No attempt was made to oppose the landing of the army. The disaster of Agincourt had so far broken the courage of the French that they had no idea of meeting the English in the field. The plan of campaign seems to have been that the fortified1 towns should be garrisoned3 as strongly as possible, and the invading force left to exhaust itself by the effort of taking them. Two or three sieges, as costly4 to the conquerors6 as that of110 Harfleur had been, would leave little to be done by way of active operations for the defence of the country. The plan, we shall see, failed of success. Henry was earlier in the field than he had been in the campaign of Agincourt, his army was better furnished for siege operations, he had acquired new experience, and he had the advantage of a more favourable7 season.
Castles and walled towns fell in rapid succession into the hands of the English. Touques, a royal castle, which was the first to be assaulted, offered some resistance. The garrison2 made a vigorous sally upon the besiegers, and held out for two days against the incessant8 cannonade with which it was plied10. But on August 3rd (the army had landed on the first of the month) it was agreed that if the place were not relieved in six days it should be surrendered. Relieving force indeed there was none, and the scattered11 garrisons12 throughout Normandy soon realised the hopelessness of their situation. Damvilliers, Harcourt, Evreux, and other places were surrendered without a struggle. Monstrelet says that the other towns in the duchy were astonished at the facility of the English conquests, and that scarcely any place attempted a defence. And he goes on to give a reason which must have been at least as potent13 for this result as any demoralisation caused by the remembrance of the English victories. It was due, he says, to the divisions among the nobles, some of whom were for the King and some for the Duke of Burgundy, and each party was in consequence fearful of trusting the other. Moreover, the Constable14 had drawn15 off most of the forces in the district to be ready to act against the Duke, who was daily expected with a large army.
111 Not the least important factor in Henry’s success was the admirable order in which he kept his army. All violence and plunder16 were forbidden. Ecclesiastical persons were put, as might be expected, under a special protection, and to insult or rob one of this privileged class was an offence to be punished with death. To the laity17 was offered a similar protection if they would own the English king’s authority. This policy, carried out with the unflinching firmness which was one of Henry’s characteristics, at once secured the kindly18 feeling of the population and made the army a more effective instrument.
About the middle of August Henry commenced the siege of Caen. Anticipating that the garrison would destroy the suburbs and so deprive him of the cover by help of which he could approach the town, he sent the Duke of Clarence with a strong force to occupy them. The Duke was just in time to save them from being burnt. Henry’s character for piety19 may have had something to do in gaining for him another advantage. The French forces had occupied St. Stephen’s Abbey, which lay outside the town. On the approach of the English they resolved to destroy it. The monks20, on the other hand, were bent21 on saving it; and they did so by secretly introducing an English force.
On the King’s arrival before the town, an attempt was made to carry it by assault. The storming parties were repulsed22 with heavy loss. Henry then set his engineers to work. Mines were carried up to the walls, which were also battered23 by the cannon9. When all was ready for an assault, he offered terms to the garrison. They were refused. The next morning the assault was112 delivered, every detail of the operation having been first carefully arranged by the King. It was completely successful, the attacking parties making their way into the town on both sides, and this without any great loss. From first to last the siege did not cost the English more than five hundred men, a number which contrasts strongly with the almost disastrous24 expense that had attended the capture of Harfleur. Henry, after duly returning thanks in the cathedral, proceeded to deal with the conquered town. The castle, which still held out, was admitted to surrender on certain conditions if not relieved in twelve days’ time. The inhabitants generally were mercifully treated. Indeed Henry’s conduct so raised his reputation for clemency25 that many neighbouring towns at once offered to capitulate. As usual, however, nothing was allowed to interfere26 with military policy. Caen was to be made a garrison, and accordingly fifteen hundred “women and impotent people, who were unserviceable and useless,” were sent out of it.
After the fall of Caen, Lisieux, Alen?on, and many other places capitulated without making any attempt at resistance. A more important gain than the possession of any city or fortress27 was the adherence28 of the Duke of Britanny. On October 27th this Prince came under safe-conduct to a conference with Henry. The terms of their agreement were not precisely29 known; but it was certain that a truce30 was made which was to be in force till the following Michaelmas. It was also reported that the Duke kneeled to the King as to his suzerain, and offered to hold Britanny as a fief under the English crown, or rather the French crown as now united with that of England. Falaise, which was surrendered113 on January 2nd, was the last conquest of the year 1417. The castle did not capitulate until six weeks later.
