The history of Europe in the sixteenth century is peculiarly the history of the wars of kings, and of their efforts to establish themselves and their families on absolute thrones. The monotonous1, and almost exclusive, record of royal pleasures and pursuits shows in how little consideration the people were held. They struggled, and toiled2, and murmured as they do now. They probably had the same joys and sorrows as in our times. But, in these times, they have considerable influence on the government, the religion, the literature, and the social life of nations. In the sixteenth century, this influence was not so apparent; but power of all kinds seemed to emanate3 from kings and nobles; at least from wealthy and cultivated classes. When this is the case, when kings give a law to society, history is not unphilosophical which recognizes chiefly their enterprises and ideas.
The Rise of Absolute Monarchy5. rise of absolute monarchy on the ruins of feudal6 states is one of the chief features of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. There was every where a strong tendency to centralization. Provinces, before independent, were controlled by a central government. Standing7 armies took the place of feudal armies. Kings took away from nobles the right to coin money, administer justice, and impose taxes. The power of the crown became supreme9 and unlimited10.
But some monarchs11 were more independent than others, in proportion as the power of nobles was suppressed, or, as the cities sided with the central government, or, as provinces were connected and bound together. The power of Charles V. was somewhat limited, in Spain, by the free spirit of the Cortes, and, in Germany, by the independence of the princes of the empire. But, in France and England, the king was more absolute, although he did not rule over so great extent of territory as did the emperor of Germany; and this is one reason why Francis I. proved so strong an antagonist12 to his more powerful rival.
The history of France, during the reign13 of this monarch4, is also the history of Charles V., since they were both engaged in the same wars; which wars have already been alluded14 to. Both of these monarchs failed in the objects of their existence. If Charles did not realize his dream of universal empire, neither did Francis leave his kingdom, at his death, in a more prosperous state than he found it.
Francis I. was succeeded by his son Henry II., a warlike prince, but destitute15 of prudence16, and under the control of women. His policy, however, was substantially that of his father, and he continued hostilities17 against the emperor of Germany, till his resignation. He was a bitter persecutor18 of the Protestants, and the seeds of subsequent civil wars were sown by his zeal19. He was removed from his throne prematurely20, being killed at a tournament, in 1559, soon after the death of Charles V. Tournaments ceased with his death.
The reign of Henry VIII. Henry VIII., the other great contemporary of Charles V., merits a larger notice, not only because his reign was the commencement of a new era in England, but, also, because the affairs, which engaged his attention, are not much connected with continental21 history.
He ascended22 the throne in the year 1509, in his eighteenth year, without opposition23, and amid the universal joy of the nation; for his manners were easy and frank, his disposition24 was cheerful, and his person was handsome. He had made respectable literary attainments25, and he gave promise of considerable abilities. He was married, soon after his accession, to Catharine, daughter of the King of Spain, and the first years of his reign were happy, both to himself and to his subjects. He had a well-filled treasury26, which his father had amassed27 with great care, a devoted28 people and an obedient parliament. All circumstances seemed to conspire29 to strengthen his power, and to make him the arbiter30 of Europe.
But this state did not last long. The young king was resolved to make war on France, but was diverted from his aim by troubles in Scotland, growing out of his own rapacity31—a trait which ever peculiarly distinguished32 him. These troubles resulted in a war with the Scots, who were defeated at the memorable33 battle of Flodden Field, which Sir Walter Scott, in his Marmion, has immortalized. The Scotch34 commanders, Lenox and Argyle, both perished, as well as the valiant35 King James himself. There is scarcely an illustrious Scotch family who had not an ancestor slain36 on that fatal day, September 9, 1513. But the victory was dearly bought, and Surrey, the English general, afterwards Duke of Norfolk, was unable to pursue his advantages.
About this time, the celebrated37 Rise of Cardinal38 Wolsey. Cardinal Wolsey began to act a conspicuous39 part in English affairs. His father was a butcher of Ipswich; but was able to give his son a good education. He studied at Oxford40, was soon distinguished for his attainments, and became tutor to the sons of the Marquis of Dorset. The marquis gave him the rich living of Limington; but the young parson, with his restless ambition, and love of excitement and pleasure, was soon wearied of a country life. He left his parish to become domestic chaplain to the treasurer41 of Calais. This post introduced him to Fox, bishop42 of Winchester, who shared with the Earl of Surrey the highest favors of royalty43. The minister and diplomatist, finding in the young man learning, tact44, vivacity45, and talent for business, introduced him to the king, hoping that he would prove an agreeable companion for Henry, and a useful tool for himself. But those who are able to manage other people's business, generally are able to manage their own. The tool of Fox looked after his own interest chiefly. He supplanted46 his master in the loyal favor, and soon acquired more favor and influence at court than any of the ministers or favorites. Though twenty years older than Henry, he adapted himself to all his tastes, flattered his vanity and passions, and became his bosom48 friend. He gossiped with him about Thomas Aquinas, the Indies, and affairs of gallantry. He was a great refiner of sensual pleasures, had a passion for magnificence and display, and a real genius for court entertainments. He could eat and drink with the gayest courtiers, sing merry songs, and join in the dance. He was blunt and frank in his manners; but these only concealed49 craft and cunning. "It is art to conceal50 art," and Wolsey was a master of all the tricks of dissimulation51. He rose rapidly after he had once gained the heart of the king. He became successively dean of York, papal legate, cardinal, bishop of Lincoln, archbishop of York, and lord chancellor52. He also obtained the administration and the temporalities of the rich abbey of St. Albans, and of the bishoprics of Bath and Wells, Durham and Winchester. By these gifts, his revenues almost equalled those of the crown; and he squandered53 them in a style of unparalleled extravagance. He dressed in purple and gold, supported a train of eight hundred persons, and built Hampton Court. He was the channel through which the royal favors flowed. But he made a good chancellor, dispensed54 justice, repressed the power of the nobles, encouraged and rewarded literary men, and endowed colleges. He was the most magnificent and the most powerful subject that England has ever seen. Even nobles were proud to join his train of dependants55. There was nothing sordid56 or vulgar, however, in all his ostentation57. Henry took pleasure in his pomp, for it was a reflection of the greatness of his own majesty58.
