When Luther appeared upon the stage, the great monarchies2 of Europe had just arisen upon the ruins of those Feudal3 states which survived the wreck4 of Charlemagne's empire.
The Charles V. Emperor of Germany, of all the monarchs5 of Europe, had the greatest claim to the antiquity6 and dignity of his throne. As hereditary7 sovereign of Austria, Styria, Carinthia, and the Tyrol, he had absolute authority in his feudal provinces; while, as an elected emperor, he had an indirect influence over Saxony, the Palatinate, the three archbishoprics of Trèves, Mentz, and Cologne, and some Burgundian territories.
But the most powerful monarchy9, at this time, was probably that of Spain and France in the Fifteenth Century. France; and its capital was the finest city in Europe, and the resort of the learned and elegant from all parts of Christendom. All strangers extolled10 the splendor11 of the court, the wealth of the nobles, and the fame of the university. The power of the monarch1 was nearly absolute, and a considerable standing12 army, even then, was ready to obey his commands.
Spain, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, was ruled by Ferdinand and Isabella, who, by their marriage, had united the crowns of Castile and Arragon. The conquest of Granada and the discovery of America had added greatly to the political importance of Spain, and laid the foundation of its future greatness under Philip II.
England, from its insular13 position, had not so much influence in European politics as the other powers to which allusion14 has been made, but it was, nevertheless, a flourishing and united kingdom. Henry VII., the founder15 of the house of Tudor, sat on the throne, and was successful in suppressing the power of the feudal nobility, and in increasing the royal authority. Kings, in the fifteenth century, were the best protectors of the people, and aided them in their struggles against their feudal oppressors. England, however, had made but little advance in commerce or manufactures, and the people were still rude and ignorant. The clergy16, as in other countries, were the most intelligent and wealthy portion of the population, and, consequently, the most influential17, although disgraced by many vices18.
Italy then, as now, was divided into many independent states, and distracted by civil and religious dissensions. The duchy of Milan was ruled by Ludovico Moro, son of the celebrated19 Francis Sforza. Naples, called a kingdom, had just been conquered by the French. Florence was under the sway of the Medici. Venice, whose commercial importance had begun to decline, was controlled by an oligarchy20 of nobles. The chair of St. Peter was filled by pope Alexander VI., a pontiff who has obtained an infamous21 immortality22 by the vices of debauchery, cruelty, and treachery. The papacy was probably in its most corrupt24 state, and those who had the control of its immense patronage25, disregarded the loud call for reformation which was raised in every corner of Christendom. The popes were intent upon securing temporal as well as spiritual power, and levied26 oppressive taxes on both their spiritual and temporal subjects.
The great northern kingdoms of Europe, which are now so considerable,—Russia, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway,—did not, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, attract much attention. They were plunged27 in barbarism and despotism, and the light of science or religion rarely penetrated28 into the interior. The monarchs were sensual and cruel, the nobles profligate29 and rapacious30, the clergy ignorant and corrupt, and the people degraded, and yet insensible to their degradation31, with no aspirations32 for freedom and no appreciation33 of the benefits of civilization. Such heroes as Peter and Gustavus Adolphus had not yet appeared. Nor were these northern nations destined34 to be immediately benefited by the impulse which the reformation gave, with the exception of Sweden, then the most powerful of these kingdoms.
The Greek empire became extinct when Constantinople was taken by the Turks, in 1453. On its ruins, the Ottoman power was raised. At the close of the fifteenth century, the Turkish arms were very powerful, and Europe again trembled before the Moslems. Greece and the whole of Western Asia were obedient to the sultan. But his power did not reach its culminating point until a century afterwards.
Such were the various states of Europe when the Reformation broke out. Maximilian was emperor of Germany, and Charles V. had just inherited, from his father, Philip the Fair, who had married a daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, the kingdom of Spain, in addition to the dominion35 of the Netherlands.
By the death of Maximilian, in 1519, the youthful sovereign of Spain and the Netherlands came into possession of the Austrian dominions36; and the electors, shortly after, chose him emperor of Germany.
