In the case of the youthful son of Alexander the Great it was the generals of his father’s army who wrested6 from him his inheritance; in that of the young Ptolemy it was the foreign powers, the kings of Macedonia and Syria, who sought to do so. But the Romans proved the instruments of the boy’s salvation7, though not for his sake, and conquered in battle and made tributary8 the men who were his enemies, while the two ministers who had taken his affairs in charge guarded him well at home.
There are also some who maintain that the[397] guardianship9 of the boy’s rights was offered to the Romans, though the weight of evidence seems against this idea. Certain it is, however, that Ptolemy Epiphanes, or those who acted for him, sent very submissive embassies to this great and growing power, destined10 eventually to swallow up his country, or rather to become possessed11 of its sovereignty.
We cannot trace the course of foreign wars or native rebellions, but must return to the more domestic aspect of the history. The little king lived in Alexandria and very early in his life there seems to have been some suggestion of his marriage with the daughter of the king of Syria, and in the seventh year of his reign, when he must have been about twelve, it is said that the betrothal12 took place. It was of course a political alliance, to cement a good understanding between the two nations. How much greater the privileges and the independence, at least on the question of marriage, of the private individual over the sometimes envied king or queen.
At thirteen or fourteen years of age Ptolemy V was crowned at Memphis and the decree of the Rosetta Stone was issued. It begins “In the reign of the young,” and then goes on to enumerate13 the king’s ancestors, to name priests and priestesses, and to give a detailed14 list of the benefits his Majesty15 had bestowed16 upon the kingdom, “in requittal of which the gods have given him health, victory, power and all other good things, his sovereignty remaining to him and his children for all time. With propitious17 fortune. It seemed good to the priests of all the temples in[398] the land to increase greatly the existing honors of the king, Ptolemy, his parents, grand-parents, etc.” As Ptolemy was but in early childhood when he is said to have bestowed so many benefits upon the kingdom it was to his ministers rather than to himself that any such praise was due. Possibly it was a mutual18 agreement between them and the priests to strengthen his power, since there seemed more chance of dispute in the case of a child than when a full-grown man had ascended19 the throne.
The Rosetta Stone has been virtually the key which has, in part at least, revealed the mysteries of the Hieroglyphics20 to Europeans. The inscription22 was written in Hieroglyphic21, the original form of Egyptian writing, in the Demotic23, the subsequent and common language of later dynasties, and in Greek, which was of course largely introduced by the Ptolemies. And as the three inscriptions24 are approximately alike, Greek scholars were able to interpret the two former by the last. The original Rosetta Stone is in the British Museum, but copies of it may be seen in many of the collections abroad, and in the United States, such as the University of Pennsylvania, etc.
Meanwhile the boy-king was growing to manhood and there is record of his being trained to equestrianism and athletic25 sports. At a certain banquet an ambassador, in speaking of the king, “said a great deal in his praise, quoting anecdotes26 of his skill and boldness in hunting, as well as his excellence27 in riding and the use of arms;” and ended by averring28 in proof of this that “the[399] king on horseback once transfixed a bull with a javelin29.”
When Ptolemy Epiphanes was but sixteen or seventeen his marriage took place, the new queen being presumably near his age. With her we enter on the puzzling list of Cleopatras, and she seems to have been a woman of character and ability, and worthy30 of respect. Her father, Antiochus of Syria, a country with which the inter-marriages of the kings of this dynasty were very frequent, brought her to the bridegroom, with a splendid retinue31, and the nuptials32 were handsomely celebrated33 at the border town of Raphia. It was here that the mother of the king had ridden before the troops many years previously34 to encourage them on the eve of the battle between Ptolemy IV. and Antiochus. The dowry of the bride was the taxes of Coele, Syria and Palestine, but not, it is said, the possession of the land.
The young queen loyally accepted the duties and obligations attaching to her new position; “Thy people shall be my people” was the spirit that distinguished35 her actions, and she stood to this even when her husband’s interests were opposed to those of her native country. It is said of her that she was a “vigorous and prudent36 woman, and she certainly introduced new blood into a stock likely to degenerate37 from the constant unions of close blood relations.” Nor do there seem to be any special stories recorded of cruelty on her part, such as we have in other instances of Ptolemy queens. We may presume[400] also that she had more or less claim to beauty and had attractions both of person and mind.
Like his predecessors39, Ptolemy V. worked upon the temples, notably40 that of Phil?. The temple of Asklepias was especially credited to this king, and we cannot but suppose that the queen, too, had a great interest. An inscription, the duplicate of the Rosetta Stone, was placed on one of the walls at Phil? by Epiphanes, but afterwards carved out by another ruler.