The first years of the reign of Henry VIII., after the battle of Flodden Field, were spent in pleasure, and in great public displays of Magnificence of Henry VIII. magnificence, which charmed the people, and made him a popular idol59. Among these, the interview of the king with Francis I. is the most noted60, on the 4th of June, 1520; the most gorgeous pageant61 of the sixteenth century, designed by Wolsey, who had a genius for such things. The monarchs met in a beautiful valley, where jousts62 and tournaments were held, and where was exhibited all the magnificence which the united resources of France and England could command. The interview was sought by Francis to win, through Wolsey, the favor of the king, and to counterbalance the advantages which it was supposed Charles V. had gained on a previous visit to the king at Dover.
The getting up of the "Field of the Cloth of Gold" created some murmurs63 among the English nobility, many of whom were injured by the expensive tastes of Wolsey. Among these was the Duke of Buckingham, hereditary64 high constable65 of England, and connected with the royal house of the Plantagenets. Henry, from motives66 of jealousy67, both on account of his birth and fortune, had long singled him out as his victim. He was, also, obnoxious68 to Wolsey, since he would not flatter his pride, and he had, moreover, insulted him. It is very easy for a king to find a pretence69 for committing a crime; and Buckingham was arrested, tried, and executed, for making traitorous70 prophecies. His real crime was in being more powerful than it suited the policy of the king. With the death of Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, in 1521, commenced the bloody71 cruelty of Henry VIII.
Soon after the death of Buckingham, the king made himself notorious for his theological writings against Luther, whose doctrines72 he detested73. He ever had a taste for theological disputation, and a love of the schoolmen. His tracts74 against Luther, very respectable for talent and learning, though disgraced by coarse and vulgar vituperation, secured for him the favor of the pope, who bestowed75 upon him the title of "Defender76 of the Faith;" and a strong alliance existed between them until the divorce of Queen Catharine.
The difficulties and delays, attending this act of cruelty and injustice77, constitute no small part of the domestic history of England during the reign of Henry VIII. Any event, which furnishes subjects of universal gossip and discussion, is ever worthy79 of historical notice, inasmuch as it shows prevailing80 opinions and tastes.
Queen Catharine, daughter of Ferdinand, King of Spain, was eight years older than her husband, whom she married in the first year of his reign. She had been previously81 married to his brother Arthur, who died of the plague in 1502. For several years after her marriage with Henry VIII., her domestic happiness was a subject of remark; and the emperor, Charles V., congratulated her on her brilliant fortune. She was beautiful, sincere, accomplished82; religious, and disinterested83, and every way calculated to secure, as she had won, the king's affections.
But among her maids of honor there was one peculiarly accomplished and fascinating, to whom the king transferred his affections with unwonted vehemence84. Anne Boleyn. This was Anne Boleyn, daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn, who, from his great wealth, married Elizabeth Howard, daughter of the first duke of Norfolk. This noble alliance brought Sir Thomas Boleyn into close connection with royalty, and led to the appointment of his daughter to the high post which she held at the court of Queen Catharine. It is probable that the king suppressed his passion for some time; and it would have been longer concealed, even from its object, had not his jealousy been excited by her attachment85 to Percy, son of the Earl of Northumberland. The king at last made known his passion; but the daughter of the Howards was too proud, or too politic86, or too high principled, to listen to his overtures87. It was only as queen of England, that she would return the passion of her royal lover. Moreover, she resolved to be revenged on the all-powerful cardinal, for assisting in her separation from Percy, whom she loved with romantic attachment. The king waited four years, but Anne remained inflexibly88 virtuous89. He then meditated90 the divorce from Catharine, as the only way to accomplish the object which now seemed to animate91 his existence. He confided92 the matter to his favorite minister; but Wolsey was thunderstruck at the disclosure, and remained with him four hours on his knees, to dissuade93 him from a step which he justly regarded as madness. Here Wolsey appears as an honest man and a true friend; but royal infatuation knows neither wisdom, justice, nor humanity. Wolsey, as a man of the world, here made a blunder, and departed from the policy he had hitherto pursued—that of flattering the humors of his absolute master. Wolsey, however, recommended the king to consult the divines; for Henry pretended that, after nearly twenty years of married life, he had conscientious94 scruples95 about the lawfulness96 of his marriage. The learned English doctors were afraid to pronounce their opinions, and suggested a reference to the fathers. But the king was not content with their authority; he appealed to the pope, and to the decisions of half of the universities of Europe. It seems very singular that a sovereign so unprincipled, unscrupulous, and passionate97, and yet so absolute and powerful as was Henry, should have wasted his time and money in seeking countenance98 to an act on which he was fully99 determined100, and which countenance he never could reasonably hope to secure. But his character was made up of contradictions. His caprice, violence, and want of good faith, were strangely blended with superstition101 and reverence102 for the authority of the church. His temper urged him to the most rigorous measure of injustice; and his injustice produced no shame, although he was restrained somewhat by the opinions of the very men whom he did not hesitate to murder.