He was born at Ghent, A. D. 1500, and was educated with great care. He early displayed his love of government, and, at fifteen, was present at the deliberations of the cabinet. But he had no taste for learning, and gave but few marks of that genius which he afterwards evinced. He was much attached to his Flemish subjects, and, during the first year of his reign8, gave great offence to the grandees37 of Spain and the nobles of Germany by his marked partiality for those men who had been his early companions.
It is difficult to trace, in the career of Charles V., any powerful motives38 of conduct, separate from the desire of aggrandizement39. The interests of the church, with which he was identified, and the true welfare of his subjects, were, at different times, sacrificed to his ambition. Had there been no powerful monarchs on the other thrones of Europe, his dreams of power might possibly have been realized. But at this period there happened to be a constellation40 of princes.
The greatest of these, and the chief rival through life of Charles, was Francis I. of France. He had even anticipated an election to the imperial crown, which would have made him more powerful than even Charles himself. The electors feared both, and chose Frederic of Saxony; but he declined the dangerous post. Charles, as Archduke of Austria, had such great and obvious claims, that they could not be disregarded. He was therefore the fortunate candidate. But his election was a great disappointment to Francis, and he could not conceal41 his mortification42. Wars between Charles and Francis. Peace could not long subsist43 between two envious44 and ambitious princes. Francis was nearly of the same age as Charles, had inherited nearly despotic power, was free from financial embarrassments45, and ruled over an united and loyal people. He was therefore no contemptible46 match for Charles. In addition, he strengthened himself by alliances with the Swiss and Venetians. Charles sought the favor of the pope and Henry VIII. of England. The real causes of war were mutual47 jealousies48, and passion for military glory. The assigned causes were, that Charles did not respect the claims of Francis as king of Naples; and, on the other hand, that Francis had seized the duchy of Milan, which was a fief of the empire, and also retained the duchy of Burgundy, the patrimonial49 inheritance of the emperor.
The political history of Europe, for nearly half a century, is a record of the wars between these powerful princes, of their mutual disasters, disappointments, and successes. Other contests were involved in these, and there were also some which arose from causes independent of mutual jealousy50, such as the revolt of the Spanish grandees, of the peasants in Germany, and of the invasion of the empire by the Turks. During the reign of Charles, was also the division of the princes of Germany, on grounds of religion—the foundation of the contest which, after the death of Charles, convulsed Germany for thirty years. But the Thirty Years' War was a religious war—was one of the political consequences of the Reformation. The wars between Charles and Francis were purely51 wars of military ambition. Charles had greater territories and larger armies; but Francis had more money, and more absolute control over his forces. Charles's power was checked in Spain by the free spirit of the Cortes, and in Germany by the independence of the princes, and by the embarrassing questions which arose out of the Reformation.
It would be tedious to read the various wars between Charles and his rival. Each of them gained, at different times, great successes, and each experienced, in turn, the most humiliating reverses. Francis was even taken prisoner at the battle of Pavia, in 1525, and confined in a fortress52 at Madrid, until he promised to the victors the complete dismemberment of France—an extorted53 promise he never meant to keep. No sooner had he recovered his liberty, than he violated all his oaths, and Europe was again the scene of fresh hostilities54. The passion of revenge was now added to that of ambition, and, as the pope had favored the cause of Francis, the generals of Charles invaded Italy. Rome was taken and sacked by the constable55 Bourbon, a French noble whom Francis had slighted, and cruelties and outrages56 were perpetrated by the imperial forces which never disgraced Alaric or Attila.
Charles affected57 to be filled with grief in view of the victories of his generals, and pretended that they acted without his orders. He employed every artifice58 to deceive indignant Christendom, and appointed prayers and processions throughout Spain for the recovery of the pope's liberty, which one stroke of his pen could have secured. Thus it was, that the most Catholic and bigoted59 prince in Europe seized the pope's person, and sacked his city, at the very time when Luther was prosecuting60 his reform. And this fact shows how much more powerfully the emperor was influenced by political, than by religious considerations. It also shows the providence61 of God in permitting the only men, who could have arrested the reformation, to spend their strength in battling each other, rather than the heresy62 which they deplored63. Had Charles been less powerful and ambitious, he probably would have contented64 himself in punishing heretics, and in uniting with his natural ally, the pope, in suppressing every insurrection which had for its object the rights of conscience and the enjoyment65 of popular liberty.
