Queen Anne died in 1714, soon after the famous treaty of Utrecht was made, and by which the war of the Spanish Succession was closed. She was succeeded by Accession of George I. George I., Elector of Hanover. He was grandson of Elizabeth, only daughter of James I., who had married Frederic, the King of Bohemia. He was fifty-four years of age when he ascended2 the English throne, and imperfectly understood the language of the nation whom he was called upon to govern.
George I. was not a sovereign who materially affected4 the interests or destiny of England; nor was he one of those interesting characters that historians love to delineate. It is generally admitted that he was respectable, prudent5, judicious6, and moral; amiable7 in his temper, sincere in his intercourse8, and simple in his habits,—qualities which command respect, but not those which dazzle the people. It is supposed that he tolerably understood the English Constitution, and was willing to be fettered9 by the restraints which the parliaments imposed. He supported the Whigs,—the dominant11 party of the time,—and sympathized with liberal principles, so far as a monarch12 can be supposed to advance the interests of the people, and the power of a class ever hostile to the prerogatives13 of royalty15. He acquiesced16 in the rule of his ministers—just what was expected of him, and just what was wanted of him; and became—what every King of England, when popular, has since been—the gilded17 puppet of a powerful aristocracy. His social and constitutional influence was not, indeed, annihilated18; he had the choice of ministers, and collected around his throne the great and proud, who looked to him as the fountain of all honor and dignity. But, still, from the accession of the house of Hanover the political history of England is a history of the acts of parliaments, and of those ministers who represented the dominant parties of the nation. Few nobles were as great as some under the Tudor and Stuart princes; but the power of the aristocracy, as a class, was increased. From the time of George I. to Queen Victoria, the ascendency of the parliaments has been most marked composed chiefly of nobles, great landed proprietors20, and gigantic commercial monopolists. The people have not been, indeed, unheard or unrepresented; but, literally21 speaking, have had but a feeble influence, compared with the aristocracy. Parliaments and ministers, therefore, may be not unjustly said to be the representatives of the aristocracy—of the wise, the mighty22, and the noble.
When power passes from kings to nobles, then the acts of nobles constitute the genius of political history, as fully23 as the acts of kings constitute history when kings are absolute, and the acts of the people constitute history where the people are all-powerful.
A notice, therefore, of that great minister who headed the Whig party of aristocrats24, and who, as their organ, swayed the councils of England for nearly forty years, demands our attention. His political career commenced during the reign3 of Anne, and continued during the reign of George I., and part of the reign of George II. George I., as a man or as a king, dwindled25 into insignificance26, when compared with his prime minister, Sir Robert Walpole. Sir Robert Walpole. And he is great, chiefly, as the representative of the Whigs; that is, of the dominant party of rich and great men who sat in parliament; a party of politicians who professed27 more liberal principles than the Tories, but who were equally aristocratic in the social sympathies, and powerful from aristocratic connections. What did the great Dukes of Devonshire or Bedford care for the poor people, who, politically, composed no part of the nation? But they were Whigs, and King George himself was a Whig.
Sir Robert belonged to an ancient, wealthy, and honorable family; was born 1676, and received his first degree at King's College, Cambridge, in 1700. He entered parliament almost immediately after, became an active member, sat on several committees, and soon distinguished28 himself for his industry and ability. He was not eloquent29, but acquired considerable skill as a debater. In 1705, Lord Godolphin, the prime minister of Anne, made him one of the council to Prince George of Denmark; in 1706, Marlborough selected him as secretary of war; in 1709, he was made treasurer30 of the navy; and in 1710, he was the acknowledged leader of the House of Commons. He lost office, however, when the Whigs lost power, in 1710; was subjected to cruel political persecution31, and even impeached32, and imprisoned33 in the Tower. This period is memorable34 for the intense bitterness and severe conflicts between the Whigs and Tories; not so much on account of difference of opinion on great political principles, as the struggle for the possession of place and power.
On the accession of George I., Walpole became paymaster of the forces, one of the most lucrative35 offices in the kingdom. Townshend was made secretary of state. The other great official dignitaries were the Lords Cowper, Marlborough, Wharton, Sunderland, Devonshire, Oxford36, and Somerset; but Townshend and Walpole were the most influential37. They impeached their great political enemies, Ormond and Bolingbroke, the most distinguished leaders of the Tory party. Bolingbroke, in genius and learning, had no equal in parliament, and was a rival of Walpole at Eton.
The first event of importance, under the new ministry38, was the invasion of Great Britain by the The Pretender. Pretender—the Prince James Frederic Edward Stuart, only son of James II. His early days were spent at St. Germain's, the palace which the dethroned monarch enjoyed by the hospitality of Louis XIV. He was educated under influences entirely39 unfavorable to the recovery of his natural inheritance, and was a devotee to the pope and the interests of absolutism. But he had his adherents40, who were called Jacobites, and who were chiefly to be found in the Highlands of Scotland. In 1705, an unsuccessful effort had been made to regain41 the throne of his father, but the disasters attending it prevented him from milking any renewed effort until the death of Anne.
When she died, many discontented Tories fanned the spirit of rebellion; and Bishop42 Atterbury, a distinguished divine, advocated the claims of the Pretender. Scotland was ripe for revolt. Alarming riots took place in England. William III. was burned in effigy43 at Smithfield. The Oxford students pulled down a Presbyterian meeting-house, and the sprig of oak was publicly displayed on the 29th of May. The Earl of Mar1 hurried into Scotland to fan the spirit of insurrection; while the gifted, brilliant, and banished44 Bolingbroke joined the standard of the chevalier. The venerable and popular Duke of Ormond also assisted him with his counsels.
