Henry’s course, then, after the victory was plain. Before everything acknowledgment must be made to God. Accordingly a service of solemn thanksgiving was performed by the clergy15 on the field. The Psalm16 In Exitu Israel (“When Israel came out of Egypt”) was chanted, and when the singers came to the words “Not unto us, not unto us,” every man knelt on the ground: the Te Deum followed. Then the army resumed its interrupted march to Calais, which was about forty miles distant. At Calais a council of war was held, and the resolution to return to England unanimously taken. A few days were allowed for refreshment17, and about the middle of November the army embarked18. The passage of the Channel was effected without loss; but though the wind was favourable19, the sea was, as usual, rough, and the French prisoners, the chief of whom were carried in the King’s ship, declared that their sufferings were not less than those which they had endured on the disastrous day of Agincourt. They regarded with nothing less than astonishment20 the cheerful unconcern of Henry.
When the fleet reached Dover the people gave it a triumphant21 reception. Many of the citizens waded22 out to the royal ship, anxious to carry their King to shore. The streets were crowded with persons, religious as well as lay, who had gathered to do him honour. After91 some days spent at Dover, Henry proceeded to London. There, of course, a still more magnificent reception awaited him. The mayor and aldermen, with a vast throng23 of citizens, came out to meet him, and the scene in the city recalled the splendours of a Roman triumph. Banners inscribed24 with the achievements of the conqueror’s predecessors25 were displayed at the gates and in the streets, as if to show that his victories were to be ranked with theirs. The conduits ran with wine. Platforms were erected26 and hung with splendid draping, on which boys, habited like angels, sang the praises of the King. The people were especially anxious for a sight of the helmet still bearing the dint28 of that mighty29 stroke with which Alen?on had almost changed the fortune of the day; but Henry’s modesty30 would not allow it or the rest of his armour31 to be exhibited. The same enthusiastic welcome was given to him in other places which he visited in the course of the next few weeks.
Among these festivities those who had fallen were not forgotten. On December 1st a solemn service, attended by a multitude of great ecclesiastics32 from all parts of the kingdom, was held in memory of the Duke of York and others, French as well as English, who had fallen at Agincourt. The King’s uncle, the Earl of Dorset, came over from Harfleur, of which place he had been made governor, to attend it. The news that he brought from France was so far satisfactory that he could report another victory over the French; but it was clear that, if the enemy already ventured to show himself so near to the English possessions, the work of conquest had yet to be done.
92 For this work preparations on the largest scale had to be made. After keeping his Christmas at Lambeth, the King issued writs33 for a new Parliament. This met at Westminster on March 16th, and was exhorted34 by the Lord Chancellor35 (Bishop of Winchester) to assist the King in the completion of an enterprise which had been already so well begun. Accordingly the Commons voted, with the assent36 of the Lords and spiritual Peers, that the subsidies37 granted in the previous year should be collected sooner than had been before ordered, made a grant of equal amount for the year to come, and, in addition, gave the King tonnage and poundage for the safeguard of the sea, and settled on him for life the duties on wool and leather.
Henry’s attitude to his Parliaments remained, so far as we can judge, judicious38 and firm. It would be a mistake to suppose that the petitions which they presented to the sovereign always or even commonly represented a popular demand. They were oligarchical39 assemblies, and the interests which they asserted were often the interests of a class. The Crown might often be compelled to assert the right of those who were not represented by churchmen and barons40 on the one hand, or by knights41 of the shire and burgesses on the other. This was a duty which Henry seems not to have neglected. He certainly enjoyed what may fairly be called an unprecedented42 popularity. His Parliaments were invariably complaisant44, and his people were enthusiastically attached to him. Dangers that would have seriously threatened a throne less firmly established in the affections of the natives passed by and did no harm. Neither the badness of his title to the crown,93 nor the anger of the Lollards, who conceived themselves betrayed by his House, nor the expenses of a costly45 war did anything to compromise his position. It would not be possible to find a greater contrast than was presented between France, distracted by factions46 struggling for the power which a lunatic king dropped from his hands, and England, harmonious47 and enthusiastic, welcoming back after a brilliant victory its vigorous prince, and united in giving him all the help that he demanded. If the darling scheme of the Plantagenets, the union of the two crowns, had been within the limits of possibility, Henry would certainly have effected it.