Queen Queen Catharine. Catharine, besides being a virtuous and excellent woman, was powerfully allied103, and was a zealous104 Catholic. Her repudiation105, therefore, could not take place without offending the very persons whose favor the king was most anxious to conciliate especially the Emperor Charles, her nephew, and the pope, and all the high dignitaries and adherents106 of the church. Even Wolsey could not in honor favor the divorce, although it was his policy to do so. In consequence of his intrigues107, and the scandal and offence so outrageous108 an act as the divorce of Catharine must necessarily produce throughout the civilized109 world, Henry long delayed to bring the matter to a crisis, being afraid of a war with Charles V., and of the anathemas110 of the pope. Moreover, he hoped to gain him over, for the pope had sent Cardinal Campeggio to London, to hold, with his legate Wolsey, a court to hear the case. But it was the farthest from his intention to grant the divorce, for the pope was more afraid of Charles V. than he was of Henry VIII.
The court settled nothing, and the king's wrath111 now turned towards Disgrace and Death of Wolsey. Wolsey, whom he suspected of secretly thwarting112 his measures. The accomplished courtier, so long accustomed to the smiles and favors of royalty, could not bear his disgrace with dignity. The proudest man in England became, all at once, the meanest. He wept, he cringed, he lost his spirits; he surrendered his palace, his treasures, his honors, and his offices, into the hands of him who gave them to him, without a single expostulation: wrote most abject113 letters to "his most gracious, most merciful, and most pious114 sovereign lord;" and died of a broken heart on his way to a prison and the scaffold. "Had I but served my God as diligently115 as I have served the king, he would not have given me over in my gray hairs"—these were the words of the dying cardinal; his sad confessions117 on experiencing the vanity of human life. But the vindictive118 prince suffered no word of sorrow or regret to escape him, when he heard of the death of his prime minister, and his intimate friend for twenty years.
Shortly after the disgrace of Wolsey, which happened nearly a year before his death, (1529,) three remarkable119 men began to figure in English politics and history. These were More — Cranmer — Cromwell. Sir Thomas More, Thomas Cranmer, and Thomas Cromwell. More was the most accomplished, most learned, and most enlightened of the three. He was a Catholic, but very exemplary in his life, and charitable in his views. In moral elevation120 of character, and beautiful serenity121 of soul, the annals of the great men of his country furnish no superior. His extensive erudition and moral integrity alone secured him the official station which Wolsey held as lord chancellor. He was always the intimate friend of the king, and his conversation, so enlivened by wit, and so rich and varied122 in matter, caused his society to be universally sought. He discharged his duties with singular conscientiousness123 and ability; and no one ever had cause to complain that justice was not rendered him.
Cranmer's elevation was owing to a fortunate circumstance, notwithstanding his exalted124 merit. He happened to say, while tutor to a gentleman of the name of Cressy, in the hearing of Dr. Gardiner, then secretary to Henry, that the proper way to settle the difficulty about the divorce was, to appeal to learned men, who would settle the matter on the sole authority of the Bible, without reference to the pope. This remark was reported to the king, and Cranmer was sent to reside with the father of Anne Boleyn, and was employed in writing a treatise125 to support his opinion. His ability led to further honors, until, on the death of Warham, archbishop of Canterbury, he was appointed to the vacant see, the first office in dignity and importance in the kingdom, and from which no king, however absolute, could eject him, except by the loss of life. We shall see that, in all matters of religion, Cranmer was the ruling spirit in England until the accession of Mary.
Cromwell's origin was even more obscure than that of Wolsey's; but he received his education at one of the universities. We first hear of him as a clerk in an English factory at Antwerp, then as a soldier in the army of the Constable Bourbon when it sacked Rome, then as a clerk in a mercantile house in Venice, and then again as a lawyer in England, where he attracted the attention of Wolsey, who made him his solicitor126, and employed him in the dissolution of monasteries127. He then became a member of the house of commons, where his address and business talents were conspicuous. He was well received at court, and confirmed in the stewardship128 of the monasteries, after the disgrace of his master. His office brought him often into personal conference with the king; and, at one of these, he recommended him to deny the authority of the pope altogether, and declare himself supreme head of the church. The boldness of this advice was congenial to the temper of the king, worried by the opposition of Rome to his intended divorce, and Cromwell became a member of the privy129 council. His fortune was thus made by his seasonable advice. All who opposed the king were sure to fall, and all who favored him were sure to rise, as must ever be the case in an absolute monarchy, where the king is the centre and the fountain of all honor and dignity.