Advised by these great nobles, assisted by the King of France, and flattered by the Jacobite faction45, the Pretender made preparations to recover his rights. His prospects46 were apparently47 better than were those of William, when he landed in England. The Earl of Mar was at the head of ten thousand men; but the chevalier was no general, and was unequal to his circumstances. When he landed in Invasion of Scotland. Scotland, he surrendered himself to melancholy48 and inaction. His sadness and pusillanimity49 dispirited his devoted50 band of followers51. He retreated before inferior forces, and finally fled from the country which he had invaded. The French king was obliged to desert his cause, and the Pretender retreated to Italy, and died at the advanced age of seventy-nine, after witnessing the defeat of his son, Charles Edward, whose romantic career and misfortunes cannot now be mentioned. By the flight of the Pretender from Scotland, in 1715, the insurrection was easily suppressed, and the country was not molested52 by the intrigues53 of the Stuart princes for thirty years.
The year which followed the invasion of Scotland was signalized by the passage of a great bill in parliament, which is one of the most important events in parliamentary history. In 1716, the famous Septennial Act, which prolonged parliament from three to seven years, was passed. So many evils, practically, resulted from frequent elections, that the Whigs resolved to make a change; and the change contributed greatly to the tranquillity55 of the country, and the establishment of the House of Brunswick. The duration of the English parliament has ever since, constitutionally, been extended to seven years, but the average duration of parliaments has been six years—the term of office of the senators of the United States.
After the passage of the Septennial Act, the efforts of Walpole were directed to a reduction of the national debt. He was then secretary of the treasury56. But before he could complete his financial reforms, he was driven from office by the cabals57 of his colleagues, and the influence of the king's German favorites and mistresses. The Earl of Sunderland, who had married a daughter of the Duke of Marlborough, was at the head of the cabal58 party, and was much endeared to the Whigs by his steady attachment60 to their principles. He had expected, and probably deserved, to be placed at the head of the administration. When disappointed, he bent61 all his energies to undermine Townsend and Walpole, and succeeded for a while. But Walpole's opposition62 to the new administration was so powerful, that it did not last long. Sunderland had persuaded the king to renounce63 his constitutional prerogative14 of creating peers; and a bill, called the Peerage Bill, was proposed, which limited the House of Lords to its actual existing number, the tendency of which was to increase the power and rank of the existing peers, and to raise an eternal bar to the aspirations64 of all commoners to the peerage, and thus widen the gulf65 between the aristocracy and the people. Walpole presented these consequences so forcibly, and showed so clearly that the proposed bill would diminish the consequence of the landed gentry66, and prove a grave to honorable merit, that the Commons were alarmed, and rejected the bill by a large and triumphant67 majority of two hundred and sixty-nine to one hundred and seventy-seven.
The defeat of this bill, and the great financial embarrassments68 of the country, led to the restoration of Walpole to office. His genius was eminently69 financial, and his talents were precisely70 those which have ever since been required of a minister—those which characterized Sir Robert Peel and William Pitt. The great problem of any government is, how to raise money for its great necessities; and the more complicated the relations of society are, the more difficult becomes the problem.
At that period, the English nation were intoxicated71 and led astray by one of those great commercial delusions73 which so often take place in all civilized74 countries. No mania75 ever was more marked, more universal, and more fatal than that of the South Sea Company. The The South Sea Bubble. bubble had turned the heads of politicians, merchants, and farmers; all classes, who had money to invest, took stock in the South Sea Company. The delusion72, however, passed away; England was left on the brink76 of bankruptcy77, and a master financier was demanded by the nation, to extricate78 it from the effects of folly79 and madness. All eyes looked to Sir Robert Walpole, and he did all that financial skill could do, to repair the evils which speculation80 and gambling81 had caused.
The desire for sudden wealth is one of the most common passions of our nature, and has given rise to more delusions than religious fanaticism82, or passion for military glory. The South Sea bubble was kindred to that of John Law, who was the author of the Mississippi Scheme, which nearly ruined France in the reign of Louis XV., and which was encouraged by the Duke of Orleans, as a means of paying off the national debt.
The wars of England had created a national debt, under the administration of Godolphin and Marlborough; but which was not so large but that hopes were entertained of redeeming83 it. Walpole proposed to pay it off by a sinking fund; but this idea, not very popular, was abandoned. It was then the custom for government to borrow of corporations, rather than of bankers, because the science of brokerage was not then understood, and because no individuals were sufficiently84 rich to aid materially an embarrassed administration. As a remuneration, companies were indulged with certain commercial advantages. As these advantages enabled companies to become rich, the nation always found it easy to borrow. During the war of the Spanish Succession, the prime minister, Harley, afterwards Earl of Oxford, in order to raise money, projected the The South Sea Company. South Sea Company. This was in 1710, and the public debt was ten million pounds sterling85, thought at that time to be insupportable. The interest on that debt was six per cent. In order to liquidate86 the debt, Oxford made the duties on wines, tobacco, India goods, silks, and a few other articles, permanent. And, to allure87 the public creditor89, great advantages were given to the new company, and money was borrowed of it at five per cent. This gain of one per cent., by money borrowed from the company, was to constitute a sinking fund to pay the debt.
