate grounds of authority in religion, and that, moreover, every man has a right to interpret them for himself. The Rights of Private Judgment134. The rights of private judgment—that religion is a matter between the individual soul and God, and that every man is answerable to his own conscience alone how he interprets Scripture—these constitute the great Protestant platform. Different sects have different views respecting justification, but all profess28 to trace them to the Scriptures. Luther's views were similar to those of St. Augustine—that "man could be justified135 by faith alone," which was his great theological doctrine—a doctrine adopted by many who never left the communion of the Church of Rome, before and since his day, and a doctrine which characterized the early reformers, Zwingle, Calvin, Knox, Cranmer, and the Puritans generally. It is as absurd to say that Luther's animating136 principle in religion was not this doctrine, as it is unphilosophical to make the reformation consist merely in its recognition. After Luther's convictions were settled on this point, and he had generally and openly declared them, the main contest of his life was against the papacy, which he viewed as the predicted Antichrist—the "scarlet137 mother of abominations." It is not the object of the writer of this History to defend or oppose Luther's views, or argue any cause whatever, but simply to place facts in their true light, which is, to state them candidly138.
Although the Leipsic controversy brought out the great principle of the Reformation, Luther's views, both respecting the true doctrines and polity of the church, were not, on all points, yet developed, and were only gradually unfolded, as he gained knowledge and light. It was no trifling139 matter, even to deny the supremacy140 of the Roman church in matters of faith. He was thus placed in the position of Huss and Jerome, and other reformers, who had been destroyed, with scarcely an exception. He thus was brought in direct conflict with the pope, with the great dignitaries of the church, with the universities, and with the whole scholastic literature. He had to expect the violent opposition141 and vengeance142 of the pope, of the monks, of the great ecclesiastical dignitaries, of the most distinguished scholars, and of those secular143 princes who were friendly to Rome. He had none to protect him but a prince of the empire, powerful, indeed, and wise, but old and wavering. There were but few to uphold and defend him—the satirical Erasmus, who was called a second Lucian, the feeble Staupitz, the fanatical Carlstadt, and the inexperienced Melancthon. The worldly-minded, the learned, the powerful, and the conservative classes were his natural enemies. But he had reason and Scripture on his side, and he appealed to their great and final verdict. He had singular faith in the power of truth, and the gracious protection of God Almighty144. Reposing146 on the greatness of his cause, and the providence147 of the omnipotent148 Protector, he was ready to defy all the arts, and theories, and malice149 of man. His weapon was truth. For truth he fought, and for truth he was ready to die. The sophistries150 of the schools he despised; they had distorted and mystified the truth. And he knew them well, for he had been trained in the severest dialectics of his time, and, though he despised them, he knew how to use them. The simple word of God, directed to the reason and conscience of men, seemed alone worthy151 of his regard.
But, beside Scripture and unperverted reason, he had another element of power. He was master of the sympathies and passions of the people. His father was a toiling152 miner. His grandfather was a peasant. He had been trained to penury154; he had associated with the poor; he was a man of the people; he was their natural friend. He saw and lamented their burdens, and rose up for their deliverance. Luther's Elements of Greatness. And the people distinguished their true friend, from their false friends. They saw the sincerity155, earnestness, and labors of the new apostle of liberty, and believed in him, and made an idol of him. They would protect him, and honor him, and obey him, and believe what he taught them, for he was their friend, whom God had raised up to take off their burdens, and point a way to heaven, without the intercession of priests, or indulgences, or penance. Their friend was to expose the corruptions of the clergy, and to give battle to the great arch enemy who built St. Peter's Church from their hard-earned pittances156. A spirit from heaven enlightened those to whom Luther preached, and they rallied around his standard, and swore never to separate, until the great enemies of the poor and the oppressed were rendered powerless. And their sympathies were needed, and best services, too; for the great man of the age—the incarnated157 spirit of liberty—was in danger.
The pope, hitherto mild, persuasive158, and undecided, now arose in the majesty159 of his mighty145 name, and, as the successor of St. Peter, hurled160 those weapons which had been thunderbolts in the hands of the Gregories and the Innocents. From his papal throne, and with all the solemnity of God's appointed vicegerent, he denounced the daring monk of Wittemberg, and sentenced him to the wrath161 of God, and to the penalty of eternal fire. Excommunication of Luther. Luther was excommunicated by a papal bull, and his writings were condemned162 as heretical and damnable.