The war was continued for two years longer between Francis and Charles, with great acrimony, but with various success, both parties being, at one time, strengthened by alliances, and then again weakened by desertions. At last, both parties were exhausted66, and were willing to accede67 to terms which they had previously68 rejected with disdain69. Francis was the most weakened and disheartened, but Charles was the most perplexed70. The troubles growing out of the Reformation demanded his attention, and the Turks, at this period a powerful nation, were about invading Austria. The Spaniards murmured at the unusual length of the war, and money was with difficulty obtained.
Hence the peace of Cambray, August 5, 1529; which was very advantageous71 to Charles, in consequence of the impulsive72 character of Francis, and his impatience73 to recover his children, whom he had surrendered to Charles in order to recover his liberty. He agreed to pay two millions of crowns for the ransom74 of his sons, and renounce75 his pretensions76 in the Low Countries and Italy. He, moreover, lost reputation, and the confidence of Europe, by the abandonment of his allies. Charles remained the arbiter77 of Italy, and was attentive78 to the interests of all who adhered to him. With less chivalry79 than his rival, he had infinitely80 more honor. Cold, sagacious, selfish, and ambitious, he was, however, just, and kept his word. He combined qualities we often see in selfish men—a sort of legal and technical regard to the letter of the law, with the constant violation81 of its spirit. A Shylock might not enter a false charge upon his books, while he would adhere to a most extortionate bargain.
Charles, after the treaty of Cambray was signed, visited Italy with all the pomp of a conqueror82. At Genoa, he honored Doria with many marks of distinction, and bestowed83 upon the republic new privileges. He settled all his difficulties with Milan, Venice, and Florence, and re?stablished the authority of the Medici. He was then crowned by the pope, whom he had trampled84 on, as King of Lombardy and Emperor of the Romans, and hastened into Germany, which imperatively85 required his presence, both on account of dissensions among the princes, which the reformation caused, and the invasion of Austria by three hundred thousand Turks. He resolved to recover the old prerogatives86 of the emperor of Germany, and crush those opinions which were undermining his authority, as well as the power of Rome, with which his own was identified.
A Diet of the empire was accordingly summoned at Diet of Spires87. Spires, in order to take into consideration the state of religion, the main cause of all the disturbances88 in Germany. It met on the 15th of March, 1529, and the greatest address was required to prevent a civil war. All that Charles could obtain from the assembled princes was, the promise to prevent any further innovations. A decree to that effect was passed, against which, however, the followers89 of Luther protested, the most powerful of whom were the Elector of Saxony, the Marquis of Brandenburg, the Landgrave of Hesse, the Duke of Lunenburg, the Prince of Anhalt, and the deputies of fourteen imperial cities. This protest gave to them the name of Protestants—a name ever since retained. Soon after, the diet assembled at Augsburg, when the articles of faith among the Protestants were read,—known as the Confession90 of Augsburg,—which, however, the emperor opposed. In consequence of his decree, the Protestant princes entered into a league at Smalcalde, (December 22, 1530,) to support one another, and defend their religion. Circumstances continually occurred to convince Charles, that the extirpation91 of heresy by the sword was impossible in Germany, and moreover, he saw it was for his interest—to which his eye was peculiarly open—to unite all the German provinces in a vigorous confederation. Accordingly after many difficulties, and with great reluctance93, terms of pacification94 were agreed upon at Nuremburg, (1531,) and ratified95 in the diet at Ratisbon, shortly after, by which it was agreed that no person should be molested96 in his religion, and that the Protestants, on their part, should assist the emperor in resisting the invasion of the Turks. The Germans, with their customary good faith, furnished all the assistance they promised, and one of the best armies ever raised in Germany, amounting to ninety thousand foot, and thirty thousand horse, took the field, commanded by the emperor in person. But the campaign ended without any memorable97 event, both parties having erred98 from excessive caution.
