While these expeditions were directed to the east side of Panamá Bay, other captains were equally active on the west side.
Gonzalo de Badajoz embarked5 at Antigua for the South Sea in March, 1515, with one hundred and thirty men.[XI-1] Landing at Nombre de Dios, where no white man had touched since Nicuesa's departure, a dismal6 spectacle was there presented. The dismantled7 fort stood surrounded by tenantless8 dwellings9, whose walls were once the silent witnesses of despair; while crosses, heaps of stone, and dead men's scattered10 bones, seemed to tell how restless were these adventurers even in their last resting. The most impassive of all that callous11 company was struck by a momentary12 shudder13 as he gazed on these ghastly 413 portents14 of his own probable fate; and they would have turned back on the spot had not their leader hurried the ships away beyond their reach.
ADVENTURES OF BADAJOZ.
The versatile15 adventurer quickly recovers himself, however, and what is more wonderful is the indifference16 with which sanguinary recitals17 often repeated are soon received. The homely18 adage19 that familiarity breeds contempt is nowhere more strikingly true than in our own intercourse20 with danger, pain, and death. It is not altogether a Hibernicism to say that men get used to these things, even to hanging. And when the oft-repeated disasters are distant, and only the survivors21 with their prizes are present, the terrible tale makes still less impression. That colony after colony in the New World occupation should be swept away or divided by death, and divided yet again, ten times, or twenty times cut in twain; or that expedition after expedition should return to Antigua, leaving half or two thirds of its number rotting on the heated plain, or scattered in the mountains furnishing food for carrion-birds, and yet new colonists22 continue to come out, and new expeditions continue to be organized by those willing to take the same even chances of never returning, shows an ignorance, or indifference, or both, to which fear of consequences is as inaccessible23 as ever was the feeling of love to Narcissus.
The mission of Badajoz was the usual one. He was to cross the Isthmus24 at its narrowest part, take possession of the country, and gather in its treasures. We all know what this implied. Were any but civilized25 Christians27 so to do it would be called murder, robbery, treachery, violation28, and the rest.
Totonagua was the first victim on this occasion. His dominions29 were of great extent and thickly peopled, the village where he resided standing30 on the mountains opposite Nombre de Dios. Surprised by night he surrendered gold to the value of six thousand pesos. Tataracherubi, a wealthy cacique on the 414 southern side, was similarly relieved of gold to the value of eight thousand pesos. Seeing the Spaniards so deeply in love with gold, Tataracherubi told them of a chief named Natá, some distance to the south-west, very rich and with few fighting men. Thirty men under Alonso Perez de la Rua were deemed ample for the adventure, but after a night's march the Spaniards found themselves, as morning broke, in the midst of a cluster of villages belonging to a numerous and warlike people. Retreat was impossible, and not a moment was to be lost. Rushing for the principal village they seized the leading cacique, Natá,[XI-2] and were masters of the situation. For when the savages32 pressed them hard in the fight that followed, and would have slain33 them all, they threatened Natá with instant death if he did not cause his men to lay down their arms. Natá obeyed. Presently Badajoz joined Perez, and the chief was released to collect for his captors gold in value to fifteen thousand castellanos. After remaining at Natá two months the conquerors34 surprised the village of Escoria, ten leagues to the southward, and secured gold[XI-3] to the value of nine thousand pesos. Westward35 from Escoria lived Biruquete[XI-4] and a blind neighbor, who were relieved of six thousand pesos worth of gold. In the vicinity were the villages of Taracuri, Pananome, Tabor, and Chirú, where the Spaniards obtained another considerable quantity of gold.
Gonzalo de Badajoz was gathering36 a rich harvest. Thus far his accumulations reached eighty thousand castellanos, equivalent to more than half a million of 415 dollars at the present day. It was not a disagreeable way of making money. It was quite honorable stealing in the eyes of the plunderers themselves, although the stupid savages never could wholly make out the right of it. In addition to gold there were always plenty of women for slavery, and so the adventurers who for these benefits had staked their lives were happy.
THE CACIQUE PARIS.