This was a dreadful sentence. Few had ever resisted it successfully, even monarchs164 themselves. Excommunication was still a fearful weapon, and used only in desperate circumstances. It was used only as the last resort; for frequency would destroy its power. In the middle ages, this weapon was omnipotent; and the middle ages had but just passed away. No one could stand before that awful anathema165 which consigned166 him to the wrath of incensed167 and implacable Deity168. Much as some professed169 to despise the sentence, still, when inflicted170, it could not be borne, especially if accompanied with an interdict171. Children were left unburied. The churches were closed. The rites172 of religion were suspended. A funereal173 shade was spread over society. The fears of hell haunted every imagination. No reason was strong enough to resist the sentence. No arm was sufficiently powerful to remove the curse. It hung over a guilty land. It doomed174 the unhappy offender175, who was cursed, wherever he went, and in whatever work he was engaged.
But Luther was strong enough to resist it, and to despise it. He saw it was an imposition, which only barbarous and ignorant ages had permitted. Moreover, he perceived that there was now no alternative but victory or death; that, in the great contest in which he was engaged, retreat was infamy176. Nor did he wish to retreat. He was fighting for oppressed humanity, and death even, in such a cause, was glory. He understood fully163 the nature and the consequence of the struggle. He perceived the greatness of the odds177 against him, in a worldly point of view. No man but a Luther would have been equal to it; no man, before him, ever had successfully rebelled against the pope. It is only in view of this circumstance, that his intrepidity178 can be appreciated.
What did the Saxon monk do, when the papal bull was published? He assembled the professors and students of the university, declared his solemn protest against the pope as Antichrist, and marched in procession to the gates of the Castle of Wittemberg, and there made a bonfire, and cast into it the bull which condemned him, the canon law, and some writings of the schoolmen, and then re?ntered the city, breathing defiance against the whole power of the pope, glowing in the consciousness that the battle had commenced, to last as long as life, and perfectly secure that the victory would finally be on the side of truth. This was in 1520, on the 10th of December.
The attention of the whole nation was necessarily drawn179 to this open resistance; and the sympathy of the free thinking, the earnest, and the religious, was expressed for him. Never was popular interest more absorbing, in respect to his opinions, his fortunes, and his fate. The spirit of innovation became contagious180, and pervaded181 the German mind. It demanded the serious attention of the emperor himself.
A great Diet of the empire was convened182 at The Diet of Worms. Worms, and thither Luther was summoned by the temporal power. He had a safe-conduct, which even so powerful a prince as Charles V. durst not violate. In April, 1521, the reformer appeared before the collected dignitaries of the German empire, both spiritual and temporal, and was called upon to recant his opinions as heretical in the eyes of the church, and dangerous to the peace of the empire. Before the most august assembly in the world, without a trace of embarrassment183, he made his defence, and refused to recant. "Unless," said he, "my errors can be demonstrated by texts from Scripture, I will not and cannot recant; for it is not safe for a man to go against his conscience. Here I am. I can do no otherwise. God help me! Amen."
This declaration satisfied his friends, though it did not satisfy the members of the diet. Luther was permitted to retire. He had gained the confidence of the nation. From that time, he was its idol, and the acknowledged leader of the greatest insurrection of human intelligence which modern times have seen. The great principles of the reformation were declared. The great hero of the Reformation had planted his cause upon a rock. And yet his labors had but just commenced. Henceforth, his life was toil153 and vexation. New difficulties continually arose. New questions had to be continually settled. Luther, by his letters, was every where. He commenced the translation of the Scriptures; he wrote endless controversial tracts184; his correspondence was unparalleled; his efforts as a preacher were prodigious185. But he was equal to it all; was wonderfully adapted to his age and circumstances.
About this time commenced his Imprisonment186 at Wartburg. voluntary imprisonment at Wartburg, among the Thuringian forests: he being probably conducted thither by the orders of the elector of Saxony. Here he was out of sight, but not out of mind; and his retirement187, under the disguise of a knight188, gave him leisure for literary labor9. In the old Castle of Wartburg, a great part of the Scriptures was translated into that beautiful and simple version, which is still the standard of the German language.