Francis soon availed himself of the difficulties and dangers of his rival, formed an alliance with the Turks, put forth99 his old claims, courted the favor of the German Protestants, and Hostilities between Charles and Francis. renewed hostilities. He marched towards Italy, and took possession of the dominions of the duke of Savoy, whom the emperor, at this juncture100, was unable to assist, on account of his African expedition against the pirate Barbarossa. This noted101 corsair had built up a great power in Tunis and Algiers, and committed shameful102 ravages103 on all Christian104 nations. Charles landed in Africa with thirty thousand men, took the fortress of Goletta, defeated the pirate's army, captured his capital, and restored the exiled Moorish105 king to his throne. In the midst of these victories Francis invaded Savoy. Charles was terribly indignant, and loaded his rival with such violent invectives that Francis challenged him to single combat. The challenge was accepted, but the duel106 was never fought. Charles, in his turn, invaded France, with a large army, for that age—forty thousand foot and ten thousand horse; but the expedition was unfortunate. Francis acted on the defensive107 with admirable skill, and was fortunate in his general Montmorency, who seemed possessed108 with the spirit of a Fabius. The emperor, at last, was compelled to return ingloriously, having lost half of his army without having gained a single important advantage. The joy of Francis, however, was embittered109 by the death of the dauphin, attributed by some to the infamous Catharine de Medicis, wife of the Duke of Orleans, in order to secure the crown to her husband. War did not end with the retreat of Charles, but was continued, with great personal animosity, until mutual exhaustion110 led to a truce111 for ten years, concluded at Nice, in 1538. Both parties had exerted their utmost strength, and neither had obtained any signal advantage. Notwithstanding their open and secret enmity, they had an interview shortly after the truce, in which both vied with each other in expressions of esteem112 and friendship, and in the exhibition of chivalrous113 courtesies—a miserable114 mockery, as shown by the violation of the terms of the truce, and the renewal115 of hostilities in 1541.
These were, doubtless, facilitated by Charles's unfortunate expedition against Algiers in 1541, by which he gained nothing but disgrace. African Wars. His army was wasted by famine and disease, and a tempest destroyed his fleet. All the complicated miseries116 which war produces were endured by his unfortunate troops, but a small portion of whom ever returned. Francis, taking advantage of these misfortunes, made immense military preparations, formed a league with the Sultan Solyman, and brought five armies into the field. He assumed the offensive, and invaded the Netherlands, but obtained no laurels117. Charles formed a league with Henry VIII., and the war raged, with various success, without either party obtaining any signal advantage, for three years, when a peace was concluded at Crespy, in 1544. Charles, being in the heart of France with an invading army, had the apparent advantage but the difficulty of retreating out of France in case of disaster, and the troubles in Germany, forced him to suspend his military operations. The pope, also, was offended because he had conceded so much to the Protestants, and the Turks pressed him on the side of Hungary. Moreover, he was afflicted118 with the gout, which indisposed him for complicated enterprises. In view of these things, he made peace with Francis, formed a strong alliance with the pope, and resolved to extirpate119 the Protestant religion, which was the cause of so many insurrections in Germany.
In the mean time, the pope resolved to assemble the famous Council of Trent. Council of Trent, the legality of which the Protestants denied. It met in December, 1545, and was the last general council which the popes ever assembled. It met with a view of healing the dissensions of the church, and confirming the authority of the pope. The princes of Europe hoped that important reforms would have been made; but nothing of consequence was done, and the attention of the divines was directed to dogmas rather than morals. The great number of Italian bishops120 enabled the pope to have every thing his own way, in spite of the remonstrance121 of the German, Spanish, and French prelates, and the ambassadors of the different monarchs, who also had seats in the council. The decrees of this council, respecting articles of faith, are considered as a final authority by the Roman church. It denounced the reform of Luther, and confirmed the various ecclesiastical usurpations which had rendered the reformation necessary. It lasted twenty-two years, at different intervals122, during the pontificate of five popes. The Jesuits, just rising into notice, had considerable influence in the council, in consequence of the learning and ability of their representatives, and especially of Laynez, the general of the order. The Dominicans and Franciscans manifested their accustomed animosities and rivalries123, and questions were continually proposed and agitated124, which divided the assembly. The French bishops, headed by the Cardinal125 of Lorraine, were opposed to the high pretensions of the Italians, especially of Cardinal Morone, the papal legate; but, by artifice and management, the more strenuous126 adherents127 of the pope attained128 their ends.