It would be unnecessary to relate in detail the military operations that now followed in uninterrupted succession. During the first weeks of the new year (1417–18) Henry was active in the field, and though, with the devoutness31 which so strongly characterised him, he spent Lent in strict retirement32, his brothers were busily employed. The great successes of the year were won at Cherbourg and Rouen. Cherbourg was taken by the Duke of Gloucester, aided by a force which the King had ordered to be despatched from some of the western harbours of England. The mere33 sight of its approach is said to have determined34 the surrender of the garrison. The siege of Rouen was one of the most important operations of the war, and as it was carried on throughout under Henry’s superintendence it demands a more particular notice.
In May the King left Bayeux and marched up the southern bank of the Seine. His first object was to possess himself of the strong position of Pont de l’Arche, situate about eight miles above Rouen, and commonly called the Key of the River. The bridge itself was held by the French in such strength that it could not have been forced without a great sacrifice of men. Henry accordingly marched some three miles lower down the stream to a place where it was divided by an island. The French followed him. While their attention was distracted by a feint (one of the ingenious stratagems35 with which great commanders are so ready), the island was occupied by a small force of English gunners. A114 cannonade drove away the troops that had been left to guard the passage, and some thousands of men then crossed without meeting any resistance. Henry now held both banks of the Seine. He constructed a bridge of boats to join his two camps, and in about three weeks’ time received the capitulation of Pont de l’Arche. Leaving a considerable garrison in it, he proceeded to invest Rouen, which was now practically isolated36 from the rest of France. It was a great, and, considering the strength of the place, even a perilous37 enterprise. But success would be of inestimable value: the possession of Rouen would mean the acquisition of Normandy.
The place was very strong. It lay, not, as now, on both sides of the river, always a circumstance adverse38 to effective defence, but wholly on the northern side. The walls were high and strong, and well supplied with artillery39, with cannons40 of a size then unusual, and with catapults, an engine of war which the invention of gunpowder41 had not yet driven out of use. The garrison again was unusually large. There was a local militia42 numbering at least fifteen thousand men, and a force of not less than seven thousand regular troops and artillerymen. On the other hand, the provisioning of so large a force would in any circumstances have been a matter of difficulty. As it was, this difficulty was enormously increased by circumstances which Henry had doubtless taken into account. To the usual population of the town was added a multitude of country-folk who had flocked in from the neighbourhood to avail themselves of the shelter of the walls. And the siege was begun so early that the harvest of the year could not be secured.
115 Henry speedily completed the investment of the land side of the town. Each of the six gates was commanded by a strong fort, and these forts were connected by palisaded trenches43. The river was rendered impassable, both above and below, to any relieving force that might attempt to approach the town. Chains and booms were stretched across it, and a flotilla was brought up from Harfleur, part of which, as it would have been dangerous to pass under the guns of the town, was dragged over land to a point above the walls. A body of Welshmen watched the town from the south bank of the river, and many hundreds of Irish kernes, lightly armed and fleet of foot, accompanied the English cavalry44 in their excursions into the neighbouring country. “The greater part of them,” says Monstrelet, “had a stocking and shoe on one foot only, while the other was quite naked. They had targets, short javelins45, and a strange sort of knives. Those who were on horseback had no saddles, but rode excellently well on small mountain horses, and were mounted on such panniers as are used by the carriers of corn in parts of France. They were, however, miserably46 accoutred in comparison with the English, and without any arms which could much hurt the French, whenever they might meet them.”
This miscellaneous force was kept by their general under the strictest discipline. He was especially careful to prevent all straggling. The men were rigidly47 forbidden to lodge48 outside the military lines; and on one occasion two soldiers who were discovered transgressing49 this order were summarily executed.
Henry made no assault upon the town. He was too careful of the lives of his men to waste them in so116 perilous an enterprise. He contented50 himself with repelling51 the frequent sallies of the besieged52, which the strength of his lines of circumvallation and the state of readiness in which he always kept his troops enabled him to do without serious loss. He kept his men employed indeed with the construction of siege works, with the driving of mines, and with the construction of systematic53 approaches to the town; but his chief reliance was a blockade. The vast population, military and civil, ordinary and extraordinary, that crowded the walls of Rouen could not be long fed on any stores that had been laid up in this place, while effectual measures had been taken against the throwing in of any relief.
The first-fruits of this policy of starvation were seen in the surrender of the fortified post of the Abbey of St. Catherine. This was given up by the force that garrisoned it within a month of the investment of the city, and given up because provisions had failed. Henry’s own camp meanwhile was abundantly supplied with provisions, furnished by stores of his own, or brought in by the parties which ravaged54 the neighbouring country.