While Luther was translating the Scriptures, in his retreat, Wittemberg was the scene of new commotions189, pregnant with great results. There were many of the more zealous190 converts to the reformed doctrines, headed by Carlstadt. Carlstadt, dean of the faculty191 of theology, who were not content with the progress which had been made, and who desired more sweeping192 and radical changes. Such a party ever exists in all reforms; for there are some persons who are always inclined to ultra and extravagant193 courses. Carlstadt was a type of such men. He was learned, sincere, and amiable194, but did not know where to stop; and the experiment was now to be tried, whether it was possible to introduce a necessary reform, without annihilating195 also all the results of the labors of preceding generations. Carlstadt's mind was not well balanced, and to him the reformation was only a half measure, and a useless movement, unless all the external observances of religion and the whole economy of the church were destroyed. He abolished, or desired to abolish, all priestly garments, all fasts and holydays, all pictures in the churches, and all emblematical196 ceremonies of every kind. He insisted upon closing all places of public amusement, the abolition197 of all religious communities, and the division of their possessions among the poor. He maintained that there was no need of learning, or of academic studies, and even went into the houses of the peasantry to seek explanation of difficult passages of Scripture. For such innovations, the age was certainly not prepared, even had they been founded on reason; and the conservative mind of Luther was shocked at extravagances which served to disgust the whole Christian198 world, and jeopardize199 the cause in which he had embarked200. So, against the entreaties201 of the elector, and in spite of the ban of the empire, he returned to Wittemberg, a small city, it was true, but a place to which had congregated202 the flower of the German youth. He resolved to oppose the movements of Carlstadt, even though opposition should destroy his influence. Especially did he declare against all violent measures to which the ultra reformers were inclined, knowing full well, that, if his cause were sullied with violence or fanaticism203, all Christendom would unite to suppress it. His sermons are, at this time, (1522,) pervaded with a profound and conservative spirit, and also a spirit of conciliation204 and love, calculated to calm passions, and carry conviction to excited minds. His moderate counsels prevailed, the tumults205 were hushed, and order was restored. Carlstadt was silenced for a time; but a mind like his could not rest, especially on points where he had truth on his side. One of these was, in reference to the presence of Christ's body in the Eucharist, which Carlstadt totally denied. He taught "that the Lord's supper was purely206 symbolic207, and was simply a pledge to believers of their redemption." But Luther saw, in every attempt to exhibit the symbolical208 import of the supper, only the danger of weakening the authority of Scripture, which was his stronghold, and became exceedingly tenacious209 on that point; carried his views to the extreme of literal interpretation210, and never could emancipate77 himself from the doctrines of Rome respecting the eucharist. Carlstadt, finding himself persecuted211 at Wittemberg left the city, and, as soon as he was released from the presence of Luther, began to revive his former zeal against images also, and was the promoter of great disturbances212. He at last sought refuge in Strasburg, and sacrificed fame, and friends, and bread to his honest convictions.
But, nevertheless, the views of Carlstadt found advocates, and his extravagances were copied with still greater zeal. Many pretended to special divine illumination—the great central principle of all fanaticism. Among these was Thomas Münzer. Thomas Münzer, of Zwickau, mystical, ignorant, and conceited213, but sincere and simple hearted. "Luther," said he, "has liberated214 men's consciences from the papal yoke215, but has not led them in spirit towards God." Considering himself as called upon by a special revelation to bring men into greater spiritual liberty, he went about inflaming216 the popular mind, and raising discontents, and even inciting217 to a revolt. Religion now became mingled218 with politics, and social and political evils were violently resisted, under the garb219 of religion. An insurrection at last arose in the districts of the Black Forest, (1524,) near the sources of the Danube, and spread from Suabia to the Rhine provinces, until it became exceedingly formidable. Then commenced what is called the "peasants' war," which was only ended by the slaughter220 of fifty thousand people. As the causes of this war, after all, were chiefly political, the details belong to our chapter on political history. For this insurrection of the peasantry, however, Luther expressed great detestation; although he availed himself of it to lecture the princes of Germany on their duties as civil rulers.
The peasant war was scarcely ended, when Luther married Catharine Bora; and, as she was a nun221, and he was a monk, the marriage gave universal scandal. But this marriage, which proved happy, was the signal of new reforms. Luther now emancipated himself from his monastic fetters222, and lifted up his voice against the whole monastic system. Eight years had elapsed since he preached against indulgences. During these eight years, reform had been gradual, and had now advanced to the extreme limit it ever reached during the life of the reformer.