With such ministers as Cranmer and Cromwell, the measures of Henry were now prompt and bold. Queen Catharine was soon disposed of; she was divorced and disgraced, and Anne Boleyn was elevated to her throne, (1533.) The anathemas of the pope and the outcry of all Europe followed. Sir Thomas More resigned the seals, and retired130 to poverty and solitude131. But he was not permitted to enjoy his retirement132 long. Refusing to take the oath of supremacy133 to Henry, as head of the church as well as of the state, he was executed, with other illustrious Catholics. The execution of More was the most cruel and uncalled-for act of the whole reign, and entailed134 on its author the execrations of all the learned and virtuous men in Europe, most of whom appreciated the transcendent excellences135 of the murdered chancellor, the author of the Utopia, and the Boethius of his age.
The fulminations of the pope only excited Henry to more Quarrel with the Pope. decided136 opposition. The parliament, controlled by Cromwell, acknowledged him as the supreme head of the Church of England, and the separation from Rome was final and irrevocable. The tenths were annexed137 to the crown, and the bishops138 took a new oath of supremacy.
The independence of the Church of England, effected in 1535, was followed by important consequences, and was the first step to the reformation, afterwards perfected by Edward VI. But as the first acts of the reformation were prompted by political considerations, the reformers in England, during the reign of Henry VIII., should be considered chiefly in a political point of view. The separation from Rome, during the reign of this prince, was not followed by the abolition139 of the Roman Catholic worship, nor any of the rites47 and ceremonies of that church. Nor was religious toleration secured. Every thing was subservient140 to the royal conscience, and a secular141, instead of an ecclesiastical pope, still reigned142 in England.
Henry soon found that his new position, as head of the English Church, imposed new duties and cares: he therefore established a separate department for the conduct of ecclesiastical affairs, over which he placed the unscrupulous, but energetic Cromwell—a fit minister to such a monarch. A layman143, who hated the clergy144, and who looked solely145 to the pecuniary146 interests of his master, was thus placed over the highest prelates of the church. But Cromwell, in consulting the pecuniary interests of the king, also had an eye to the political interests of the kingdom. He was a sagacious and practical man of the world, and was disgusted with the vices147 of the clergy, and especially with the custom of sending money to Rome, in the shape of annates and taxes. This evil he remedied, which tended greatly to enrich the country, for the popes at this time were peculiarly extortionate. He then turned his attention to the reform of the whole monastic institution, but with an eye also to its entire destruction. Cromwell hated the monks148. They were lazy, ignorant, and debauched. They were a great burden on the people, and were as insolent149 and proud as they were idle and profligate150. The country swarmed151 with them. The roads, taverns152, and the houses of the credulous153 were infested154 with them. Cranmer, who sympathized with the German reformers, hated them on religious grounds, and readily co?perated with Cromwell; while the king, whose extortion and rapacity knew no bounds, listened, with glistening155 eye, to the suggestions of his two favorite ministers. The nation was suddenly astounded156 with the intelligence that parliament had passed a bill, Abolition of Monasteries. giving to the king and his heirs all the monastic establishments in the kingdom, which did not exceed two hundred pounds a year. Three hundred and eighty thus fell at a blow, whereby the king was enriched by thirty-two thousand pounds a year, and one hundred thousand pounds ready money—an immense sum in that age. By this spoliation, perhaps called for, but exceedingly unjust and harsh, and in violation157 of all the rights of property, thousands were reduced to beggary and misery158, while there was scarcely an eminent159 man in the kingdom who did not come in for a share of the plunder160. Vast grants of lands were bestowed by the king on his favorites and courtiers, in order to appease161 the nation; and thus the foundations of many of the great estates of the English nobility were laid. The spoliations, however, led to many serious riots and insurrections, especially in Lincolnshire. At one place there were forty thousand rebels under arms; but they were easily suppressed.
The rapacious162 king was not satisfied with the plunder he had secured, and, in 1539, the Suppression of Monasteries. final suppression of all the monasteries in England was decreed. Then followed the seizure163 of all the church property in England connected with monasteries—shrines, relics164, gold and silver vessels165 of immense value and rarity, lands, and churches. Canterbury, Bath, Merton, Stratford, Bury St. Edmonds, Glastonbury, and St. Albans, suffered most, and many of those beautiful monuments of Gothic architecture were levelled with the dust. Their destruction deprived the people of many physical accommodations, for they had been hospitals and caravansaries, as well as "cages of unclean birds." Neither the church nor the universities profited much from the confiscation166 of so much property, and only six new bishoprics were formed, and only fourteen abbeys were converted into cathedrals and collegiate churches. The king and the nobles were the only gainers by the spoil; the people obtained no advantage in that age, although they have in succeeding ages.
After renouncing167 the pope's supremacy, and suppressing the monasteries, where were collected the treasures of the middle ages, one would naturally suppose that the king would have gone farther, and changed the religion of his people. But Henry hated Luther and his doctrines, and did not hate the pope, or the religion of which he was the sovereign pontiff. He loved gold and new wives better than the interests of the Catholic church. Reform proceeded no farther in his reign; while, on the other hand, he caused a decree to pass both houses of his timid, complying parliament, by which the doctrines of transubstantiation, the communion of one kind, the celibacy168 of the clergy, masses, and auricular confession116, were established; and any departure from, or denial of, these subjected the offender169 to the punishment of death.