Rouen soon began to feel the pressure of famine. Its governor made an attempt to relieve it by expelling from the town twelve thousand non-combatants. Henry refused to let these miserable55 creatures pass through his lines, and they perished by degrees under the walls. The story of their fate is pitiable in the extreme. Some of them lingered on till the very end of the siege. Many of the soldiers on either side had hearts more tender, or perhaps it should be said intelligences less alive to the necessities of the military situation, than the generals who directed the attack and the defence of117 Rouen. These secretly supplied the outcasts with such provisions as they could spare. Henry himself departed from the severity of his policy by furnishing the few who were left alive on Christmas Day with a meal. But neither the Governor nor the King relented. It may be mentioned as an incident eminently56 characteristic of the time, that new-born children were raised in baskets to the top of the walls, duly baptized, and then let down again to perish of hunger.
Henry has been severely57 blamed for the inhumanity that he is said to have displayed on this occasion. It may be allowed that there have been great soldiers who would sooner have relinquished58 a military advantage than allow such misery59 to exist under their eyes, but Henry was not of this type. He was a soldier first; and to his conception of a soldier’s duty, which was to use every military advantage that fell in his way, he subordinated everything. For wanton cruelty he had no taste: it did not come within the scope of his business; but from cruelty that was not wanton—that is, was dictated60 by some consideration of necessity or expediency—he never shrank. There is something, it must be allowed, that is repulsive61 about this, and it is made more repulsive by the contrast which it makes with Henry’s almost ostentatious piety. This is a contrast, however, which is apparent rather than real. Henry’s belief that the French crown belonged to him of right was, incredible as it may seem, a genuine conviction, even, it may be said, a religious conviction. This feeling, it may well be believed, still further fortified his heart against any thought of concession62 to mere human weakness. As far as regards his118 military pitilessness he strongly resembles C?sar and Napoleon.
A messenger from the besieged succeeded in making his way through the English lines and in reaching Paris. He saw the Duke of Burgundy, and delivered in emphatic63 terms the message of the citizens of Rouen: “If by your negligence64 we are conquered by the King of England, we shall become the worst and bitterest enemies you have.” The Duke promised help, a promise which greatly encouraged the town to persevere65 in its defence. The oriflamme, the sacred banner of France, was indeed taken from the Abbey of St. Denis later in the year, and an army nominally66 at least intended to relieve Rouen followed it; but it never approached the town. There was indeed no one to act for France.
This appeal, as has been said, was made to the Duke of Burgundy. The Dauphin meanwhile had opened negotiations67 for peace with the English king.
A formal peace Henry would not make. To do so would, he conceived, be a renunciation of his claims to the French crown. Indeed he carefully avoided conceding directly to the Dauphin the title of Regent of France: in the commissions which were issued to the English ambassadors he is the “Regent so-called.” A truce was proposed, which was preliminary to a treaty. The English demands included all the territories mentioned in the great Peace of Bretigny, and Guienne as well. A stipulation68 was added that if the Duke should refuse to come into this treaty the king of England should march with as many troops as might be necessary to Paris, and deliver that city with the royal family into the hands of the Dauphin. In return for this service119 he was to have Flanders, a possession of the Dukes of Burgundy.
In an interesting document Henry sets forth69 for the consideration of his ambassadors various difficulties which were involved in these proposals. Could he, without prejudice to his right to the crown of France, join arms with the Dauphin? Could he still receive the Duke of Burgundy, should the Duke submit to him? Could he justly invade Flanders while the truce was unexpired? A number of military problems were also suggested. Finally it was asked whether the Dauphin was qualified70 to conclude a valid71 truce.
A supplementary72 commission authorised the ambassadors to treat for the hand of the Princess Katherine; and elaborate instructions were given to them as to their action in case of a partial concession of their demands.
The negotiations went on for a time, if not with success, at least without coming to a manifest end. On one point the Dauphin returned an emphatic answer. He would not join with the English king in acting73 against the Duke of Burgundy. “I will never make peace,” he said, “with the ancient enemy of my country in order to destroy a vassal74.”
On November 17th the French commissioners75, accompanied by the Cardinal76 d’Ursins, who was to act as mediator77, came to Pont de l’Arche, and there met the English ambassadors. After a preliminary difficulty about the language in which the proceedings78 of the conference should be carried on had been disposed of, the conditions were discussed. The French envoys79 presented the King with a picture of the Princess Katherine, a present which he is said to have received120 with the greatest satisfaction. But he did not abate80 one jot81 from his demands, which indeed it is not too much to say he had made of set purpose impossible. He claimed the hand of the Princess Katherine, the duchies of Normandy and Acquitaine, and other principalities, all of them to be held in his own right and without any dependence82 on the king of France. The French commissioners at once rejected these terms as impossible, and the English retorted by questioning their authority to treat. In the end nothing was done.