About the time the council assembled, died three distinguished129 persons—Henry VIII. of England, Francis I., and Luther. Charles V. was freed from his great rival, and from the only private person in his dominions he had reason to fear. He now, in good earnest, turned his attention to the internal state of his empire, and resolved to crush the Reformation, and, by force, if it were necessary. He commenced by endeavoring to amuse and deceive the Protestants, and evinced that profound dissimulation130, which was one of his characteristics. He formed a strict alliance with the pope, made a truce with Solyman, and won over to his side Maurice and other German princes. His military preparations and his intrigues131 alarmed the Protestants, and they prepared themselves for resistance. Religious zeal132 seconded their military ardor133. One of the largest armies, which had been raised in Europe for a century, took the field, and Charles, shut up in Ratisbon, was in no condition to fight. Unfortunately for the Protestants, they negotiated instead of acting134. The emperor was in their power, but he was one of those few persons who remained haughty135 and inflexible136 in the midst of calamities137. He pronounced the ban of the empire against the Protestant princes, who were no match for a man who had spent his life in the field: they acted without concert, and committed many errors. Their forces decreased, while those of the emperor increased by large additions from Italy and Flanders. Instead of decisive action, the Protestants dallied138 and procrastinated139, unwilling140 to make peace, and unwilling to face their sovereign. Their army melted away, and nothing of importance was effected.
Maurice, cousin to the Elector of Saxony, with a baseness to which history scarcely affords a parallel, Treachery of Maurice. deserted141 his allies, and joined the emperor, purely from ambitious motives, and invaded the territories of his kinsman142 with twelve thousand men. The confederates made overtures143 of peace, which being rejected, they separated, and most of them submitted to the emperor. He treated them with haughtiness144 and rigor145, imposed on them most humiliating terms, forced them to renounce the league of Smalcalde, to give up their military stores, to admit garrisons146 into their cities, and to pay large contributions in money.
The Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse, however held out; and such was the condition of the emperor, that he could not immediately attack them. But the death of Francis gave him leisure to invade Saxony, and the elector was defeated at the battle of Muhlhausen, (1547,) and taken prisoner. The captive prince approached the victor without sullenness147 or pride. "The fortune of war," said he, "has made me your prisoner, most gracious emperor, and I hope to be treated ——" Here Charles interrupted him—"And am I, at last, acknowledged to be emperor? Charles of Ghent was the only title you lately allowed me. You shall be treated as you deserve." At these words he turned his back upon him with a haughty air.
The unfortunate prince was closely guarded by Spanish soldiers, and brought to a trial before a court martial148, at which presided the infamous Duke of Alva, afterwards celebrated for his cruelties in Holland. He was convicted of treason and rebellion, and sentenced to death—a sentence which no court martial had a right to inflict149 on the first prince of the empire. He was treated with ignominious150 harshness, which he bore with great magnanimity, but finally made a treaty with the emperor, by which, for the preservation151 of his life, he relinquished152 his kingdom to Maurice.
The landgrave was not strong enough to resist the power of Charles, after all his enemies were subdued153, and he made his submission154, though Charles extorted the most rigorous conditions, he being required to surrender his person, abandon the league of Smalcalde, implore155 pardon on his knees, demolish156 his fortifications, and pay an enormous fine. In short, it was an unconditional157 submission. Beside infinite mortifications, Captivity158 of the Landgrave of Hesse. he was detained a prisoner, which, on Charles's part, was but injury added to insult—an act of fraud and injustice159 which inspired the prince, and the Protestants, generally, with unbounded indignation. The Elector of Brandenburg and Maurice in vain solicited160 for his liberty, and showed the infamy161 to which he would be exposed if he detained the landgrave a prisoner. But the emperor listened to their remonstrances162 with the most provoking coolness, and showed very plainly that he was resolved to crush all rebellion, suppress Protestantism, and raise up an absolute throne in Germany, to the subversion163 of its ancient constitution.
To all appearances, his triumph was complete. His great rival was dead; his enemies were subdued and humiliated164; Luther's voice was hushed; and immense contributions filled the imperial treasury165. He now began to realize the dreams of his life. He was unquestionably, at that time, the most absolute and powerful prince Europe has ever seen since Charlemagne, with the exception of Napoleon.
