I FOUND a man, who was used to attending artists on their rounds, sooner than I had hoped for. He was a rougher type of man than my last one, but one to whom I took much more readily. He spoke1 no English, which was in his favour, for though this might sometimes be inconvenient2, it suited my purpose better to practise my Arabic than to have him airing his English on me.
Mahmood Hanafy is his name. I give it with pleasure, and in hopes that possibly these lines may be read by some one who might be glad of his services. No two men of the same nationality could have been a greater contrast than this Mahmood and the disgraced Mansoor. The more traps Mahmood had to carry, the more he seemed to like it; when I suggested taking a cab, he would say the place was no distance, and cabs were very dear—he had evidently been well trained by former brother-brushes. Mansoor, on the other hand, always had a cab near the hotel when we started, and would place my sketching3 things on the box in hopes I would take it. Distances were always enormous with him, and when I took a cab, he would declare that the doubled68 fare asked was none too much. The extra squeeze he could then get out of the cabby harmonised with his natural laziness. Mahmood was a plucky4 fellow, and ready to clear a street of people if he thought they were in my way; while Mansoor’s bravery never went further than slapping a child if the parents were not present, whereas, if some hooligans promised to be a nuisance, he generally slipped away.
Mahmood had one drawback which his predecessor5 had not, and that was a loud voice. Now, as no pillow was ever thick enough to prevent my hearing my watch ticking, a huge volume of sound was not necessary when he answered my questions. If he thought I did not understand him, he evidently took it for hardness of hearing, and his answers would be loud enough to startle the street. I could not correct him of this, though he tried to mend. Trained as a donkey-boy, this voice had doubtless been of use both in directing his beast and in the altercations6 which often end a ride. Possibly the deafest donkeys were placed in his care. He was now the owner of many donkeys, he told me, and he let them out by the month instead of running after one himself. He was always ready, however, to run after one if I should require it. His dress was more humble7 than that of Mansoor, but he never pleaded poverty to try and get something over his wage. He told me he had all he wanted, and should I not wish to use him for a few days, he would willingly rest till his services would be required.
The other man, though smartly dressed, had always some tale of poverty handy when I gave him his wage,69 and always begged for an advance on his future pay. Had he not a number of people dependent on him? and the cost of food, had it not risen so much? I found out afterwards that he had no dependants8, and that he sponged on his sisters when he was out of work. He had the appearance of one addicted9 to hashsheesh, and probably only smoked this of an evening, for I could never detect the smell.
This drug is happily now forbidden to enter the country, and strong measures are taken to prevent its use. A certain amount does, however, get smuggled10 in, and the ?ashshash or victim to the drug can still procure11 it if he can pay for its enhanced price. The smell of its fumes12 was much more familiar formerly13 in the humbler coffee-shops; but it is not quite absent now. It is often mixed with tumbák, a kind of Persian tobacco, and is smoked in the gózeh, a pipe made of a cocoanut-shell, which has a long cane14 stem. One who indulges slightly in the habit would not be termed a ?ashshash any more than a moderate drinker in England would be termed a drunkard. The opprobrium15 attached to the term is much increased through its association with the ?ashshashseyn of the time of the Crusades, whom we know as the Assassins—the subjects of the ‘Sultan of the Castles and Fortresses,’ more commonly called ‘the old man of the mountain.’ They were said to indulge freely in hashsheesh when sent on some murderous errand by their chief. Rowdy or riotous16 people are often termed ‘Hashshasheen’ whether they be addicted to the drug or not.
Seeing an excitable crowd quite recently, in one of70 the principal squares of Cairo, I approached to see what was the matter. A brutal-looking man was struggling with a couple of policemen who were taking him off to jail, while others were placing on a stretcher a youth who was terribly hacked17 about his face and head. On inquiry18 I heard that the man in charge of the police was employed at the public slaughter-house, that he was given to hashsheesh, and that in a fit of madness he had just assaulted with his butcher’s knife the wounded youth. The term hashshash, which was freely used by the crowd, had a particularly gruesome sound on that occasion.
Loud and furious were the comments of Mahmood, and had he not been carrying my materials he would have joined in the struggle with the butcher.