Cleopatra I, like some others of the Ptolemy women, was the superior of the man to whom she was united, yet, as far as we can judge at this distance of time, the marriage was on the whole a harmonious41 and satisfactory one. At least no special quarrels are recorded and the husband did not make way with his wife in the all too common fashion. She seems to have been joined with her husband in public acts, as were Ptolemy Philadelphus and Arsinoe II, even when these were directed against her father and her native land. Mahaffy says that it is noteworthy that Livy speaks of the king and queen as of equal importance, but perhaps this may have referred to Cleopatra I. and her son when she was regent, rather than to her husband. Livy says “Ambassadors were sent from Ptolemy and Cleopatra, sovereigns of Egypt, with congratulations that Manius Acilius, the consul43, had driven King Antiochus from Greece, and advising the Romans to send their army over to Asia, that all Syria as well as Asia was in a panic, that the sovereigns of Egypt were prepared to do whatever the senate[401] desired.” A proof that Egypt was now continually bending before the power of Rome.
Ptolemy wished to secure some of the Syrian provinces and of the queen it is said “she was always striving to spread her influence towards the North.”
Disputes had arisen between the priests and the crown as to the dowries of the late deified queens, which had become part of the temple revenues, and were again absorbed by the throne. This with other causes resulted in a revolution led by the last native prince whose claim preceded that of the Ptolemies, which was put down with much cruelty and broken faith by the king. It is these insurrections, occurring frequently in the reigns42 of the later Ptolemies, that are believed to be one cause of Egypt’s submissive attitude towards Rome.
Ptolemy Epiphanes seems less odious44 than his predecessor38, but as he grew to manhood, he, too, was accused of cruel murders, among them that of his tutor Aristomenes, to whose care it seems as if he must have owed much. The cartouch of Ptolemy V. is said to be the most rarely found on Ptolemic buildings. He also worked at Edfu and Phil?, the “so-called chapel45 of Aesculapius,” at the latter place having an inscription declaring it to be founded by “Ptolemy Epiphanes and Cleopatra and their son, to Imhotep, the son of Ptah.” In modern times a temple said to be built by them, at Ant?polis, was undermined and destroyed by the Nile.
The king died, murdered by poison by some of his courtiers, while still a young man, in his[402] twenty-ninth year and twenty-fifth of his reign, and was succeeded by his son under the guardianship of his mother. Whether the queen deeply mourned her husband or whether his increasing vices46 had alienated47 her from him we cannot say. She was doubtless an ambitious woman and not averse48 to holding the reins49 of power. There are coins of hers issued during her regency. She is there called queen, which is not the case with all the wives of the different kings, and appears as Isis (though with a less conventional face than some), wearing a corn wreath, above which are a globe and horns. A copper50 coin gives her as Isis with long curls and a band with corn. She seems to have been an able ruler and survived her husband some eight years, dying in 174 B. C. before she had fairly entered on middle life. There were several children of this marriage, and, as if for the bewilderment of students, the sons are called Ptolemy and the daughter Cleopatra. During the queen’s regency Egypt seems to have remained peaceful and we have no revolting tales of murder or general bloodshed.
The matter of succession now became somewhat involved, so often was it disputed and so frequently divided between rival claimants. Mahaffy says, “From henceforth we have almost constantly rival brothers asserting themselves in turn, queen mothers controlling their king sons—intestine feuds51 and bloodshed in the royal house, till the stormy end of the dynasty with the daring Cleopatra VI.”
Some call Philometer the VI and some the[403] VII. If the latter there was probably an elder brother, Ptolemy Eupator, thus called the VI, who survived his father but for a brief period, being nominally52 king, and then died. Certain it is that the Syrian Cleopatra I was regent and that one of her sons, Philometor, succeeded to the actual power, 173 B. C. He reverted54 to the earlier customs and married his sister Cleopatra, who then became the second queen of the name. This union is believed to have taken place a year after the death of his mother in 173 B. C. Perhaps had she lived she might have arranged for a different connection.
The peaceful period of the regency of Cleopatra I. now came to an end and Egypt prepared to seize the lands which had furnished the dowry of the late queen, the three powers, Egypt, Syria and Rome being involved, the two first in active warfare55. This resulted in the capture and imprisonment56 of the Egyptian king by the Syrian monarch57, Antiochus IV at a battle which occurred on the borders of Egypt. The people of Alexandria, who it is said spoke58 more completely the voice of Egypt than Paris does of France, made a counter move by raising to the throne the younger brother, a lad of fifteen or sixteen, who took the name of Euergetes II, later called Physcon, the “pot bellied” or “the fat,” Ptolemy VI, and who in his proportions accentuated59 the usual liberal outline of the Ptolemy race. The youth proved strong and ambitious enough to hold on to the power thus secured and never willingly relaxed his grasp.