But what an impressive moral does the history of human greatness convey! The hour of triumph is often but the harbinger of defeat and shame. "Pride goeth before destruction." Charles V., with all his policy and experience, overreached himself. The failure of his ambitious projects and the restoration of Protestantism, were brought about by instruments the least anticipated.
The cause of Protestantism and the liberties of Germany were endangered by the treachery of Maurice, who received, as his reward, the great electorate166 of Saxony. He had climbed to the summit of glory and power. Who would suppose that this traitor167 prince would desert the emperor, who had so splendidly rewarded his services, Heroism168 of Maurice.. and return to the rescue of those princes whom he had so basely betrayed? But who can thread the labyrinth169 of an intriguing170 and selfish heart? Who can calculate the movements of an unprincipled and restless politician? Maurice, at length, awoke to the perception of the real condition of his country. He saw its liberties being overturned by the most ambitious man whom ten centuries had produced. He saw the cause, which his convictions told him was the true one, in danger of being wrecked171. He was, moreover, wounded by the pride, coldness, and undisguised selfishness of the emperor. He was indignant that the landgrave, his father-in-law, should be retained a prisoner, against all the laws of honor and of justice. He resolved to come to the rescue of his country. He formed his plans with the greatest coolness, and exercised a power of dissimulation that has no parallel in history. But his address was even greater than his hypocrisy173. He gained the confidence of the Protestants, without losing that of the emperor. He even obtained the command of an army which Charles sent to reduce the rebellious174 city of Magdeburg, and, while he was besieging175 the city, he was negotiating with the generals who defended it for a general union against the emperor. Magdeburg surrendered in 1551. Its chieftains were secretly assured that the terms of capitulation should not be observed. His next point was, to keep the army together until his schemes were ripened176, and then to arrest the emperor, whose thoughts now centred on the council of Trent. So he proposed sending Protestant divines to the council, but delayed their departure by endless negotiations177 about the terms of a safe conduct. He, moreover, formed a secret treaty with Henry II., the successor of Francis, whose animosity against Charles was as intense as was that of his father. When his preparations were completed, he joined his army in Thuringia, and took the field against the emperor, who had no suspicion of his designs, and who blindly trusted to him, deeming it impossible that a man, whom he had so honored and rewarded, could turn against him. March 18, 1552, Maurice published his manifesto178, justifying179 his conduct; and his reasons were, to secure the Protestant religion, to maintain the constitution of the empire, and deliver the Landgrave of Hesse from bondage180. He was powerfully supported by the French king, and, with a rapidly increasing army, marched towards Innspruck, where the emperor was quartered. Misfortunes of Charles. The emperor was thunderstruck when he heard the tidings of his desertion, and was in no condition to resist him. He endeavored to gain time by negotiations, but these were without effect. Maurice, at the head of a large army, advanced rapidly into Upper Germany. Castles and cities surrendered as he advanced, and so rapid was his progress, that he came near taking the emperor captive. Charles was obliged to fly, in the middle of the night, and to travel on a litter by torchlight, amid the passes of the Alps. He scarcely left Innspruck before Maurice entered it—but too late to gain the prize he sought. The emperor rallied his armies, and a vigorous war was carried on between the contending parties, to the advantage of the Protestants. The emperor, after a while, was obliged to make peace with them, for his Spanish subjects were disgusted with the war, his funds were exhausted, his forces dispersed181, and his territories threatened by the French. On the 2d of August, 1552, was concluded the peace of Passau, which secured the return of the landgrave to his dominions, the freedom of religion to the Protestants, and the preservation of the German constitution. The sanguine182 hopes of the emperor were dispelled183, and all his ambitious schemes defeated, and he left to meditate184, in the intervals of the pains which he suffered from the gout, on the instability of all greatness, and the vanity of human life. Maurice was now extolled as extravagantly185 as he had been before denounced, and his treachery justified186, even by grave divines. But what is most singular in the whole affair, was, that the French king, while persecuting187 Protestants at home, should protect them abroad. But this conduct may confirm, in a signal manner, the great truth of history, that God regulates the caprice of human passions, and makes them subservient188 to the accomplishment189 of his own purposes.