While the King was making preparations for another effort, a desultory48 warfare49 and negotiations50 for peace were going on simultaneously51. In the May of 1416 an illustrious negotiator appeared upon the scene. Sigismund, King of the Romans, aspired52 to perform the functions of a moderator of European affairs—functions which he doubtless regarded as belonging to the imperial dignity. He had taken a principal share in bringing together the Council of Constance, which was to put an end to the scandalous Papal schism53 and to restore unity54 to the doctrine55 of Christendom. He now conceived the idea of bringing about a reconciliation56 between the rulers of France and England. After paying a visit to Paris he pursued his journey to England. Henry, always fond of magnificence, gave him splendid entertainment. But he was careful to let it be understood that he admitted no imperial pretensions57 which might interfere58 with his own sovereign rights. A story was brought to England of Sigismund’s behaviour in Paris from which it was gathered94 that such pretensions might possibly be put forward. The Emperor-elect had knighted an esquire who was a subject of the French king. Whatever he may have meant by the action, which indeed was probably suggested by personal feeling, it undoubtedly59 implied a very serious claim. Henry had sent to Calais a numerous fleet, which was to convey and escort his guest. When the ship that carried Sigismund approached the English coast, the Duke of Gloucester, with other nobles, rode into the water and demanded, before he was permitted to land, whether he claimed any imperial jurisdiction61 in England. On assurance being given that he meditated62 nothing of the kind, he received a royal welcome.
Another visitor who came to England on the same errand was William of Bavaria, Duke of Holland. The Duke of Burgundy also sent a representative, and ambassadors from the French court were present to discuss the conditions of peace. It is not easy, nor indeed is it important, to determine precisely63 what followed. The parties to the negotiations entered upon them with different objects, and are not likely to have been very frank in their dealings with each other. Henry was not willing to recede43 from the demands to which he had steadfastly64 adhered on the eve of Agincourt, when his position was apparently65 so desperate. He would be satisfied with nothing less than what had been conceded to his great-grandfather, Edward, by the Treaty of Bretigny. It is difficult to believe, even on the testimony66 of Sigismund, that the French envoys67 made such a concession68. Its effect would have been to undo60 the work of years, and make the king of France what the king at Paris had been two centuries before.
95 In September Henry accompanied his imperial guest to Calais, where they were met by the Duke of Burgundy. A treaty was drawn69 up by which it was stipulated70 that the Duke should assist the English king in his proposed conquest of France, and should have in return a share of the spoil. But it was not executed. The Duke shrank from committing himself to a course of action so unprincipled, and indeed so perilous71 to himself, for his best hope of independence lay in the rivalry72 between France and England. But though the treaty was not executed, the very fact of the meeting at which it had been discussed did much to serve Henry’s purpose. It increased the dislike and suspicion which the party that was in power in France already entertained for the Duke.
Meanwhile hostilities73, which there is no need to describe in detail, had been going on. The Earl of Dorset (soon afterwards created Duke of Exeter), who was in command of the garrison74 at Harfleur, made a plundering75 expedition into the adjoining country, and found some difficulty in making his way back. In May the French made a retaliatory76 expedition against the southern shore of England, and ravaged77 the island of Portland. Later in the year Harfleur itself was besieged78, and though it was twice successfully relieved, the fact made it evident that so far France remained unconquered. It is said that Henry was bent79 on conducting one of these relieving expeditions in person, but was dissuaded80 by his new friend Sigismund on the ground that the enterprise was not sufficiently81 important to call for his interference. Whatever the cause, he remained at home, organising his forces, collecting by whatever means were available—some of them,96 one cannot but think, not altogether creditable—the necessary funds, and generally preparing himself for an effort that should be final and conclusive82. Early in 1417 he sent letters under the Privy83 Seal addressed to the nobles and gentlemen of the country, enjoining84 their attendance, either in person or by deputy, and making inquiry85 what number of men they could bring into the field. Further instructions were given a little later in the year to the effect that all persons so serving should attend at court and execute the indentures86 which should secure them their pay. Special attention was paid to the efficiency of the force of archers87, and orders were issued to the sheriffs, enjoining the supply of a certain quantity of goose-quills for the feathering of the arrows.
Henry’s relations with the Duke of Burgundy naturally occupied much of his attention. It was the Duke’s Flemish possessions that brought him and the English king together. The trade between the Flemings and the English was a matter of great importance to both nations, and possibly of supreme88 importance to the former. Hence a treaty that gave it as much safety as was attainable89 was sure to be popular. The Duke sent ambassadors to England early in the year, when the truce90 concluded in 1416 was further extended. It was specially27 provided that no ships of war intended to act against the territories of either of the contracting parties should be fitted out in their ports, and no ships taken by pirates should be taken into such ports. The treaty was ratified91 in the month of August, and not till then did Henry feel himself ready to start on his second campaign, though he had named June 24th as the day of gathering92 at Southampton.