But the necessities of the nation increased so rapidly, that a leading politician of the day, Sir John Blount, proposed that the South Sea Company should become the sole national creditor, and should loan to the government new sums, at an interest of four per cent. New monopolies were to be given to the company; and it, on the other hand, offered to give a bonus of three million pounds to the government. The Bank of England, jealous of the proposal, offered five millions. The directors of the company then bid seven millions for a charter, nearly enough to pay off the whole redeemable90 debt of the nation; which, however, could not be redeemed91, so long as there were, in addition, irredeemable annuities92 to the amount of eight hundred thousand pounds yearly. It became, therefore, an object of the government to get rid, in the first place, of these irredeemable annuities; and this could be effected, if the national creditor could be induced to accept of shares in the South Sea Company, instead of his irredeemable annuities, or, as they are now variously called, consols, stocks, and national funds. The capital was not desired; only the interest on capital. So many monopolies and advantages were granted to the company, that the stock rose, and the national creditor was willing to part with his annuities for stock in the company. The offer was, therefore, accepted, and the government got rid of irredeemable annuities, and obtained seven millions besides, but became debtor93 to the company. A company which could apparently afford to pay so large a bonus to government for its charter, and loan such large sums as the nation needed, in addition, at four per cent., was supposed to be making most enormous profits. Its stock rose rapidly in value. The national creditor hastened to get rid of irredeemable annuities—a national stock which paid five per cent.—in order to buy shares which might pay ten per cent.
Walpole, then paymaster of the forces, Opposition of Walpole. opposed the scheme of Blount with all his might, showed that the acceptance of the company's proposal would countenance94 stockjobbing, would divert industry from its customary channels, and would hold out a dangerous lure88 to the unsuspecting to part with real for imaginary property. He showed the misery95 and confusion which existed in France from the adoption96 of similar measures, and proved that the whole success of the scheme must depend on the rise of the company's stock; that, if there were no rise, the company could not afford the bonus, and would fail, and the obligation of the nation remain as before. But his reasonings were of no avail. All classes were infatuated. All people speculated in the South Sea stock. And, for a while, all people rejoiced; for, as long as the stock continued to rise, all people were gainers.
And the stock rose rapidly. It soon reached three hundred per cent, above the original par10 value, and this in consequence of the promise of great dividends97. All hastened to buy such lucrative property. The public creditor willingly gave up three hundred pounds of irredeemable stock for one hundred pounds of the company's stock.
And this would have been well, had there been a moral certainty of the stockholder receiving a dividend98 of twenty per cent. But there was not this certainty, nor even a chance of it. Still, in consequence of the great dividends promised, even as high as fifty per cent., the stock gradually rose to one thousand per cent. Such was the general Mania for Speculation. mania. And such was the extent of it, that thirty-seven millions of pounds sterling were subscribed99 on the company's books.
And the rage for speculation extended to all other kinds of property; and all sorts of companies were formed, some of the shares of which were at a premium100 of two thousand per cent. There were companies formed for fisheries, companies for making salt, for making oil, for smelting101 metals, for improving the breed of horses, for the planting of madder, for building ships against pirates, for the importation of jackasses, for fattening102 hogs103, for wheels of perpetual motion, for insuring masters against losses from servants. There was one company for carrying on an undertaking104 of great advantage, but no one knew for what. The subscriber105, by paying two guineas as a deposit, was to have one hundred pounds per annum for every hundred subscribed. It was declared, that, in a month, the particulars were to be laid open, and the remainder of the subscription106 money was then to be paid. Notwithstanding this barefaced107, swindling scheme, two thousand pounds were received one morning as a deposit. The next day, the proprietor19 was not to be found.
Now, in order to stop these absurd speculations108, and yet to monopolize109 all the gambling in the kingdom, the directors of the South Sea Company obtained an act from parliament, empowering them to prosecute110 all the various bubble companies that were projected. In a few days, all these bubbles burst. None were found to be buyers. Stock fell to nothing.
But the South Sea Company made a blunder. The moral effect of the Bursting of the South Sea Bubble. bursting of so many bubbles was to open the eyes of the nation to the greatest bubble of all. The credit of the South Sea Company declined. Stocks fell from one thousand per cent to two hundred in a few days. All wanted to sell, nobody to buy. Bankers and merchants failed, and nobles and country gentlemen became impoverished111.
In this general distress112, Walpole was summoned to power, in older to extricate the nation, on the eve of bankruptcy. He proposed a plan, which was adopted, and which saved the credit of the nation. He ingrafted nine millions of the South Sea stock into the Bank of England, and nine millions more into the East India Company; and government gave up the seven millions of bonus which the company had promised.
By this assistance, the company was able to fulfil its engagements, although all who purchased stock when it had arisen beyond one hundred per cent. of its original value, lost money. It is strange that the stock, after all, remained at a premium of one hundred per cent.; of course, the original proprietors gained one hundred per cent., and those who paid one hundred per cent. premium lost nothing. But these constituted a small fraction of the people who had speculated, and who paid from one hundred to nine hundred per cent. premium. Government, too, gained by reducing interest on irredeemable bonds from five to four per cent., although it lost the promised bonus of seven millions.
The South Sea bubble did not destroy the rage for speculation, although it taught many useful truths—that national prosperity is not advanced by stockjobbing; that financiers, however great their genius, generally overreach themselves; that great dividends are connected with great risk; that circumstances beyond human control will defeat the best-laid plan; that it is better to repose113 upon the operation of the ordinary laws of trade; and that nothing but strict integrity and industry will succeed in the end. From the time of Sir Robert Walpole, money has seldom been worth, in England, over five per cent., and larger dividends on vested property have generally been succeeded by heavy losses, however plausible114 the promises and clear the statements of stockjobbers and speculators.