Elated by their successes, the conquerors continued the good work. Not far from Chirú were the dominions of a cacique called by the Spaniards Parizao Pariba, subsequently abbreviated38 into Paris.[XI-5] Advised of their approach Paris fled to the mountains with all his people and treasure. Badajoz sent a message threatening to put the dogs upon his track unless he returned. Paris returned word that he was exceedingly occupied and hoped the Spanish captain would excuse his coming. He begged him, however, to accept an accompanying gift from his women, and wished him a prosperous journey out of the country. The gift so carelessly presented was carried by four principal men in baskets made of the withes of palm-leaves and lined with deerskins. In dimensions they were about one and a half by two feet, and three inches in depth. The contents consisted of fabricated gold, breast-plates, bracelets39 and ear-rings, valued, as the Spaniards affirmed, at forty or fifty thousand castellanos.
Dominion of Paris
So much treasure so royally presented only excited their cupidity40 the more. Thanking the savages, Badajoz retired41 with his men, but as soon as Paris returned to the village, he surprised it at night and obtained as much more gold as had already been sent. This greediness resulted in their ruin. Paris sent out upon the road one of his principal men who 416 was instructed, when captured, to pass himself off as belonging to an adjoining village, three leagues distant, and to say that it was well stocked with gold. He was on his way to the river to fish, but would show them his town. The strategy succeeded. Badajoz sent a portion of the men under his guidance to bring in the treasure. Meanwhile Paris had raised an army of four thousand warriors42, and the invaders44 being now divided, as had been designed, he fiercely attacked and almost exterminated45 one part before the other could join it. The Spaniards fought until 417 seventy of their number were slain, whereupon they abandoned the treasure, cut their way through the savages, and fled to the territory of Chame.[XI-6] Thence they crossed to an island occupied by Tabor, and afterward46 to Taboga Island, where they remained for thirty days recruiting their strength for the desperate attempt to reach Darien. This they finally accomplished47, but Perez de la Rua lost his life immediately on returning to the mainland. Since they failed to bring home the gold of which their stories were full, we may each of us believe them according to our faith.
ATTACK ON CENú.
The year 1515 was now drawing toward its close. It had been clouded with more than one disaster, and Pedrarias was anything but pleased. Himself a fighting man as well as civil officer, he determined48 to show his young captains what an old man could do in the field; for whatever his general character, and it was detestable enough, Pedrarias was not a coward. His first blow was to be directed against the Cenú people, toward whom he had not felt kindly49 since the slaughter50 of the two companies under Vallejo and Becerra. What right had these savages to kill Spaniards? And yet were his purpose known of entering within range of those poisoned arrows he would have few followers51 to the wars. An expedition of three hundred men was therefore organized ostensibly against Pocorosa, and with this he coasted westward until after night-fall, when he ordered the pilots to turn back and make for Cenú, whose tristful shore the next morning saw them close approaching. Anchoring, Hurtado was sent with two hundred men to fire the village and do what killing52 was convenient. He managed to cut in pieces a few women and children as they escaped the flames, and secure some captives for slaves, but the poisoned arrows soon terminated 418 the sport, and the expedition turned again toward the province of Pocorosa.
The purpose of the governor was to found at least two posts of the line ordained53 by the king, but which his captains had failed to establish. Pedrarias resolved that the termini of the intended line on either ocean should be at once selected and town-building begun. Coasting westward in search of a site he came to a pleasant port, northward54 of Careta, beyond which extended a dry and fertile plain with timber suitable for ship-building, and from which led a now well-known route across the Isthmus. The natives called the place Acla,[XI-7] that is to say, 'Bones of Men.' There the governor began to build a wooden fort with such enthusiasm as not only to direct the laborers55, but to assist them with his hands, until excess of zeal56 brought on a fever which rendered it necessary for him to be carried bedridden to Antigua. Gabriel de Rojas was left in command of the unfinished enterprise, and Gaspar de Espinosa with a stout57 force was permitted to try the fortunes of war on that permanent object of the spoiler, Pocorosa.
THE LICENTIATE'S ASS.