But, in another quarter, it sprang up with new force, and was carried to an extent not favored in Germany. It was in Switzerland that the greatest approximation was made to the forms, if not to the spirit, of primitive223 Christianity.
The great hero of this Swiss movement was Ulric Zwingle. Ulric Zwingle, the most interesting of all the reformers. He was born in 1484, and educated amid the mountains of his picturesque224 country, and, like Erasmus, Reuchlin, Luther, and Melancthon, had no aristocratic claims, except to the nobility of nature. But, though poor, he was well educated, and was a master of the scholastic philosophy and of all the learning of his age. Like Luther, he was passionately225 fond of music, and played the lute62, the harp226, the violin, the flute227 and the dulcimer. There was no more joyous spirit in all Switzerland than his. Every one loved his society, and honored his attainments, and admired his genius. Like Luther and Erasmus, he was disgusted with scholasticism, and regretted the time he had devoted228 to its study. He was ordained229 in 1506, by the bishop of Constance, and was settled in Zurich in 1518. At first, his life did not differ from that which the clergy generally led, being one of dissipation and pleasure. But he was studious, and became well acquainted with the fathers, and with the original Greek. Only gradually did light dawn upon him, and this in consequence of his study of the Scriptures, not in consequence of Luther's preaching. He had no tempests to withstand, such as shook the soul of the Saxon monk. Nor had he ever devoted himself with the same ardor to the established church. Nor was he so much interested on doctrinal points of faith. But he saw with equal clearness the corruptions of the church, and preached with equal zeal against indulgences and the usurpations of the popes. The reformation of morals was the great aim of his life. His preaching was practical and simple, and his doctrine was, that "religion consisted in trust in God, loving God, and innocence230 of life." Moreover, he took a deep interest in the political relations of his country, and was an enthusiast94 in liberty as well as in religion. To him the town of Zurich was indebted for its emancipation231 from the episcopal government of Constance, and also for a reformation in all the externals of the church. He inspired the citizens with that positive spirit of Protestantism, which afterwards characterized Calvin and the Puritans. He was too radical a reformer to suit Luther, although he sympathized with most of his theological opinions.
On one point, however, they differed; and this difference led to an acrimonious232 contest, quite disgraceful to Luther, and the greatest blot233 on his character, inasmuch as it developed, to an extraordinary degree, both obstinacy234 and dogmatism, and showed that he could not bear contradiction or opposition. Controversy between Luther and Zwingle. The quarrel arose from a difference of views respecting the Lord's supper, Luther maintaining not exactly the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation, but something approximating to it—even the omnipresence of Christ's body in the sacred elements. He relinquished235 the doctrine of the continually repeated miracle, but substituted a universal miracle, wrought236 once for all. In his tenacity237 to the opinions of the schoolmen on this point, we see his conservative spirit; for he did not deny tradition, unless it was expressly contradicted by Scripture. He would have maintained the whole structure of the Latin church, had it not been disfigured by modern additions, plainly at variance238 with the Scriptures; and so profoundly was he attached to the traditions of the church, and to the whole church establishment, that he only emancipated himself by violent inward storms. But Zwingle had not this lively conception of the universal church, and was more radical in his sympathies. He took Carlstadt's view of the supper, that it was merely symbolic. Still he shrunk from a rupture239 with Luther, which, however, was unavoidable, considering Luther's views of the subject and his cast of mind. Luther rejected all offers of conciliation, and, as he considered it essential to salvation to believe in the real presence of Christ in the sacrament, he refused to acknowledge Zwingle as a brother.
Zwingle, nevertheless, continued his reforms, and sought to restore, what he conceived to be, the earliest forms in which Christianity had manifested itself. He designed to restore a worship purely spiritual. He rejected all rites and ceremonies, not expressly enjoined240 in the Bible. Luther insisted in retaining all that was not expressly forbidden. And this was the main point of distinction between them and their adherents241.