Antiochus then attacked Alexandria with the[404] nominal53 purpose of restoring Philometer. Through their mother the young kings were of course related to the invader60, but the relationship seems to have had little effect in preventing a contest. Different authorities give different names and numbers to the various Ptolemy kings and we have taken Mahaffy, who has devoted61 much time to the study of this period, as our special guide.
Antiochus IV finally left Philometer at Memphis and returned home. The latter, apparently62 seeing the folly63 of a divided sovereignty and realizing that he would no longer be recognized as sole king, made overtures64 to his brother and, owing, it is said, to the mediation65 of their sister Cleopatra, they came to terms in 170 B. C. This compact roused Antiochus IV. to a renewed attack. The beseeching66 embassies of the Ptolemies to Rome, however, finally produced an effect and Antiochus was ordered to withdraw and the powerful Romans virtually held a sort of protectorate over Egypt till they finally and absolutely absorbed it. The embassies of Philometer and Cleopatra II professed67 that they were more indebted to the Senate and people of Rome, than to their own parents, more than to the immortal68 gods since by their help they had been relieved from Antiochus, and Rome seemed disposed to keep up the agreeable sentiment, as their embassy is recorded as having brought a purple gown and vest and an ivory chair to King Philometer, and an embroidered69 gown and a purple robe for Queen Cleopatra II.
The king and queen are spoken of in all solemn[405] datings as “gods Philopatores.” On the walls of the temple at Der el Medineh there are pictures of Ptolemy VII and IX and Cleopatra II, and a Syrian coin of Philometer gives a strong head and face. There are inscriptions relating to Ptolemy Philometer, wife and children, in Nubia. It was after the Romans restored Philometer to Egypt that he and his queen made their solemn progress to Memphis.
Some of the so-called “friends of the king” tried to make trouble between the brothers and to induce the younger to slay70 the elder, implying that Philometer had designs upon him. But in this instance Euergetes, usually regarded with abhorrence71, showed himself at his best and dismissed suspicions and to prove their harmony went with his brother in royal apparel to show themselves to the people. A quarrel, however, eventually broke out between them, Philometer was expelled and threw himself on the protection of the Romans, who were thus continually able to interfere72 in the affairs of Egypt. The Romans decreed that the kingdom should be divided between the two, which of course gave satisfaction to neither, and Euergetes II went to Rome to protest against the division. An interesting and almost an amusing episode is connected with this visit when, it is said, Euergetes asked Cornelia, the mother of the Gracci, to marry him. The lady, however, declined, “probably,” says one writer, “she held him in such esteem73 as an English noblewoman now would hold an Indian Rajah proposing marriage.”
The quarrels and fighting between the two[406] brothers continued, but finally Euergetes attacked Cyprus which had been adjudged by the Romans to Philometer, and was forced to surrender. Philometer now showed himself the generous one, for he forgave Euergetes, restored him to Cyrene and for the last eight or nine years of his reign remained at peace with him.
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1
tragically
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| adv. 悲剧地，悲惨地 | |
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ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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tributary
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| n.支流；纳贡国；adj.附庸的；辅助的；支流的 | |
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guardianship
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| n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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betrothal
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| n. 婚约, 订婚 | |
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13
enumerate
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| v.列举，计算，枚举，数 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hieroglyphics
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| n.pl.象形文字 | |
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hieroglyphic
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| n.象形文字 | |
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inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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demotic
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| adj. 民众的，通俗的；n.（古埃及）通俗文字 | |
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inscriptions
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| （作者）题词( inscription的名词复数 )； 献词； 碑文； 证劵持有人的登记 | |
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athletic
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| adj.擅长运动的，强健的；活跃的，体格健壮的 | |
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anecdotes
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| n.掌故，趣闻，轶事( anecdote的名词复数 ) | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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averring
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| v.断言( aver的现在分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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javelin
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| n.标枪，投枪 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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nuptials
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| n.婚礼；婚礼( nuptial的名词复数 ) | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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reigns
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| n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 )；君主统治时期；任期；当政期 | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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47
alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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48
averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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49
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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50
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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51
feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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52
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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53
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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54
reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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55
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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56
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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58
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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59
accentuated
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| v.重读( accentuate的过去式和过去分词 )；使突出；使恶化；加重音符号于 | |
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invader
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| n.侵略者，侵犯者，入侵者 | |
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61
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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62
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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64
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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mediation
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| n.调解 | |
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66
beseeching
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| adj.恳求似的v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的现在分词 ) | |
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67
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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70
slay
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| v.杀死，宰杀，杀戮 | |
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71
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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72
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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