After the explosion of the South Sea Company, Walpole became possessed115 of almost unlimited116 power. And one of the first objects to which he directed attention, after settling the finances, was the Enlightened Policy of Walpole. removal of petty restrictions117 on commerce. He abolished the export duties on one hundred and six articles of British manufacture, and allowed thirty-eight articles of raw material to be imported duty free. This regulation was made to facilitate trade with the colonies, and prevent them from manufacturing; and this regulation accomplished118 the end desired. Both England and the colonies were enriched. It was doubtless the true policy of British statesmen then, as now, to advance the commercial, manufacturing, and agricultural interests of Great Britain, rather than meddle119 with foreign wars, or seek glory on the field of battle. The principles of Sir Robert Walpole were essentially120 pacific; and under his administration, England made a great advance in substantial prosperity. In this policy he surpassed all the statesmen who preceded or succeeded him, and this constituted his glory and originality121.
But liberal and enlightened as was the general course of Walpole, he still made blunders, and showed occasional illiberality122. He caused a fine of one hundred thousand pounds to be inflicted123 on the Catholics, on the plea that they were a disaffected124 body. He persecuted125 Bishop Atterbury, and permitted Bolingbroke, with his restless spirit of intrigue54, to return to his country, and to be reinstated in his property and titles. He flattered the Duchess of Kendall, the mistress of the king, and stooped to all the arts of corruption126 and bribery128. There never was a period of greater political corruption than during the administration of this minister. Sycophancy129, meanness, and hypocrisy130 were resorted to by the statesmen of the age, who generally sought their own interests rather than the welfare of the nation. There were, however, exceptions. Townsend, the great rival and coadjutor of Walpole, retired131 from office with an unsullied fame for integrity and disinterestedness132; and Walpole, while he bribed133 others, did not enrich himself.
King George I. died on the 11th of June, 1727, suddenly, by apoplexy, and was succeeded by his son George II., a man who resembled his father in disposition134 and character, and was superior to him in knowledge of the English constitution, though both were inclined to steer135 the British bark by the Hanoverian rudder. Like his father, he was reserved, phlegmatic136, cautious, sincere, fond of business, economical, and attached to Whig principles. He was fortunate in his wife, Queen Caroline, one of the most excellent women of the age, learned, religious, charitable, and sensible; the patroness of divines and scholars; fond of discussion on metaphysical subjects, and a correspondent of the distinguished Leibnitz.
The new king disliked Walpole, but could not do without him, and therefore continued him in office. Indeed, the king had the sense to perceive that England was to be governed only by the man in whom the nation had confidence.
In 1730, Walpole rechartered the East India Company. East India Company, the most gigantic monopoly in the history of nations. As early as 1599, an association had been formed in England for trade to the East Indies. This association was made in consequence of the Dutch and Portuguese137 settlements and enterprises, which aroused the commercial jealousy138 of England. The capital was sixty-eight thousand pounds. In 1600, Queen Elizabeth gave the company a royal charter. By this charter, the company obtained the right of purchasing land, without limit, in India, and the monopoly of the trade for fifteen years. But the company contended with many obstacles. The first voyage was made by four ships and one pinnace, having on board twenty-eight thousand pounds in bullion139, and seven thousand pounds in merchandise, such as tin, cutlery, and glass.
During the civil wars, the company's affairs were embarrassed, owing to the unsettled state of England. On the accession of Charles II., the company obtained a new charter, which not only confirmed the old privileges, but gave it the power of making peace and war with the native princes of India. The capital stock was increased to one million five hundred thousand pounds.
Much opposition was made by Bolingbroke and the Tories to the recharter of this institution; but the ministry carried their point, and a new charter was granted on the condition of the company paying to government two hundred thousand pounds, and reducing the interest of the government debts one per cent. per annum. By this time, the company, although it had not greatly enlarged its jurisdiction140 in India, had accumulated great wealth. Its powers and possessions will be more fully treated when the victories of Clive shall be presented.
About this time, the Duke of Newcastle came into the cabinet whose future administration will form the subject of a separate chapter.
In 1730 also occurred the disagreement between Walpole and Lord Townsend, which ended in the Resignation of Townsend. resignation of the latter, a man whose impetuous and frank temper ill fitted him to work with so cautious and non-committal a statesman as his powerful rival. He passed the evening of his days in rural pursuits and agricultural experiments, keeping open house, devoting himself to his family and friends, never hankering after the power he had lost, never even revisiting London, and finding his richest solace141 in literature and simple agricultural pleasures—the pattern of a lofty and cultivated nobleman.
The resignation of Townsend enabled Walpole to take more part in foreign negotiations142; and he exerted his talents, like Fleury in France, to preserve the peace of Europe. The peace policy of Walpole entitles him to the gratitude143 of his country. More than any other man of his age, he apprehended144 the true glory and interests of nations. Had Walpole paid as much attention to the intellectual improvement of his countrymen, as he did to the refinements145 of material life and to physical progress, he would have merited still higher praises. But he despised learning, and neglected literary men. And they turned against him and his administration, and, by their sarcasm146 and invective147, did much to undermine his power. Pope, Swift, and Gay might have lent him powerful aid by their satirical pen; but he passed them by with contemptuous indifference148, and they gave to Bolingbroke what they withheld149 from Walpole.