As this took place just within the limits of the European quarter, it was fully19 reported in the foreign Cairo papers. The youth succumbed20 to his wounds, and the hashshash paid the death penalty.
I was on my way to the Khaleeg to look for a subject which had attracted me on a former visit, and before this canal had been filled in by the tramway company. A change for the better, possibly, from a hygienic point of view, and also as a means of communication; but a sad loss to the picturesque21. Many historic buildings which backed on to the canal have been pulled down, and commonplace frontages will soon blot22 out all remembrance of them.
The tramway having come to stay, it is as well to make the best of it, and to use its cars along the couple of miles which bisect the city from north to south.71 From this route many a peep into some old courtyard, or the back of a mosque24 or palm-shaded shrine25, may induce a descent from the cars and a tramp along the dusty road.
Just beyond the present governorat was an angle of the enclosure known as the ‘guarded city.’ This formed more or less of a square of rather more than half a mile each way, and its western wall stood on the east side of the present filled-in canal. The building of this enclosure marks such an important date in the medi?val history of Egypt that a few words here may not be amiss.
Stanley Lane Poole tells us, in the Story of Cairo, how in 959 Gawhar, the victorious26 general of el-Mo’izz (the first Khalif of the Fatimid dynasty), entered Masr, as the capital of Egypt was then called, and still is by its native inhabitants. Plague and famine had so reduced the population, that scarcely any resistance was offered to the troops which Gawhar had led from Tunis into the valley of the Nile. His first thought was to build a fortified27 place away from the plague-stricken city, and yet near enough to keep it in subjection. Beyond its northern extremity28 he pitched his camp on a sandy waste, unobstructed by any buildings save an old convent. The prevailing29 winds being from the north, hygienic reasons were also in favour of this site.
When the boundaries of the enclosure were marked out, astrologers were consulted as to an auspicious30 hour in which to start digging the foundations. From poles stuck in the ground ropes were stretched, from which bells were hung, and thousands of men stood ready72 with shovel31 and pick to dig out the trenches32 as soon as the astrologers shook the poles, and by the tinkling33 of the bells announced the auspicious moment. The intentions of the astrologers were, however, forestalled35 by a raven36 who, alighting on a rope, set the bells aringing, and every spade was instantly stuck into the soil. It was during the hour when the planet Mars (el-Káhir) was in the ascendant—an evil omen34 for the future peace of the place. ‘Masr el-Káhira’ thus became the name, not only of the fortified enclosure, but also of the adjacent city. ‘El-Káhira,’ or the Martial37, is that from which we get our Cairo. The omen was turned to good account by the astrologers. Messengers were sent to Mo’izz to announce that the foundations of a triumphant38 Masr had been laid; the name of the last of the Abbasid Khalifs was no more heard in the prayers which were offered up in the mosque of Amr, and Mo’izz was proclaimed the ruler of Egypt. His conquests now extended from the Atlantic to the Arabian desert, and for two centuries the Fatimid dynasty ruled the country.
Walls, described as being thick enough to allow four horses to be driven abreast39 on them, were built round the enclosure; the foundations of a vast palace worthy40 of the great Khalif were laid; and buildings were planned to accommodate his court, and those who would guard his sacred person. The common folk were not admitted within the gates of the enclosure after the Khalif had taken up his residence. It was then designated ‘Kahira-el-Mahrusa,’ or the guarded city.
Page 72
MOSQUE OF MOHAMMED BEY
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73 The Sheea heresy41 which Mo’izz had fostered, whether from conviction or from policy, had a far-reaching influence on the destiny of the country.
In the mosques42 orthodox Moslems were replaced by sheykhs of the favoured sect23. Christians43 and Jews were tolerated and often put in high positions. What civilisation44 gained here it more than lost by cutting off Cairo from the great centres of Saracenic learning, and though bent45 on destroying the power of the Sunnee or orthodox Moslems, there is no reason to suppose that leanings of Mo’izz were towards Christianity. To remedy this he built the university mosque of el-Azhar, proudly called ‘The Resplendent.’ He endowed it liberally, and gave the students every opportunity to study the Sheea teaching which had caused the rift46 in the Mohammedan world. A great impetus47 was given to art by the removal of the prohibition48 to copy any natural objects; and birds and beasts, flowers and foliage49 were freely made use of in design during the Fatimid period. Unfortunately little remains50 of this, for, when the orthodox party gained the ascendant during the rule of the House of Salahedin, these decorations were ‘a mark of the beast’ and were in most cases destroyed.