Rouen was now left to its fate, and that fate was evidently close at hand. Early in December a sally was planned, it being arranged that two thousand men were to issue simultaneously83 from each of the gates. The plan was only partially84 carried out, and though some loss was suffered by the English, nothing of real importance was effected. About the middle of the month a definite intimation was given to the inhabitants of Rouen that they must no longer expect relief. The distress85 in the town had by that time reached the point of agony. The richest among the citizens were reduced to eating horse-flesh; the poorer were glad to devour86 dogs and cats, rats and mice. Terrible stories were told that some had eaten human flesh. According to one chronicler, not less than fifty thousand died of starvation during the six months of the siege. The number is incredible, but it is certain that the famine reached an intensity87 that has seldom been equalled. When the last hope of relief was gone, it became absolutely intolerable. The inhabitants rose in revolt against the magistrates88, demanding that negotiations should be immediately opened with the besiegers.121 There was indeed no reason why this should not be done, and on January 2nd the envoys of the town were admitted to Henry’s presence. At first he refused to grant any terms: Rouen must open its gates and admit its conqueror5. A truce indeed for eight days was allowed; but the days passed without any result being attained89. All that the English King would say was that the inhabitants of Rouen must submit themselves absolutely to his mercy. The people then formed a desperate resolution. They would fire their town in several places; a great length of the wall was to be undermined and supported temporarily with props90; these were to be suddenly removed, and the whole population was simultaneously to sally forth. All who could bear arms were to fight their way out, while the women and children were to endeavour to make their escape.
Henry then relented. This purpose of the people meant the destruction of Rouen, and he did not wish to lose the chief city of Normandy. He renewed negotiations, and terms of capitulation that were at least tolerable were finally agreed upon. A ransom91 of three hundred thousand crowns of gold was to be paid, and all material of war was to be delivered to the King. The lives of all persons in the town, with a few named exceptions, were to be granted to them, and all who would swear allegiance to the King should retain their property; others might depart. One noteworthy provision, as indicating Henry’s persuasion92 that he was dealing93, not with an enemy, but with rebellious94 subjects, was that the King should have a space, either within or without the walls, for the building of a palace,122 but that he should duly purchase such ground from its owners.
On January 22nd Henry entered the town with his customary show of magnificence. It was noticed, with much speculation95 as to the meaning of the symbol, that a page rode behind him bearing a lance to which a fox’s brush was attached after the manner of a pennon. His first care, as usual, was to return thanks in the cathedral for his victory. That done, he received the homage96 of the citizens. All but five of the persons excepted from the amnesty were either pardoned or released on payment of a fine. A noted97 partisan98 leader, Alan Blanchart, who had treated his prisoners with great cruelty, was beheaded; and the Vicar-General, who had excommunicated the English king, was condemned99 to imprisonment100 for life.
The fall of Rouen was soon followed by the submission101 of the rest of Normandy. Henry at once set himself to the task of administering the province which he had acquired. He kept his court as Duke of Normandy, wearing the robes which belonged to that dignity. The province was to have its proper exchequer102 and coinage; a standard for measures was established, and regulations were made for the conduct of trade. In the brief opportunities that were given him Henry seems to have showed himself a capable administrator103 of civil affairs. His new subjects were impressed by the experience of a government more firm and just than that which their native rulers had exercised.
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1
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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plied
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的过去式和过去分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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laity
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| n.俗人；门外汉 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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devoutness
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| 朝拜 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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stratagems
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| n.诡计，计谋( stratagem的名词复数 )；花招 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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cannons
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| n.加农炮，大炮，火炮( cannon的名词复数 ) | |
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gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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javelins
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| n.标枪( javelin的名词复数 ) | |
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miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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rigidly
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| adv.刻板地，僵化地 | |
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lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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transgressing
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| v.超越( transgress的现在分词 )；越过；违反；违背 | |
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50
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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repelling
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| v.击退( repel的现在分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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repulsive
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| adj.排斥的，使人反感的 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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emphatic
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| adj.强调的，着重的；无可置疑的，明显的 | |
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negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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persevere
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| v.坚持，坚忍，不屈不挠 | |
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nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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stipulation
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| n.契约，规定，条文；条款说明 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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supplementary
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| adj.补充的，附加的 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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mediator
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| n.调解人，中介人 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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jot
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| n.少量；vi.草草记下；vt.匆匆写下 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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devour
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| v.吞没；贪婪地注视或谛听，贪读；使着迷 | |
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intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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props
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| 小道具； 支柱( prop的名词复数 )； 支持者； 道具； （橄榄球中的）支柱前锋 | |
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ransom
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| n.赎金，赎身；v.赎回，解救 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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exchequer
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| n.财政部；国库 | |
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administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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