But Henry had new domestic difficulties long before the suppression of monasteries—the great political act of Thomas Cromwell. His new wife, Anne Boleyn, was suspected of the crime of inconstancy, and at the very time when she had reached the summit of power, and the gratification of all worldly wishes. She had been very vain, and fond of display and of ornaments170; but the latter years of her life were marked by her munificence171, and attachment to the reform doctrines. But her power ceased almost as soon as she became queen. She could win, but she could not retain, the affections of her royal husband. His passion subsided172 into languor173, and ended in disgust. The beauty of Anne Boleyn was soon forgotten when Jane Seymour, her maid of honor, attracted the attention of Henry. To make this lady his wife now became the object of his life, and this could only be effected by the divorce of his queen, who gave occasion for scandal by the levity174 and freedom of her manners. Henry believed every insinuation against her, because he wished to believe her guilty. There was but a step between the belief of guilt175 and the resolution to destroy her. She was committed to the Tower, impeached176, brought to trial, condemned177 without evidence, and Execution of Anne Boleyn. executed without remorse178. Even Cranmer, whom she had honored and befriended, dared not defend her, although he must have believed in her innocence179. He knew the temper of the master whom he served too well to risk much in her defence. She was the first woman who had been beheaded in the annals of England. Not one of the Plantagenet kings ever murdered a woman. But the age of chivalry180 was past, and the sentiments it encouraged found no response in the bosom of such a sensual and vindictive monarch as was Henry VIII.
The very day after the execution of that accomplished lady, for whose sake the king had squandered the treasures of his kingdom, and had kept Christendom in a ferment181, he married Jane Seymour, "the fairest, discreetest, and most meritorious182 of all his wives," as the historians say, yet a woman who did not hesitate to steal the affections of Henry and receive his addresses, while his queen was devoted to her husband. But Anne Boleyn had done so before her, and suffered a natural retribution.
Jane Seymour lived only eighteen months after her marriage, and died two days after giving birth to a son, afterwards Edward VI. She was one of those passive women who make neither friends nor enemies. She indulged in no wit or repartee183, like her brilliant but less beautiful predecessor184, and she passed her regal life without uttering a sentence or a sentiment which has been deemed worthy of preservation185.
She had been dead about a month, when the king looked round for another wife, and besought186 Francis I. to send the most beautiful ladies of his kingdom to Calais, that he might there inspect them, and select one according to his taste. But this Oriental notion was not indulged by the French king, who had more taste and delicacy187; and Henry remained without a wife for more than two years, the princesses of Europe not being very eager to put themselves in the power of this royal Bluebeard. At last, at the suggestion of Cromwell, he was affianced to Anne of Cleves — Catharine Howard. Anne, daughter of the Duke of Cleves, whose home was on the banks of the Rhine, in the city of Dusseldorf.
The king no sooner set his eyes on her than he was disappointed and disgusted, and gave vent78 to his feelings before Cromwell, calling her a "great Flanders mare188." Nevertheless, he consummated189 his marriage, although his disgust constantly increased. This mistake of Cromwell was fatal to his ambitious hopes. The king vented190 on him all the displeasure which had been gathering191 in his embittered192 soul. Cromwell's doom193 was sealed. He had offended an absolute monarch. He was accused of heresy194 and treason,—the common accusations195 in that age against men devoted to destruction,—tried by a servile board of judges, condemned, and judicially196 murdered, in 1540. In his misfortunes, he showed no more fortitude197 than Wolsey. The atmosphere of a court is fatal to all moral elevation.
But, before his execution, Anne of Cleves, a virtuous and worthy woman, was divorced, and Catharine Howard, granddaughter of the victor of Flodden Field, became queen of England. The king now fancied that his domestic felicity was complete; but, soon after his marriage, it was discovered that his wife had formerly198 led a dissolute life, and had been unfaithful also to her royal master. When the proofs of her incontinence were presented to him, he burst into a flood of tears; but soon his natural ferocity returned, and his guilty wife expiated199 her crime by death on the scaffold, in 1542.
Henry's sixth and last wife was Catharine Parr, relict of Lord Latimer, a woman of great sagacity, prudence, and good sense. She favored the reformers, but had sufficient address to keep her opinions from the king, who would have executed her, had he suspected her real views. She survived her husband, who died four years after her marriage, in 1547.
The last years of any tyrant200 are always melancholy201, and those of Henry were embittered by jealousies202 and domestic troubles. His finances were deranged203, his treasury exhausted204, and his subjects discontented. He was often at war with the Scots, and different continental powers. He added religious persecution205 to his other bad traits, and executed, for their opinions, some of the best people in the kingdom. His father had left him the richest sovereign of Europe, and he had seized the abbey lands, and extorted206 heavy sums from his oppressed people; and yet he was poor. All his wishes were apparently207 gratified; and yet he was the most miserable208 man in his dominions209. He exhausted all the sources of pleasure, and nothing remained but satiety210 and disgust. His mind and his body were alike diseased. His inordinate211 gluttony made him most inconveniently212 corpulent, and produced ulcers213 and the gout. It was dangerous to approach this "corrupt214 mass of dying tyranny." It was impossible to please him, and the least contradiction drove him into fits of madness and frenzy215.