Next to the pacific policy of the minister, the most noticeable peculiarity151 of his administration was his zeal152 to improve the finances. He opposed speculations, and sought a permanent revenue from fixed153 principles. He regarded the national debt as a great burden, and strove to abolish it; and, when that was found to be impracticable, sought to prevent its further accumulation. He was not, indeed, always true to his policy; but he pursued it on the whole, consistently. He favored the agricultural interests, and was inclined to raise the necessary revenue by a tax on articles used, rather than by direct taxation154 on property or income, or articles imported. Hence he is the father of the excise155 scheme—a scheme still adopted in England, but which would be intolerable in this country. In this scheme, his grand object was to ease the landed proprietor, and to prevent smuggling156, by making smuggling no object. But the opposition to the Excise Bill was so great that Sir Robert abandoned it; and this relinquishment158 of his favorite scheme is one of the most striking peculiarities159 of his administration. He never pushed matters to extremity160. He ever yielded to popular clamor. He perceived that an armed force would be necessary in order to collect the excise, and preferred to yield his cherished measures to run the danger of incurring161 greater evils than financial embarrassments. His spirit of conciliation162, often exercised in the plenitude of power, prolonged his reign. This policy was the result of immense experience and practical knowledge of human nature, of which he was a great master.
But Sir Robert was not allowed to pursue to the end his pacific, any more than his financial policy. Unpopularity of Walpole. The clamors of interested merchants, the violence of party spirit, and the dreams of heroic grandeur163 on the part of politicians, overcame the repugnance164 of the minister, and plunged165 England in a disastrous166 Spanish war; and a war soon succeeded by that of the Austrian Succession, in which Maria Theresa was the injured, and Frederic the Great the offending party. But this war, which was carried on chiefly during the subsequent administration, will be hereafter alluded167 to.
Although Walpole was opposed by some of the ablest men in England—by Pulteney, Sir William Windham, and the Lords Chesterfield, Carteret, and Bolingbroke, his power was almost absolute from 1730 to 1740. His most powerful assistance was derived168 from Mr. Yorke, afterwards the Lord Chancellor169 Hardwicke, one of the greatest lawyers that England has produced.
In 1740, his power began to Decline of his Power. decline, and rapidly waned170. He lost a powerful friend and protector by the death of Queen Caroline, whose intercessions with the king were ever listened to with respectful consideration. But he had almost insurmountable obstacles to contend with—the distrust of the king, the bitter hatred171 of the Prince of Wales, the violent opposition of the leading statesmen in parliament, and universal envy. Moreover, he had grown careless and secure. He fancied that no one could rule England but himself. But hatred, opposition, envy, and unsuccessful military operations, forced him from his place. No shipwrecked pilot ever clung to the rudder of a sinking ship with more desperate tenacity172 than did this once powerful minister to the helm of state. And he did not relinquish157 it until he was driven from it by the desertion of all his friends, and the general clamor of the people. The king, however, appreciated the value of his services, and created him Earl of Orford, a dignity which had been offered him before, but which, with self-controlling policy, he had unhesitatingly declined. Like Sir Robert Peel in later times, he did not wish to be buried in the House of Lords.
His retirement174 (1742) amid the beeches175 and oaks of his country seat was irksome and insipid176. He had no taste for history, or science, or elegant literature, or quiet pleasures. His tumultuous public life had engendered177 other tastes. "I wish," said he to a friend, "I took as much delight in reading as you do. It would alleviate178 my tedious hours." But the fallen minister, though uneasy and restless, was not bitter or severe. He retained his good humor to the last, and to the last discharged all the rites59 of an elegant hospitality. Said his enemy, Pope,—
"Seen him I have, but in his happier hour
Of social pleasure—ill exchanged for power;
Seen him, uncumbered by the venal179 tribe,
Smile without art, and win without a bribe127."
He had the habit of "laughing the heart's laugh," which it is only in the power of noble natures to exercise. His manners were winning, his conversation frank, and his ordinary intercourse divested180 of vanity and pomp. He had many warm personal friends, and did not enrich himself, as Marlborough did, while he enriched those who served him. He kept a public table at Houghton, to which all gentlemen in the country had free access. He was fond of hunting and country sports, and had more taste for pictures than for books. He was not what would be called a man of genius or erudition, but had a sound judgment181, great sagacity, wonderful self-command, and undoubted patriotism182. As a wise and successful ruler, he will long be held in respect, though he will never secure veneration183.
It was during the latter years of the administration of Walpole that England was electrified184 by the preaching of Whitefield and Wesley, and the sect185 of the Methodists arose, which has exercised a powerful influence on the morals, religion, and social life of England.
John Wesley, John Wesley. who may rank with Augustine, Pelagius, Calvin, Arminius, or Jansen, as the founder186 of a sect, was demanded by the age in which he lived. Never, since the Reformation, was the state of religion so cold in England. The Established Church had triumphed over all her enemies. Puritanism had ceased to become offensive, and had even become respectable. The age of fox-hunting parsons had commenced, and the clergy187 were the dependants188 of great families, easy in their manners, and fond of the pleasures of the table. They were not expected to be very great scholars, or very grave companions. If they read the service with propriety189, did not scandalize their cause by gross indulgences, and did not meddle with the two exciting subjects of all ages,—politics and religion,—they were sure of peace and plenty. But their churches were comparatively deserted190, and infidel opinions had been long undermining respect for the institutions and ministers of religion. Swearing and drunkenness were fashionable vices173 among the higher classes, while low pleasures and lamentable191 ignorance characterized the people. The dissenting192 sects193 were more religious, but were formal and cold. Their ministers preached, too often, a mere194 technical divinity, or a lax system of ethics195. The Independents were inclined to a frigid196 Arminianism, and the Presbyterians were passing through the change from ultra Calvinism to Arianism and Socinianism.
The reformation was not destined198 to come from Dissenters199, but from the bosom200 of the Established Church, a reformation which bore the same relation to Protestantism as that effected by St. Francis bore to Roman Catholicism in the thirteenth century; a reformation among the poorer classes, who did not wish to be separated from the Church Establishment.