But Zwingle contemplated242 political, as well as religious, changes, and, as early as 1527, two years before his conference with Luther at Marburg, had projected a league of all the reformers against the political authorities which opposed their progress. He combated the abuses of the state, as well as of the church. This opposition created great enemies against him among the cantons, with their different governments and alliances. He also secured enthusiastic friends, and, in all the cantons, there was a strong democratic party opposed to the existing oligarchies243, which party, in Berne and Basle, St. Gall244, Zurich, Appenzell, Schaffhausen, and Glarus, obtained the ascendency. This led to tumults and violence, and finally to civil war between the different cantons, those which adhered to the old faith being assisted by Austria. Lucerne, Uri Schwytz, Zug, Unterwalden took the lead against the reformed cantons, the foremost of which was Zurich, where Zwingle lived. Zurich was attacked. Zwingle, from impulses of patriotism245 and courage, issued forth from his house, and joined the standard of his countrymen, not as a chaplain, but as an armed warrior246. This was his mistake. "They who take the sword shall perish with the sword." The intrepid and enlightened reformer was slain247 in 1531, and, with his death, expired the hopes of his party. The restoration of the Roman Catholic religion immediately commenced in Switzerland.
Luther, more wise than Zwingle, inasmuch as he abstained248 from politics, continued his labors in Germany. And they were immense. The burdens of his country rested on his shoulders. He was the dictator of the reformed party, and his word was received as law. Moreover, the party continually increased, and, from the support it received from some of the most powerful of the German princes, it became formidable, even in a political point of view. Nearly one half of Germany embraced the reformed faith.
The illustrious Charles V. had now, for some time, been emperor, and, in the prosecution249 of his conquests, found it necessary to secure the support of united Germany, especially since Germany was now invaded by the Turks. In order to secure this support, he found it necessary to make concessions250 in religion to his Protestant subjects. Diet of Augsburg. At the diet of Augsburg, (1530,) where there was the most brilliant assemblage of princes which had been for a long time seen in Germany, the celebrated confession251 of the faith of the Protestants was read. It was written by Melancthon, in both Latin and German, on the basis of the articles of Torgau, which Luther had prepared. The style was Melancthon's; the matter was Luther's. It was comprised in twenty-eight articles, of which twenty-one pertained252 to the faith of the Protestants—the name they assumed at the second diet of Spires253, in 1529—and the remaining seven recounted the errors and abuses of Rome. It was subscribed254 by the Elector of Saxony, the Marquis of Brandenburg, the Duke of Lunenburg, the Landgrave of Hesse, the Prince of Anhalt, and the deputies of the imperial cities Nuremberg and Reutlingen. But the Catholics had the ascendency in the diet, and the "Confession of Augsburg" was condemned. But the emperor did not venture on any decisive measures for the extirpation255 of the "heresy256." He threatened and published edicts, but his menaces had but little force. Nevertheless, the Protestant princes assembled, first at Smalcalde, and afterwards at Frankfort, for an alliance of mutual257 defence,—the first effective union of free princes and states against their oppressors in modern Europe,—and laid the foundation of liberty of conscience. Hostilities258, however, did not commence, since the emperor was desirous of uniting Germany against the Turks; and he therefore recalled his edicts of Worms and Augsburg against the Protestants, and made important concessions, and promised them undisturbed enjoyment259 of their religion. This was a great triumph to the Protestants, and as great a shock to the Papal power.
The Confession of Augsburg and the League of Smalcalde. League of Smalcalde form an important era of Protestantism, since, by these, the reformed faith received its definite form, and was moreover guaranteed. The work for which Luther had been raised up was now, in the main, accomplished. His great message had been delivered and heard.
After the confirmation260 of his cause, his life was perplexed261 and anxious. He had not anticipated those civil commotions which he now saw, sooner or later, were inevitable262. With the increase of his party was the decline of spirituality. Political considerations, also, with many, were more prominent than moral. Religion and politics were mingled together, not soon to be separated in the progress of reform. Moreover, the reformers differed upon many points among themselves. There was a lamentable263 want of harmony between the Germans and the Swiss. Luther had quarrelled with nearly every prominent person with whom he had been associated, except Melancthon, who yielded to him implicit264 obedience. But, above all, the Anabaptist disorders265, which he detested266, and which distracted the whole bishopric of Münster, oppressed and mortified267 him. Death and Character of Luther. Worn out with cares, labors, and vexations, which ever have disturbed the peace and alloyed the happiness of great heroes, and from which no greatness is exempt268, he died at Eisleben, in 1545, while on a visit to his native place in older to reconcile dissensions between the counts of Mansfeldt.