In Last Days of Henry. his latter days, he ordered, in a fit of jealousy, the execution of the Duke of Norfolk, the first nobleman of the kingdom, who had given offence to the Earl of Hertford, uncle to the young prince of Wales, and the founder216 of the greatness of the Seymours. But the tyrant died before the sentence was carried into effect, much to the joy of the good people of England, whom he had robbed and massacred. Several thousands perished by the axe8 of the executioner during his disgraceful reign, and some of them were the lights of the age, and the glory of their country.
Tyrannical as was Henry VIII., still he ever ruled by the laws. He did not abolish parliament, or retrench217 its privileges. The parliament authorized218 all his taxes, and gave sanction to all his violent measures. The parliament was his supple219 instrument; still, had the parliament resisted his will, doubtless he would have dissolved it, as did the Stuart princes. But it was not, in his reign, prepared for resistance, and the king had every thing after his own way.
By nature, he was amiable220, generous, and munificent221. But his temper was spoiled by self-indulgence and incessant222 flattery. The moroseness223 he exhibited in his latter days was partly the effect of physical disease, brought about, indeed, by intemperance224 and gluttony. He was faithful to his wives, so long as he lived with them; and, while he doted on them, listened to their advice. But few of his advisers225 dared tell him the truth; and Cranmer himself can never be exculpated226 from flattering his perverted227 conscience. No one had the courage to tell him he was dying but one of the nobles of the court. Death of Henry VIII. He died, in great agony, June, 1547, in the thirty-eighth year of his reign, and the fifty-sixth of his age, and was buried, with great pomp, in St. George Chapel228, Windsor Castle.
References.—The best English histories of the reign of Henry VIII. are the standard ones of Hume and Lingard. The Pictorial229 History, in spite of its pictures, is also excellent. Burnet should be consulted in reference to ecclesiastical matters, and Hallam, in reference to the constitution. See also the lives of Wolsey, Sir Thomas More, and Cranmer. The lives of Henry's queens have been best narrated230 by Agnes Strickland.
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monotonous
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adj.单调的,一成不变的,使人厌倦的 | |
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toiled
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长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 ); 艰难缓慢地移动,跋涉 | |
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emanate
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v.发自,来自,出自 | |
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monarch
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n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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monarchy
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n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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feudal
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adj.封建的,封地的,领地的 | |
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standing
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n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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axe
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n.斧子;v.用斧头砍,削减 | |
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9
supreme
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adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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10
unlimited
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adj.无限的,不受控制的,无条件的 | |
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11
monarchs
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君主,帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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12
antagonist
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n.敌人,对抗者,对手 | |
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13
reign
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n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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14
alluded
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提及,暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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15
destitute
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adj.缺乏的;穷困的 | |
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16
prudence
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n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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17
hostilities
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n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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18
persecutor
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n. 迫害者 | |
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19
zeal
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n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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20
prematurely
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adv.过早地,贸然地 | |
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21
continental
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adj.大陆的,大陆性的,欧洲大陆的 | |
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22
ascended
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v.上升,攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23
opposition
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n.反对,敌对 | |
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24
disposition
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n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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25
attainments
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成就,造诣; 获得( attainment的名词复数 ); 达到; 造诣; 成就 | |
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26
treasury
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n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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27
amassed
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v.积累,积聚( amass的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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28
devoted
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adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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29
conspire
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v.密谋,(事件等)巧合,共同导致 | |
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30
arbiter
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n.仲裁人,公断人 | |
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31
rapacity
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n.贪婪,贪心,劫掠的欲望 | |
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32
distinguished
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adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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33
memorable
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adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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34
scotch
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n.伤口,刻痕;苏格兰威士忌酒;v.粉碎,消灭,阻止;adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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35
valiant
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adj.勇敢的,英勇的;n.勇士,勇敢的人 | |
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36
slain
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杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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37
celebrated
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adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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38
cardinal
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n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
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39
conspicuous
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adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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40
Oxford
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n.牛津(英国城市) | |
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41
treasurer
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n.司库,财务主管 | |
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42
bishop
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n.主教,(国际象棋)象 | |
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43
royalty
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n.皇家,皇族 | |
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44
tact
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n.机敏,圆滑,得体 | |
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45
vivacity
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n.快活,活泼,精神充沛 | |
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46
supplanted
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把…排挤掉,取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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47
rites
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仪式,典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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48
bosom
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n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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49
concealed
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a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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50
conceal
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v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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51
dissimulation
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n.掩饰,虚伪,装糊涂 | |
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52
chancellor
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n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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53
squandered
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v.(指钱,财产等)浪费,乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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54
dispensed
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v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 );施与;配(药) | |
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55
dependants
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受赡养者,受扶养的家属( dependant的名词复数 ) | |
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56
sordid
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adj.肮脏的,不干净的,卑鄙的,暗淡的 | |
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57
ostentation
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n.夸耀,卖弄 | |
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58
majesty
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n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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59
idol
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n.偶像,红人,宠儿 | |
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60
noted
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adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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61
pageant
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n.壮观的游行;露天历史剧 | |
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62
jousts
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(骑士)骑着马用长矛打斗( joust的名词复数 ); 格斗,竞争 | |
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63
murmurs
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n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 );低语声;怨言;嘀咕 | |
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64
hereditary
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adj.遗传的,遗传性的,可继承的,世袭的 | |
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65
constable
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n.(英国)警察,警官 | |
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66
motives
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n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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67
jealousy
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n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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68