John Wesley belonged to a Early Life of Wesley. good family, his father being a respectable clergyman in a market town. He was born in 1703, was educated at Oxford, and for the church. At the age of twenty, he received orders from the Bishop of Oxford, and was, shortly after, chosen fellow of Lincoln College, and then Greek lecturer.
While at Oxford, he and his brother Charles, who was also a fellow and a fine scholar, excited the ridicule201 of the University for the strictness of their lives, and their methodical way of living, which caused their companions to give them the name of Methodists. Two other young men joined them—James Hervey, author of the Meditations202, and George Whitefield. The fraternity at length numbered fifteen young men, the members of which met frequently for religious purposes, visited prisons and the sick, fasted zealously203 on Wednesdays and Fridays, and bound themselves by rules, which, in many respects, resembled those which Ignatius Loyola imposed on his followers. The Imitation of Christ, by A Kempis, and Taylor's Holy Living, were their grand text-books, both of which were studied for their devotional spirit. But the Holy Living was the favorite book of Wesley, who did not fully approve of the rigid197 asceticism205 of the venerable mystic of the Middle Ages. The writings of William Law, also, had great influence on the mind of Wesley; but his religious views were not matured until after his return from Georgia, where he had labored206 as a missionary208, under the auspices209 of Oglethorpe. The Moravians, whom he met with both in America and Germany, completed the work which Taylor had begun; and from their beautiful establishments he also learned many principles of that wonderful system of government which he so successfully introduced among his followers.
Wesley continued his labors210 with earnestness; but these were also attended with some extravagances, which Dr. Potter, the worthy211 Bishop of London, and other Churchmen, could not understand. And though he preached with great popular acceptance, and gained wonderful eclat212, though he was much noticed in society and even dined with the king at Hampton Court, and with the Prince of Wales at St. James's, still the churches were gradually shut against him. When Whitefield returned from Georgia, having succeeded Wesley as a missionary in that colony, and finding so much opposition from the dignitaries of the Church, although neither he nor Wesley had seceded213 from the Church; and, above all, excited by the popular favor he received,—for the churches would not hold half who flocked to hear him preach,—he resolved to address the people in the open air. The excitement he produced was unparalleled. Near Bristol, he sometimes assembled as many as twenty thousand. But they were chiefly the colliers, drawn214 forth215 from their subterranean216 working places. But his eloquence217 had equal fascination218 for the people of London and the vicinity. In Moorfields, on Kennington Common, and on Blackheath, he sometimes drew a crowd of forty thousand people, all of whom could hear his voice. He could draw tears from Hume, and money from Dr. Franklin. He could convulse a congregation with terror, and then inspire them with the brightest hopes. He was a greater artist than Bossuet or Bourdaloue. He never lost his self-possession, or hesitated for appropriate language. But his great power was in his thorough earnestness, and almost inspired enthusiasm. No one doubted his sincerity219, and all were impressed with the spirituality and reality of the great truths which he presented. And wonderful results followed from his preaching, and from that of his brethren. A great religious revival220 spread over England, especially among the middle and lower classes, the effects of which last to this day.
Whitefield Whitefield. was not so learned, or intellectual as Wesley. He was not so great a genius. But he had more eloquence, and more warmth of disposition. Wesley was a system maker221, a metaphysician, a logician222. He was also profoundly versed223 in the knowledge of human nature, and curiously224 adapted his system to the wants and circumstances of that class of people over whom he had the greatest power. Both Wesley and Whitefield were demanded by their times, and only such men as they were could have succeeded. They were reproached for their extravagances, and for a zeal which was confounded with fanaticism; but, had they been more proper, more prudent, more yielding to the prejudices of the great, they would not have effected so much good for their country. So with Luther. Had he possessed a severer taste, had he been more of a gentleman, or more of a philosopher, or even more humble225, he would not so signally have succeeded. Germany, and the circumstances of the age, required a rough, practical, bold, impetuous reformer to lead a movement against dignitaries and venerable corruptions226. England, in the eighteenth century, needed a man to arouse the common people to a sense of their spiritual condition; a man who would not be trammelled by his church; who would not be governed by the principles of expediency227; who would trust in God, and labor207 under peculiar150 discouragement and self-denial.
Wesley was like Luther in another respect. He quarrelled with those who would not conform to all his views, whether they had been friends or foes228. He had been attracted by the Moravians. Their simplicity229, fervor230, and sedateness231 had won his regard. But when the Moravians maintained that there was delusion in those ravings which Wesley considered as the work of grace, when they asserted that sin would remain with even regenerated232 man until death, and that it was in vain to expect the purification of the soul by works of self-denial, Wesley opposed them, and slandered233 them. He also entered the lists against his friend and fellow-laborer, Whitefield. The latter did not agree with him respecting perfection, nor election, nor predestination; and, when this disagreement had become fixed, an alienation234 took place, succeeded by actual bitterness and hostility235. Wesley, however, in his latter days, manifested greater charity and liberality, and was a model of patience and gentleness. He became finally reconciled to Whitefield, and the union continued until the death of the latter, at Newburyport, in 1770.
The greatness of Wesley consisted in devising that wonderful church polity which still governs the powerful and numerous sect which he founded. It is from the system of the Methodists, rather than from their theological opinions, that their society spread so rapidly over Great Britain and America, and which numbered at his death, seventy-one thousand persons in England, and forty-eight thousand in this country.