Vivid descriptions exist of the splendour of Mo’izz and the great ‘East Palace’ which he built. But nothing of all this now remains except the Azhar, which justly is still one of the most famous monuments of Cairo.
Parallel to the canal runs a narrow street called ‘Beyn-es-Sureyn’ or ‘Between the walls,’ and this conducts into another called ‘sharia el-Benat,’ which means74 the street of the sisters. It is here I have come to make a study of a doorway51 of little architectural pretensions52; it leads into a house built in the middle of the nineteenth century and which backed into the canal. A terrific-looking crocodile used to hang over the door, and this one as well as others had caught my attention during former visits as being a characteristic ornament53 of a Nile city. Stories, I have since heard, refer to this crocodile, and made me wish to make a drawing of it. Children used to pass it and speak with bated breath; for it was said that it had grown to its size from feeding on the children, the parents of whom the master of the house had slain54 in Sennaar.
The house was built by the awe-inspiring Defterdar Ahmed, whom Mohammed Ali had sent to the Sudan to avenge55 the murder of one of his sons, and so terrible were his acts of retribution that he is since known as the ‘Tiger of Sennaar.’ His chief interest, however, for the present is, that, partly as a reward for his valour, the great Pasha gave him one of his daughters in marriage. Mohammed Ali is reported to have said that the Tiger would be a fitting mate to his Tigress.
If my readers have not forgotten the fate of O’Donald, the young Irish officer, they may recognise in this Tigress the lady of his undoing56.
It is related that the princess Zohra, after the murder of her lover, was for many days as one bereft57 of her senses. The first conscious act we hear of her is when she stole from the palace in the dead of night and found her way to the field where O’Donald was buried. The jackals and dogs had left no trace visible of where the75 unfortunate man was placed,—they had done their work as well as Abbas could have wished. The poor woman was found at break of day, grubbing with her hands in the soil to find the body of her beloved one. She was forcibly led back to the palace and the matter was reported to her father. The servants were severely58 punished for allowing her to escape from the hareem, and Zohra was kept in strict confinement59.
When the Defterdar returned soon after, from his campaign in the Sudan, Ali wished to honour him as highly as he could. He saw also in him one who had strength of will sufficient to be a match for his wilful60 daughter. Ahmed was proud of the alliance, and built and furnished a palace here in the ‘sharia el-Benat,’ worthy to be the home of his exalted61 bride. Whether the Defterdar’s life was a happy one we are not told. But it was a short one:—his death was due to a stroke, said the court physicians; poison, whispered the neighbours; and poison, said Abbas, whose hatred62 of his aunt and former playmate grew as time went on.
Little was seen or heard of the widowed princess for some time after. Few ladies from the different hareems were bold enough to call on her, and the huge crocodile seemed more like a bogey63 to frighten people off than an emblem64 of luck to the house which he adorned65.
The mysterious disappearance66 of one or two young men became the talk of the neighbourhood, and this increased as the absence of others was observed. The body of one was found in the canal close to the water-gate of Zohra’s palace, and shortly after this a second one76 was seen there. No one dared voice their suspicions; but when the public story-tellers (the shoara) told of Kattalet-esh-Shugan, the Arabian Messalina, knowing looks were passed amongst the audience. The tragedies were repeated from time to time, and every mother of a handsome son trembled lest he should be caught in the toils67 of one she hardly dared name, but whose name was in the thoughts of all.
Abbas kept himself well informed as to what went on in Zohra’s palace, but he abided his time until Mohammed Ali should return from the wars, or until fortune should favour his accession to the viceregal throne. In 1841 the firman of investiture, as it is called, brought the wars, which Mohammed Ali had waged with varying success, to a close. The hereditary68 sovereignty of Egypt had been secured to the family of the great Pasha and, except for the annual tribute to be paid to the Porte, Egypt had become an independent state.