obnoxious
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adj.极恼人的,讨人厌的,可憎的 | |
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69
pretence
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n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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70
traitorous
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adj. 叛国的, 不忠的, 背信弃义的 | |
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71
bloody
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adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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72
doctrines
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n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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73
detested
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v.憎恶,嫌恶,痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74
tracts
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大片土地( tract的名词复数 ); 地带; (体内的)道; (尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的)短文 | |
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75
bestowed
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赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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76
defender
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n.保卫者,拥护者,辩护人 | |
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77
injustice
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n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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78
vent
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n.通风口,排放口;开衩;vt.表达,发泄 | |
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79
worthy
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adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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80
prevailing
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adj.盛行的;占优势的;主要的 | |
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81
previously
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adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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82
accomplished
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adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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83
disinterested
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adj.不关心的,不感兴趣的 | |
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84
vehemence
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n.热切;激烈;愤怒 | |
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85
attachment
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n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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86
politic
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adj.有智虑的;精明的;v.从政 | |
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87
overtures
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n.主动的表示,提议;(向某人做出的)友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 );(歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的)序曲,前奏曲 | |
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88
inflexibly
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adv.不屈曲地,不屈地 | |
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89
virtuous
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adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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90
meditated
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深思,沉思,冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 ); 内心策划,考虑 | |
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91
animate
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v.赋于生命,鼓励;adj.有生命的,有生气的 | |
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92
confided
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v.吐露(秘密,心事等)( confide的过去式和过去分词 );(向某人)吐露(隐私、秘密等) | |
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93
dissuade
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v.劝阻,阻止 | |
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94
conscientious
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adj.审慎正直的,认真的,本着良心的 | |
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95
scruples
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n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 );顾虑,顾忌v.感到于心不安,有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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96
lawfulness
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法制,合法 | |
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97
passionate
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adj.热情的,热烈的,激昂的,易动情的,易怒的,性情暴躁的 | |
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98
countenance
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n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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99
fully
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adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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100
determined
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adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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101
superstition
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n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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102
reverence
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n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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103
allied
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adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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104
zealous
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adj.狂热的,热心的 | |
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105
repudiation
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n.拒绝;否认;断绝关系;抛弃 | |
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106
adherents
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n.支持者,拥护者( adherent的名词复数 );党羽;徒子徒孙 | |
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107
intrigues
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n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 );神秘气氛;引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 );激起…的好奇心 | |
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108
outrageous
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adj.无理的,令人不能容忍的 | |
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109
civilized
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a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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110
anathemas
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n.(天主教的)革出教门( anathema的名词复数 );诅咒;令人极其讨厌的事;被基督教诅咒的人或事 | |
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111
wrath
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n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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112
thwarting
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阻挠( thwart的现在分词 ); 使受挫折; 挫败; 横过 | |
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113
abject
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adj.极可怜的,卑屈的 | |
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114
pious
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adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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115
diligently
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ad.industriously;carefully | |
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116
confession
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n.自白,供认,承认 | |
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117
confessions
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n.承认( confession的名词复数 );自首;声明;(向神父的)忏悔 | |
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118
vindictive
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adj.有报仇心的,怀恨的,惩罚的 | |
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119
remarkable
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adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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120
elevation
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n.高度;海拔;高地;上升;提高 | |
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121
serenity
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n.宁静,沉着,晴朗 | |
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122
varied
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adj.多样的,多变化的 | |
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123
conscientiousness
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责任心 | |
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124
exalted
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adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
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125
treatise
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n.专著;(专题)论文 | |
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126
solicitor
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n.初级律师,事务律师 | |
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127
monasteries
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修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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128
stewardship
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n. n. 管理工作;管事人的职位及职责 | |
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129
privy
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adj.私用的;隐密的 | |
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130
retired
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adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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131
solitude
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n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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132
retirement
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n.退休,退职 | |
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133
supremacy
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n.至上;至高权力 | |
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134
entailed
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使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 ); 需要; 限定继承; 使必需 | |
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135
excellences
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n.卓越( excellence的名词复数 );(只用于所修饰的名词后)杰出的;卓越的;出类拔萃的 | |
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136
decided
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adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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137
annexed
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[法] 附加的,附属的 | |
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138
bishops
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(基督教某些教派管辖大教区的)主教( bishop的名词复数 ); (国际象棋的)象 | |
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139
abolition
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n.废除,取消 | |
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140
subservient
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adj.卑屈的,阿谀的 | |
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141
secular
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n.牧师,凡人;adj.世俗的,现世的,不朽的 | |
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142
reigned
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vi.当政,统治(reign的过去式形式) | |
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143
layman
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n.俗人,门外汉,凡人 | |
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144
clergy
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n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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145
solely
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adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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146
pecuniary
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adj.金钱的;金钱上的 | |
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147
vices
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缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
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148
monks
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n.修道士,僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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149