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1 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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2 fatigued | |
adj. 疲乏的 | |
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3 contemplated | |
adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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4 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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5 chivalrous | |
adj.武士精神的;对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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6 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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7 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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8 odds | |
n.让步,机率,可能性,比率;胜败优劣之别 | |
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9 conqueror | |
n.征服者,胜利者 | |
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10 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
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11 adversaries | |
n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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12 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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13 rife | |
adj.(指坏事情)充斥的,流行的,普遍的 | |
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14 tardy | |
adj.缓慢的,迟缓的 | |
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15 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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16 psalm | |
n.赞美诗,圣诗 | |
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17 refreshment | |
n.恢复,精神爽快,提神之事物;(复数)refreshments:点心,茶点 | |
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18 embarked | |
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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19 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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20 astonishment | |
n.惊奇,惊异 | |
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21 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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22 waded | |
(从水、泥等)蹚,走过,跋( wade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23 throng | |
n.人群,群众;v.拥挤,群集 | |
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24 inscribed | |
v.写,刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 );内接 | |
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25 predecessors | |
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
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26 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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27 specially | |
adv.特定地;特殊地;明确地 | |
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28 dint | |
n.由于,靠;凹坑 | |
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29 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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30 modesty | |
n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
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31 armour | |
(=armor)n.盔甲;装甲部队 | |
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32 ecclesiastics | |
n.神职者,教会,牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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33 writs | |
n.书面命令,令状( writ的名词复数 ) | |
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34 exhorted | |
v.劝告,劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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35 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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36 assent | |
v.批准,认可;n.批准,认可 | |
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37 subsidies | |
n.补贴,津贴,补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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38 judicious | |
adj.明智的,明断的,能作出明智决定的 | |
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39 oligarchical | |
adj.寡头政治的,主张寡头政治的 | |
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40 barons | |
男爵( baron的名词复数 ); 巨头; 大王; 大亨 | |
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41 knights | |
骑士; (中古时代的)武士( knight的名词复数 ); 骑士; 爵士; (国际象棋中)马 | |
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42 unprecedented | |
adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
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43 recede | |
vi.退(去),渐渐远去;向后倾斜,缩进 | |
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44 complaisant | |
adj.顺从的,讨好的 | |
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45 costly | |
adj.昂贵的,价值高的,豪华的 | |
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46 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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47 harmonious | |
adj.和睦的,调和的,和谐的,协调的 | |
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48 desultory | |
adj.散漫的,无方法的 | |
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49 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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50 negotiations | |
协商( negotiation的名词复数 ); 谈判; 完成(难事); 通过 | |
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51 simultaneously | |
adv.同时发生地,同时进行地 | |
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52 aspired | |
v.渴望,追求( aspire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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53 schism | |
n.分派,派系,分裂 | |
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54 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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55 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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56 reconciliation | |
n.和解,和谐,一致 | |
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57 pretensions | |
自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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58 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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59 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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60 undo | |
vt.解开,松开;取消,撤销 | |
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61 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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62 meditated | |
深思,沉思,冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 ); 内心策划,考虑 | |
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63 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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64 steadfastly | |
adv.踏实地,不变地;岿然;坚定不渝 | |
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65 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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66 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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67 envoys | |
使节( envoy的名词复数 ); 公使; 谈判代表; 使节身份 | |
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68 concession | |
n.让步,妥协;特许(权) | |
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69 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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70 stipulated | |
vt.& vi.规定;约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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71 perilous | |
adj.危险的,冒险的 | |
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72 rivalry | |
n.竞争,竞赛,对抗 | |
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73 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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74 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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75 plundering | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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76 retaliatory | |
adj.报复的 | |
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77 ravaged | |
毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 ); 蹂躏; 劫掠; 抢劫 | |
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78 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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80 dissuaded | |
劝(某人)勿做某事,劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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81 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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82 conclusive | |
adj.最后的,结论的;确凿的,消除怀疑的 | |
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83 privy | |
adj.私用的;隐密的 | |
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84 enjoining | |
v.命令( enjoin的现在分词 ) | |
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85 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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86 indentures | |
vt.以契约束缚(indenture的第三人称单数形式) | |
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87 archers | |
n.弓箭手,射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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88 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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89 attainable | |
a.可达到的,可获得的 | |
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90 truce | |
n.休战,(争执,烦恼等的)缓和;v.以停战结束 | |
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91 ratified | |
v.批准,签认(合约等)( ratify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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92 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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