Luther's name is still reverenced269 in Germany, and, throughout all Protestant countries, he is regarded as the greatest man connected with the history of the church since the apostolic age. Others have been greater geniuses, others more learned, others more devout270, and others more amiable and interesting; but none ever evinced greater intrepidity, or combined greater qualities of mind and heart. He had his faults: he was irritable271, dogmatic, and abusive in his controversial writings. He had no toleration for those who differed from him—the fault of the age. But he was genial272, joyous, friendly, and disinterested273. His labors were gigantic; his sincerity unimpeached; his piety274 enlightened; his zeal unquenchable. Circumstances and the new ideas of his age, favored him, but he made himself master of those circumstances and ideas, and, what is more, worked out ideas of his own, which were in harmony with Christianity. The Reformation would have happened had there been no Luther, though at a less favorable time; but, of all the men of his age that the Reformation could least spare, Martin Luther stands pre?minent. As the greatest of reformers, his name will be ever honored.
References.—The attention of the student is directed only to the most prominent and valuable works which treat of Luther and the Protestant reformation. All the works are too numerous, even to be decimated. Allusion275 is made to those merely which are accessible and useful. Among them may be mentioned, as most important, Ranke's History of the Reformation; D'Aubigné's History of the Reformation; Michelet's Life of Luther; Audin's Life of Luther, a Catholic work, written with great spirit, but not much liberality; Stebbing's History of the Reformation; a Life of Luther, by Rev87. Dr. Sears, a new work, written with great correctness and ability; Guizot's Lectures on Civilization; Plank's Essay on the Consequences of the Reformation.
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1
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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scholastic
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| adj.学校的，学院的，学术上的 | |
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depressed
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| adj.沮丧的，抑郁的，不景气的，萧条的 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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forsake
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| vt.遗弃，抛弃；舍弃，放弃 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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pertaining
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| 与…有关系的，附属…的，为…固有的(to) | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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penance
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| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
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imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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levity
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| n.轻率，轻浮，不稳定，多变 | |
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frivolity
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| n.轻松的乐事，兴高采烈；轻浮的举止 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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42
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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49
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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50
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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51
sonorous
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| adj.响亮的，回响的；adv.圆润低沉地；感人地；n.感人，堂皇 | |
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52
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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eminence
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| n.卓越，显赫；高地，高处；名家 | |
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peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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remit
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| v.汇款，汇寄；豁免（债务），免除（处罚等） | |
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repentance
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| n.懊悔 | |
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purgatory
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| n.炼狱；苦难；adj.净化的，清洗的 | |
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lute
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| n.琵琶，鲁特琴 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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absurdities
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| n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 )；荒谬；谬论；荒谬的行为 | |
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intrepid
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| adj.无畏的，刚毅的 | |
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electrified
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| v.使电气化( electrify的过去式和过去分词 )；使兴奋 | |
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edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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corruptions
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| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
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74
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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75
autocrat
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| n.独裁者；专横的人 | |
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emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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80
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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81
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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82
ridiculed
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| v.嘲笑，嘲弄，奚落( ridicule的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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84
shunned
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| v.避开，回避，避免( shun的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
obloquy
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| n.斥责，大骂 | |
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86
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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87
rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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88
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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89
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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90
prodigy
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| n.惊人的事物，奇迹，神童，天才，预兆 | |
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91
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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92
inaugural
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| adj.就职的；n.就职典礼 | |
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93
oration
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| n.演说，致辞，叙述法 | |
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94
enthusiast
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| n.热心人，热衷者 | |
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95
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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96
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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97
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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98
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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99
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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100
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101
prodigal
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| adj.浪费的，挥霍的，放荡的 | |
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102
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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103
monkish
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| adj.僧侣的，修道士的，禁欲的 | |
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104
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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105
dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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106
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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107
retract
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| vt.缩回，撤回收回，取消 | |
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108
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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109
countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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110
insinuating
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| adj.曲意巴结的，暗示的v.暗示( insinuate的现在分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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111
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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112
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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113
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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114
arena
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| n.竞技场，运动场所；竞争场所，舞台 | |
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115
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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116
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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117
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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118
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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119
dexterity
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| n.(手的)灵巧，灵活 | |
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120
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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121
melodious
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| adj.旋律美妙的，调子优美的，音乐性的 | |
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122
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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123
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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124
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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125
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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126
jocose
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| adj.开玩笑的，滑稽的 | |
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127
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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129
joyousness
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| 快乐，使人喜悦 | |
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130
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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131
riveted
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| 铆接( rivet的过去式和过去分词 )； 把…固定住； 吸引； 引起某人的注意 | |
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132
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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133
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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134
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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135
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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136
animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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137
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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138
candidly
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| adv.坦率地，直率而诚恳地 | |
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139
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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140
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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141
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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142
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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143
secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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144
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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145
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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146
reposing
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的现在分词 ) | |
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147
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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148
omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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149
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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150
sophistries
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| n.诡辩术( sophistry的名词复数 )；（一次）诡辩 | |
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151
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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152
toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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153