Prince Abbas now informed his grandfather of the goings-on in his daughter’s palace. Gentle persuasion69 was never a characteristic of the old gentleman, and the manner in which he put a stop to these scandals reads like a story in the Arabian Nights. It is related that thirty masons and twenty-five donkeys laden70 with bricks were immediately despatched to wall up, during that very day, every outside window and door except the one surmounted71 by the crocodile. A company of soldiers were also sent to see that these orders were strictly72 carried out. Before sundown Zohra’s palace had become a veritable prison.
77 A modest house immediately facing the crocodile was inhabited by a Coptic scribe. This innocent man and his family were bundled out with all their belongings73, and his house was turned into a guard-room. A watch was kept here day and night to see that no one, or nothing but what was necessary to the upkeep of the household, should pass through the one access to the palace.
We are not told how the princess passed the next few years in her prison. Mohammed Ali sank into his dotage74, and the reins75 of government were taken over by his adopted son Ibrahim. Prince Abbas had not to wait long before the legitimate76 succession came to him, for Ibrahim Pasha died within a year of his viceroyalty and shortly before the demented Mohammed Ali’s decease. Abbas then became the ruler of Egypt.
Zohra now realised her danger in remaining in Cairo. In spite of the guard set to watch her movements she succeeded in escaping from the canal side of her palace, and she crossed into Syria before her flight became known to her nephew. From Syria she repaired to Constantinople, where she sought and obtained the protection of the Sultan of Turkey.
We will leave her there for the present, and perhaps we may refer to her doings later on.
The crocodile I was in search of had disappeared, and nothing remained whereby I could exactly locate the palace. The story of Zohra, though of so recent a date, seems now to take its place with the tragedies enacted77 within Mo’izz’s ‘guarded city.’
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1
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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sketching
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| n.草图 | |
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plucky
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| adj.勇敢的 | |
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5
predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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altercations
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| n.争辩，争吵( altercation的名词复数 ) | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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dependants
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| 受赡养者，受扶养的家属( dependant的名词复数 ) | |
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addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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smuggled
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| 水货 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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fumes
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| n.(强烈而刺激的)气味，气体 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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cane
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| n.手杖，细长的茎，藤条；v.以杖击，以藤编制的 | |
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opprobrium
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| n.耻辱，责难 | |
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riotous
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| adj.骚乱的；狂欢的 | |
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hacked
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| 生气 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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23
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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24
mosque
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| n.清真寺 | |
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shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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auspicious
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| adj.吉利的；幸运的，吉兆的 | |
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31
shovel
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| n.铁锨，铲子，一铲之量；v.铲，铲出 | |
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32
trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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33
tinkling
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| n.丁当作响声 | |
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34
omen
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| n.征兆，预兆；vt.预示 | |
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forestalled
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| v.先发制人，预先阻止( forestall的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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raven
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| n.渡鸟，乌鸦；adj.乌亮的 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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40
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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41
heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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42
mosques
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| 清真寺； 伊斯兰教寺院，清真寺； 清真寺，伊斯兰教寺院( mosque的名词复数 ) | |
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43
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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44
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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45
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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46
rift
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| n.裂口，隙缝，切口；v.裂开，割开，渗入 | |
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47
impetus
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| n.推动，促进，刺激；推动力 | |
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48
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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49
foliage
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| n.叶子，树叶，簇叶 | |
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50
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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51
doorway
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| n.门口，(喻)入门；门路，途径 | |
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52
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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53
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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54
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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55
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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56
undoing
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| n.毁灭的原因，祸根；破坏，毁灭 | |
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57
bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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58
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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59
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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60
wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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61
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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62
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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63
bogey
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| n.令人谈之变色之物；妖怪，幽灵 | |
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64
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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65
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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66
disappearance
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| n.消失，消散，失踪 | |
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67
toils
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| 网 | |
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68
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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69
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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70
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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71
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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72
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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73
belongings
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| n.私人物品，私人财物 | |
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74
dotage
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| n.年老体衰；年老昏聩 | |
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75
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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76
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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77
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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