And yet Institution of Wesley. his institution was not wholly a matter of calculation, but was gradually developed as circumstances arose. When contributions were made towards building a meeting-house in Bristol, it was observed that most of the brethren were poor, and could afford but little. Then said one of the number, "Put eleven of the poorest with me, and if they give any thing, it is well. I will call on each of them weekly, and if they give nothing, I will give for them as well as for myself." This suggested the idea of a system of supervision236. In the course of the weekly calls, the persons who had undertaken for a class discovered some irregularities among those for whose contributions they were responsible, and reported them to Wesley. He saw, at once, the advantage to be derived from such an arrangement. It was what he had long desired. He called together the leaders, and desired that each should make a particular inquiry237 into the behavior of all under their respective supervision. They did so. The custom was embraced by the whole body, and became fundamental. But it was soon found to be inconvenient238 to visit each person separately in his own house weekly, and then it was determined239 that all the members of the class should assemble together weekly, when quarrels could be made up, and where they might be mutually profited by each other's prayers and exhortations240. Thus the system of classes and class-leaders arose, which bears the same relation to the society at large that town meetings do to the state or general government in the American democracy—which, as it is known, constitute the genius of our political institutions.
Itinerancy241 Itinerancy. also forms another great feature of Methodism; and this resulted from accident. But it is the prerogative and peculiarity of genius to take advantage of accidents and circumstances. It cannot create them. Wesley had no church; but, being an ordained242 clergyman of the Establishment, and a fellow of a college beside, he had the right to preach in any pulpit, and in any diocese. But the pulpits were closed against him, in consequence of his peculiarities; so he preached wherever he could collect a congregation. Itinerancy and popularity gave him notoriety, and flattered ambition, of which he was not wholly divested. He and his brethren wandered into every section of England, from the Northumbrian moorlands to the innermost depths of the Cornish mines, in the most tumultuous cities and in the most unfrequented hamlets.
As he was the father of the sect, all appointments were made by him, and, as he deserved respect and influence, the same became unbounded. When power was vested to Great Influence and Power of Wesley. an unlimited extent in his hands, and when the society had become numerous and scattered243 over a great extent of territory, he divided England into circuits, and each circuit had a certain number of ministers appointed to it. But he held out no worldly rewards as lures244. The conditions which he imposed were hard. The clergy were to labor with patience and assiduity on a mean pittance245, with no hope of wealth or ease. Rewards were to be given them by no earthly judge. The only recompense for toil246 and hunger was that of the original apostles—the approval of their consciences and the favor of Heaven.
To prevent the overbearing intolerance and despotism of the people, the chapels247 were not owned by the congregation nor even vested in trustees, but placed at the absolute disposal of Mr. Wesley and the conference.
If the rule of Wesley was not in accordance with democratic principles, still its perpetuation248 in the most zealous204 of democratic communities, and its escape, thus far, from the ordinary fate of all human institutions,—that of corruption and decay,—shows its remarkable249 wisdom, and also the great virtue250 of those who have administered the affairs of the society. It effected, especially in England,—what the Established Church and the various form of Dissenters could not do,—the religious renovation251 of the lower classes; it met their wants; it stimulated252 their enthusiasm. And while Methodism promoted union and piety253 among the people, especially those who were ignorant and poor, it did not undermine their loyalty254 or attachment to the political institutions of the country. Other Dissenters were often hostile to the government, and have been impatient under the evils which have afflicted255 England; but the Methodists, taught subordination to superiors and rulers, and have ever been patient, peaceful, and quiet.
References.—Lord Mahon's History should be particularly read; also Coxe's Memoirs256 of Walpole. Consult Smollett's and Tindall's History of England, and Belsham's History of George II. Smyth's Lectures are very valuable on this period of English history. See, also, Bolingbroke's State of Parties; Burke's Appeal from the Old to the New Whigs; Lord Chesterfield's Characters; and Cobbett's Parliamentary Debates. Reminiscences by Horace Walpole. For additional information respecting the South Sea scheme, see Anderson's and Macpherson's Histories of Commerce, and Smyth's Lectures. The lives of the Pretenders have been well written by Ray and Jesse. Tytler's History of Scotland should be consulted; and Waverley may be read with profit. The rise of the Methodists, the great event of the reign of George I., has been generally neglected. Lord Mahon has, however, written a valuable chapter. See also Wesley's Letters and Diary, and Lives, by Southey and Moore.