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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154
penury
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| n.贫穷，拮据 | |
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155
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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156
pittances
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| n.少量( pittance的名词复数 )；少许；微薄的工资；少量的收入 | |
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157
incarnated
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| v.赋予（思想、精神等）以人的形体( incarnate的过去式和过去分词 )；使人格化；体现；使具体化 | |
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158
persuasive
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| adj.有说服力的，能说得使人相信的 | |
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159
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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160
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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161
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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162
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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163
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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164
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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165
anathema
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| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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166
consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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167
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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168
deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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169
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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170
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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171
interdict
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| v.限制；禁止；n.正式禁止；禁令 | |
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172
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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173
funereal
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| adj.悲哀的；送葬的 | |
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174
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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175
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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176
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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177
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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178
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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179
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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180
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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181
pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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182
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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183
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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184
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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185
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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186
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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187
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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188
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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189
commotions
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| n.混乱，喧闹，骚动( commotion的名词复数 ) | |
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190
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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191
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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192
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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193
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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194
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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195
annihilating
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的现在分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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196
emblematical
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| adj.标志的，象征的，典型的 | |
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197
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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198
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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199
jeopardize
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| vt.危及，损害 | |
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200
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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201
entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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202
congregated
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| （使）集合，聚集( congregate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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203
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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204
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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205
tumults
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| 吵闹( tumult的名词复数 )； 喧哗； 激动的吵闹声； 心烦意乱 | |
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206
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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207
symbolic
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| adj.象征性的，符号的，象征主义的 | |
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208
symbolical
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| a.象征性的 | |
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209
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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211
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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212
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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213
conceited
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| adj.自负的，骄傲自满的 | |
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214
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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215
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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216
inflaming
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| v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的现在分词 ) | |
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inciting
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| 刺激的，煽动的 | |
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218
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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219
garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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220
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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221
nun
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| n.修女，尼姑 | |
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222
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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223
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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226
harp
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| n.竖琴；天琴座 | |
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227
flute
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| n.长笛；v.吹笛 | |
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228
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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229
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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230
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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231
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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acrimonious
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| adj.严厉的，辛辣的，刻毒的 | |
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blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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234
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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235
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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236
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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237
tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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238
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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239
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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240
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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241
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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242
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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243
oligarchies
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| n.寡头统治的政府( oligarchy的名词复数 )；寡头政治的执政集团；寡头统治的国家 | |
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244
gall
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| v.使烦恼，使焦躁，难堪；n.磨难 | |
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245
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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246
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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247
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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248
abstained
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| v.戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的过去式和过去分词 )；弃权（不投票） | |
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249
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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250
concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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251
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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252
pertained
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| 关于( pertain的过去式和过去分词 )； 有关； 存在； 适用 | |
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253
spires
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| n.（教堂的） 塔尖，尖顶( spire的名词复数 ) | |
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254
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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255
extirpation
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| n.消灭，根除，毁灭；摘除 | |
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256
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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257
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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258
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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259
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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260
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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261
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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262
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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263
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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264
implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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265
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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266
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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267
mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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268
exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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269
reverenced
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| v.尊敬，崇敬( reverence的过去式和过去分词 )；敬礼 | |
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270
devout
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| adj.虔诚的，虔敬的，衷心的 (n.devoutness) | |
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271
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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272
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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273
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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274
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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275
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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