insolent
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adj.傲慢的,无理的 | |
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150
profligate
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adj.行为不检的;n.放荡的人,浪子,肆意挥霍者 | |
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151
swarmed
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密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 ); 云集; 成群地移动; 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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152
taverns
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n.小旅馆,客栈,酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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153
credulous
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adj.轻信的,易信的 | |
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154
infested
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adj.为患的,大批滋生的(常与with搭配)v.害虫、野兽大批出没于( infest的过去式和过去分词 );遍布于 | |
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155
glistening
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adj.闪耀的,反光的v.湿物闪耀,闪亮( glisten的现在分词 ) | |
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156
astounded
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v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词);愕然;愕;惊讶 | |
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157
violation
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n.违反(行为),违背(行为),侵犯 | |
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158
misery
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n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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159
eminent
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adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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160
plunder
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vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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161
appease
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v.安抚,缓和,平息,满足 | |
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162
rapacious
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adj.贪婪的,强夺的 | |
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163
seizure
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n.没收;占有;抵押 | |
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164
relics
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[pl.]n.遗物,遗迹,遗产;遗体,尸骸 | |
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165
vessels
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n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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166
confiscation
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n. 没收, 充公, 征收 | |
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167
renouncing
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v.声明放弃( renounce的现在分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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168
celibacy
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n.独身(主义) | |
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169
offender
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n.冒犯者,违反者,犯罪者 | |
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170
ornaments
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n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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171
munificence
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n.宽宏大量,慷慨给与 | |
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172
subsided
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v.(土地)下陷(因在地下采矿)( subside的过去式和过去分词 );减弱;下降至较低或正常水平;一下子坐在椅子等上 | |
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173
languor
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n.无精力,倦怠 | |
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174
levity
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n.轻率,轻浮,不稳定,多变 | |
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175
guilt
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n.犯罪;内疚;过失,罪责 | |
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176
impeached
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v.控告(某人)犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 );弹劾;对(某事物)怀疑;提出异议 | |
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177
condemned
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adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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178
remorse
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n.痛恨,悔恨,自责 | |
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179
innocence
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n.无罪;天真;无害 | |
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180
chivalry
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n.骑士气概,侠义;(男人)对女人彬彬有礼,献殷勤 | |
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181
ferment
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vt.使发酵;n./vt.(使)激动,(使)动乱 | |
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182
meritorious
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adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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183
repartee
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n.机敏的应答 | |
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184
predecessor
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n.前辈,前任 | |
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185
preservation
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n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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186
besought
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v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的过去式和过去分词 );(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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187
delicacy
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n.精致,细微,微妙,精良;美味,佳肴 | |
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188
mare
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n.母马,母驴 | |
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189
consummated
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v.使结束( consummate的过去式和过去分词 );使完美;完婚;(婚礼后的)圆房 | |
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190
vented
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表达,发泄(感情,尤指愤怒)( vent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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191
gathering
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n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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192
embittered
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v.使怨恨,激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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193
doom
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n.厄运,劫数;v.注定,命定 | |
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194
heresy
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n.异端邪说;异教 | |
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195
accusations
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n.指责( accusation的名词复数 );指控;控告;(被告发、控告的)罪名 | |
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196
judicially
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依法判决地,公平地 | |
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197
fortitude
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n.坚忍不拔;刚毅 | |
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198
formerly
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adv.从前,以前 | |
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199
expiated
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v.为(所犯罪过)接受惩罚,赎(罪)( expiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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200
tyrant
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n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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201
melancholy
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n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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202
jealousies
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n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 );妒羡 | |
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203
deranged
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adj.疯狂的 | |
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204
exhausted
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adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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205
persecution
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n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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206
extorted
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v.敲诈( extort的过去式和过去分词 );曲解 | |
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207
apparently
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adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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208
miserable
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adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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209
dominions
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统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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210
satiety
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n.饱和;(市场的)充分供应 | |
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211
inordinate
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adj.无节制的;过度的 | |
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212
inconveniently
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ad.不方便地 | |
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213
ulcers
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n.溃疡( ulcer的名词复数 );腐烂物;道德败坏;腐败 | |
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214
corrupt
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v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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215
frenzy
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n.疯狂,狂热,极度的激动 | |
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216
Founder
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n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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217
retrench
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v.节省,削减 | |
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218
authorized
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a.委任的,许可的 | |
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219
supple
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adj.柔软的,易弯的,逢迎的,顺从的,灵活的;vt.使柔软,使柔顺,使顺从;vi.变柔软,变柔顺 | |
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220
amiable
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adj.和蔼可亲的,友善的,亲切的 | |
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221
munificent
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adj.慷慨的,大方的 | |
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222
incessant
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adj.不停的,连续的 | |
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223
moroseness
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224
intemperance
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n.放纵 | |
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225
advisers
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顾问,劝告者( adviser的名词复数 ); (指导大学新生学科问题等的)指导教授 | |
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226
exculpated
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v.开脱,使无罪( exculpate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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227
perverted
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adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 );腐蚀;败坏;使堕落 | |
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228
chapel
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n.小教堂,殡仪馆 | |
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229
pictorial
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adj.绘画的;图片的;n.画报 | |
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230
narrated
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v.故事( narrate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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