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1
mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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fettered
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| v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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prerogative
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| n.特权 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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aristocrats
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| n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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impeached
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| v.控告（某人）犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 )；弹劾；对（某事物）怀疑；提出异议 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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lucrative
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| adj.赚钱的，可获利的 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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effigy
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| n.肖像 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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47
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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pusillanimity
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| n.无气力，胆怯 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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52
molested
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| v.骚扰( molest的过去式和过去分词 )；干扰；调戏；猥亵 | |
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53
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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cabals
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| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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cabal
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| n.政治阴谋小集团 | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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intoxicated
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| 喝醉的，极其兴奋的 | |
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delusion
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| n.谬见，欺骗，幻觉，迷惑 | |
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delusions
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| n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 )；谬见；错觉；妄想 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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mania
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| n.疯狂；躁狂症，狂热，癖好 | |
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brink
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| n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘，边沿 | |
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bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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82
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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83
redeeming
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| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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86
liquidate
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| v.偿付，清算，扫除；整理，破产 | |
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87
allure
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| n.诱惑力，魅力；vt.诱惑，引诱，吸引 | |
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lure
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| n.吸引人的东西，诱惑物；vt.引诱，吸引 | |
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89
creditor
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| n.债仅人，债主，贷方 | |
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90
redeemable
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| 可赎回的，可补救的 | |
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91
redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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92
annuities
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| n.养老金；年金( annuity的名词复数 )；（每年的）养老金；年金保险；年金保险投资 | |
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93
debtor
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| n.借方，债务人 | |
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94
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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95
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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96
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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97
dividends
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| 红利( dividend的名词复数 )； 股息； 被除数； （足球彩票的）彩金 | |
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98
dividend
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| n.红利，股息；回报，效益 | |
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99
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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100
premium
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| n.加付款；赠品；adj.高级的；售价高的 | |
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101
smelting
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| n.熔炼v.熔炼，提炼（矿石）( smelt的现在分词 ) | |
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102
fattening
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| adj.（食物）要使人发胖的v.喂肥( fatten的现在分词 )；养肥（牲畜）；使（钱）增多；使（公司）升值 | |
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103
hogs
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| n.（尤指喂肥供食用的）猪( hog的名词复数 )；（供食用的）阉公猪；彻底地做某事；自私的或贪婪的人 | |
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104
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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105
subscriber
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| n.用户，订户；（慈善机关等的）定期捐款者；预约者；签署者 | |
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106
subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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107
barefaced
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| adj.厚颜无耻的，公然的 | |
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108
speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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109
monopolize
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| v.垄断，独占，专营 | |
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110
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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111
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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112
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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113
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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114
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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115
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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116
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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117
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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118
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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119
meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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120
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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121
originality
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| n.创造力，独创性；新颖 | |
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122
illiberality
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| n.吝啬，小气 | |
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123
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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125
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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126
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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127
bribe
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| n.贿赂；v.向…行贿，买通 | |
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128
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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129
sycophancy
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| n.拍马屁，奉承，谄媚；吮痈舐痔 | |
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130
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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131
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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132
disinterestedness
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133
bribed
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| v.贿赂( bribe的过去式和过去分词 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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134
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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135
steer
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| vt.驾驶，为…操舵；引导；vi.驾驶 | |
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136
phlegmatic
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|
| adj.冷静的，冷淡的，冷漠的，无活力的 | |
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137
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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138
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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139
bullion
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| n.金条，银条 | |
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140
jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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141
solace
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| n.安慰；v.使快乐；vt.安慰(物)，缓和 | |
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142
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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143
gratitude
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|
| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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144
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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145
refinements
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| n.（生活）风雅；精炼( refinement的名词复数 )；改良品；细微的改良；优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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146
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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147
invective
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| n.痛骂，恶意抨击 | |
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148
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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149
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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150
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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151
peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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152
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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153
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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154
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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155
excise
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| n.(国产)货物税；vt.切除，删去 | |
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156
smuggling
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| n.走私 | |
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157
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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158
relinquishment
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| n.放弃；撤回；停止 | |
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159
peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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160
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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161
incurring
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| 遭受，招致，引起( incur的现在分词 ) | |
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162
conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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163
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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164
repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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165
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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166
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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167
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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168
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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169
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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170
waned
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| v.衰落( wane的过去式和过去分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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171
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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172
tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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173
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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174
retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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175
beeches
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| n.山毛榉( beech的名词复数 )；山毛榉木材 | |
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176
insipid
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| adj.无味的，枯燥乏味的，单调的 | |
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177
engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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178
alleviate
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| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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179
venal
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| adj.唯利是图的，贪脏枉法的 | |
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180
divested
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| v.剥夺( divest的过去式和过去分词 )；脱去（衣服）；2。从…取去…；1。（给某人）脱衣服 | |
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181
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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182
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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183
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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184
electrified
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| v.使电气化( electrify的过去式和过去分词 )；使兴奋 | |
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185
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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186
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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187
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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188
dependants
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| 受赡养者，受扶养的家属( dependant的名词复数 ) | |
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189
propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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190
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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191
lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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192
dissenting
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| adj.不同意的 | |
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193
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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194
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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195
ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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196
frigid
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| adj.寒冷的，凛冽的；冷淡的；拘禁的 | |
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197
rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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198
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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199
dissenters
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| n.持异议者，持不同意见者( dissenter的名词复数 ) | |
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200
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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201
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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202
meditations
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| 默想( meditation的名词复数 )； 默念； 沉思； 冥想 | |
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203
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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204
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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205
asceticism
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| n.禁欲主义 | |
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206
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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207
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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208
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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209
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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210
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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211
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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212
eclat
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| n.显赫之成功，荣誉 | |
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213
seceded
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| v.脱离，退出( secede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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214
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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subterranean
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| adj.地下的，地表下的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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revival
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| n.复兴，复苏，（精力、活力等的）重振 | |
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maker
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| n.制造者，制造商 | |
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logician
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| n.逻辑学家 | |
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versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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corruptions
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| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
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expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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sedateness
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| n.安详，镇静 | |
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regenerated
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| v.新生，再生( regenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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slandered
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| 造谣中伤( slander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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234
alienation
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| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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235
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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240
exhortations
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| n.敦促( exhortation的名词复数 )；极力推荐；（正式的）演讲；（宗教仪式中的）劝诫 | |
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itinerancy
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| n.外勤公务 | |
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242
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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lures
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| 吸引力，魅力（lure的复数形式） | |
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245
pittance
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| n.微薄的薪水，少量 | |
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246
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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chapels
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| n.小教堂， （医院、监狱等的）附属礼拜堂( chapel的名词复数 )；（在小教堂和附属礼拜堂举行的）礼拜仪式 | |
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perpetuation
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| n.永存，不朽 | |
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249
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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renovation
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| n.革新，整修 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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253
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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254
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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