The labors190 and perplexities of Charles V. were not diminished by the Treaty of Passau. treaty of Passau. He continued his hostilities against the French and against the Turks. He was obliged to raise the siege of Metz, which was gallantly191 defended by the Duke of Guise172. To his calamities in France, were added others in Italy. Sienna revolted against his government, and Naples was threatened by the Turks. The imperialists were unsuccessful in Italy and in Hungary, and the Archduke Ferdinand was obliged to abandon Transylvania. But war was carried on in the Low Countries with considerable vigor92.
Charles, whose only passion was the aggrandizement of his house, now projected a marriage of his son, Philip, with Mary, queen of England. The queen, dazzled by the prospect192 of marrying the heir of the greatest monarch in Europe, and eager to secure his powerful aid to re?stablish Catholicism in England, listened to his proposal, although it was disliked by the nation. In spite of the remonstrance of the house of commons, the marriage treaty was concluded, and the marriage celebrated, (1554.)
Soon after, Charles formed the extraordinary resolution of resigning his dominions to his son, and of retiring to a quiet retreat. Diocletian is the only instance of a prince, capable of holding the reins193 of government, who had adopted a similar course. All Europe was astonished at the resolution of Charles, and all historians of the period have moralized on the event. Character of Charles V. But it ceases to be mysterious, when we remember that Charles was no nearer the accomplishment of the ends which animated194 his existence, than he was thirty years before; that he was disgusted and wearied with the world; that he suffered severely195 from the gout, which, at times, incapacitated him for the government of his extensive dominions. It was never his habit to intrust others with duties and labors which he could perform himself, and he felt that his empire needed a more powerful protector than his infirmities permitted him to be. He was grown prematurely196 old, he felt his declining health; longed for repose197, and sought religious consolation198. Of all his vast possessions, he only reserved an annual pension of one hundred thousand crowns; resigning Spain and the Low Countries into the hands of Philip, and the empire of Germany to his brother Ferdinand, who had already been elected as King of the Romans. He then set out for his retreat in Spain, which was the monastery199 of St. Justus, near Placentia, situated200 in a lovely vale, surrounded with lofty trees, watered by a small brook201, and rendered attractive by the fertility of the soil, and the delightful202 temperature of the climate. Here he spent his last days in agricultural improvements and religious exercises, apparently203 regardless of that noisy world which he had deserted forever, and indifferent to those political storms which his restless ambition had raised. Here his grandeur204 and his worldly hopes were buried in preparing himself for the future world. He lived with great simplicity205, for two years after his retreat, and died (1558,) from the effects of the gout, which, added to his great labors, had shattered his constitution. He was not what the world would call a great genius, like Napoleon; but he was a man of great sagacity, untiring industry, and respectable attainments206. He was cautious, cold, and selfish; had but little faith in human virtue207, and was a slave, in his latter days, to superstition208. He was neither affable nor courteous209, but was sincere in his attachments210, and munificent211 in rewarding his generals and friends. He was not envious nor cruel, but inordinately212 ambitious, and intent on aggrandizing213 his family. This was his characteristic defect, and this, in a man so prominent and so favored by circumstances, was enough to keep Europe in a turmoil214 for nearly half a century.
References.—Robertson's History of Charles V. Ranke's History of the Reformation. Kohlrausch's History of Germany. Russell's Modern Europe. The above-mentioned authors are easily accessible, and are all that are necessary for the student. Robertson's History is a classic, and an immortal23 work.
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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9
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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10
extolled
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| v.赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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11
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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12
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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13
insular
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| adj.岛屿的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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14
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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15
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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16
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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17
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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18
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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19
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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20
oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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21
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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22
immortality
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| n.不死，不朽 | |
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23
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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24
corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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25
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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26
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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27
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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28
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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29
profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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30
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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31
degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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32
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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33
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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34
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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35
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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36
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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37
grandees
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| n.贵族，大公，显贵者( grandee的名词复数 ) | |
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38
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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39
aggrandizement
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| n.增大，强化，扩大 | |
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40
constellation
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| n.星座n.灿烂的一群 | |
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41
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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42
mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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43
subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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44
envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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45
embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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46
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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47
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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48
jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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49
patrimonial
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| adj.祖传的 | |
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50
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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51
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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52
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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53
extorted
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| v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 )；曲解 | |
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54
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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55
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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56
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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57
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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58
artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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59
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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60
prosecuting
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| 检举、告发某人( prosecute的现在分词 )； 对某人提起公诉； 继续从事（某事物）； 担任控方律师 | |
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61
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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62
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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63
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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64
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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65
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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66
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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67
accede
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| v.应允，同意 | |
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68
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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69
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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70
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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71
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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72
impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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73
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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74
ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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75
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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76
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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77
arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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78
attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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79
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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80
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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81
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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82
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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83
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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85
imperatively
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| adv.命令式地 | |
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86
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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87
spires
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| n.（教堂的） 塔尖，尖顶( spire的名词复数 ) | |
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88
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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89
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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90
confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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91
extirpation
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| n.消灭，根除，毁灭；摘除 | |
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92
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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93
reluctance
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| n.厌恶，讨厌，勉强，不情愿 | |
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94
pacification
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| n. 讲和，绥靖，平定 | |
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95
ratified
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
molested
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| v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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97
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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98
erred
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| 犯错误，做错事( err的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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99
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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100
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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101
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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102
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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103
ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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104
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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105
moorish
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| adj.沼地的，荒野的，生[住]在沼地的 | |
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106
duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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107
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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108
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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109
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
exhaustion
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| n.耗尽枯竭，疲惫，筋疲力尽，竭尽，详尽无遗的论述 | |
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111
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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112
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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113
chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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114
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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115
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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116
miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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117
laurels
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| n.桂冠，荣誉 | |
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118
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
extirpate
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| v.除尽，灭绝 | |
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120
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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121
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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122
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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123
rivalries
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| n.敌对，竞争，对抗( rivalry的名词复数 ) | |
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124
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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125
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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126
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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127
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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128
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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129
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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130
dissimulation
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| n.掩饰，虚伪，装糊涂 | |
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131
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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132
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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133
ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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134
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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135
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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136
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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137
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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138
dallied
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| v.随随便便地对待( dally的过去式和过去分词 )；不很认真地考虑；浪费时间；调情 | |
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139
procrastinated
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| 拖延，耽搁( procrastinate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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141
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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142
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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143
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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144
haughtiness
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| n.傲慢；傲气 | |
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145
rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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146
garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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147
sullenness
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| n. 愠怒, 沉闷, 情绪消沉 | |
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148
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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149
inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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150
ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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151
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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152
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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153
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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154
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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155
implore
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| vt.乞求，恳求，哀求 | |
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156
demolish
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| v.拆毁(建筑物等)，推翻(计划、制度等) | |
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157
unconditional
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| adj.无条件的，无限制的，绝对的 | |
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158
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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159
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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160
solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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161
infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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162
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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163
subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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164
humiliated
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| 感到羞愧的 | |
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165
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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166
electorate
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| n.全体选民；选区 | |
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167
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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168
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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169
labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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170
intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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171
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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172
guise
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| n.外表，伪装的姿态 | |
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173
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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174
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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175
besieging
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的现在分词 ) | |
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176
ripened
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| v.成熟，使熟( ripen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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178
manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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179
justifying
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| 证明…有理( justify的现在分词 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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180
bondage
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| n.奴役，束缚 | |
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181
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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182
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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183
dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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184
meditate
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| v.想，考虑，（尤指宗教上的）沉思，冥想 | |
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185
extravagantly
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| adv.挥霍无度地 | |
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186
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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187
persecuting
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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188
subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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189
accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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190
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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191
gallantly
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| adv. 漂亮地，勇敢地，献殷勤地 | |
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192
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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193
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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194
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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195
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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196
prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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197
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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198
consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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199
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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200
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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201
brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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202
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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203
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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204
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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205
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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206
attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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207
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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208
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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209
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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210
attachments
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| n.（用电子邮件发送的）附件( attachment的名词复数 )；附着；连接；附属物 | |
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211
munificent
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| adj.慷慨的，大方的 | |
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212
inordinately
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| adv.无度地，非常地 | |
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213
aggrandizing
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| v.扩大某人的权力( aggrandize的现在分词 )；提高某人的地位；夸大；吹捧 | |
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214
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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