It seems that the youthful magistrate58 on finding his official duties spiritless without the mellow59 growl60 and inane61 wit of pettifogger or pundit62, had laid aside the long-robe and buckled63 on the sword, this being in his opinion the more significant emblem64 in the arbitration65 419 of Indian affairs. And as the highest wisdom is that which adapts learning to the duties of the day, the licentiate would not be bound by the mechanical restrictions66 which governed the illiterate67 cavaliers in their encounters with the natives. There are some whom travel improves but little, though like Haddad Ben Ahab, they should climb to the top of the world's wall and look down the other side. Our juvenile68 judge was not one of these. Bonum est fugienda adspicere in alieno malo, was his motto. It is good to note in the misfortunes of others what we should avoid, for so Publius Syrus has said. He would go to the wars as a warrior43, not plodding69 his way wearily over mountain and through morass70, like a common foot-soldier, but he would enter the domain71 of the enemy mounted, and in a manner becoming a general and a judge. Athena went to war mounted on a lion, Alexander on a horse, Espinosa on—an ass. History gives the licentiate this honor, and as an honest man I cannot deny it him; he was the first to cross the Isthmus on an ass. Some horses had of late been brought to Antigua, which were employed to a very limited extent in the wars of Tierra Firme and also on the present occasion; but the alcalde mayor preferred to bestride an ass; it was a more judicial72 beast, not say surer-footed or more safe. Moreover, it was staid, and not liable to rush recklessly into battle. There was another advance. Several pieces of artillery73 were dragged across the Isthmus in this expedition.
When the savages first beheld74 the conquering hero borne triumphantly75 through crowds of admiring spectators, they fell back dumbfounded. They knew the force of Spanish steel; bloodhounds they knew, and arquebuses vomiting76 fire and hurling77 thunderbolts. But what was this? Its eyes were not fiery78, nor its nostrils79 distended80, nor its teeth flesh-tearing. Its countenance81 betokened82 mildness, and mind-absence, such as attend benevolent83 contemplation; there was in it 420 nothing of that refined lust31 or voracious84 piety85 which characterized the faces of the Spaniards. And surely Apollo was in error when he gave Midas such ears because he could not appreciate music. For listen to its notes. Ah, that voice! When Sir Balaam lifted up his voice the savages fled in terror. Tremblingly they returned and enquired86 for what the creature was asking. The Spaniards replied that he was asking for gold; and during the campaign his musical beast brought the licentiate more gold than did ever Leoncico earn for Vasco Nu?ez. And throughout that region the learned licentiate became known to the natives by the noble animal that he bestrode, so much so that those who entered the Spaniard's camp to see the general used to announce their object by braying87 like an ass, an appeal to which the chief officer ever obligingly responded.
As alcalde mayor it was the duty of Espinosa at all times and in all places to administer the law. For so God and the king had commanded; so he had sworn to do. Now it was often somewhat inconvenient88 to rob and murder at pleasure, even under the liberal provisions of the king's Requirement, according to the governor's ideas of business. Therefore it was deemed wise and prudent89 to issue an edict from the imperial city of Antigua declaring all Americans in arms against the Europeans to be outlaws90, doomed91 to slavery, mutilation, or death. Those who had taken part in the destruction of Santa Cruz should be burned; and it was quite remarkable92 in so young a jurist how quickly he determined, no matter how distant the evidence, whenever the destruction of a people, while promoting the sovereignty of law, would at the same time yield profit to the lawgiver.
The judge had not proceeded far upon his new circuit before he met Badajoz, who was returning dejectedly to Antigua, suffering from the effects of excessive cupidity. Informed of the immense treasure 421 Badajoz had failed to bring back, Espinosa wrote Pedrarias for more men that he might go and gather it. Badajoz claimed the command as a right; but Pedrarias said, "Not so; Espinosa is alcalde mayor; furthermore, Captain Badajoz brings back neither slaves nor gold wherewith to purchase favor." With this the licentiate received one hundred and thirty additional men under Gerónimo Valenzuela. So great was becoming the abhorrence93 of the colonists for these hazardous94 and unholy adventures that this captain, in conformity95 to his instructions, scuttled96 his ship on reaching Acla, in order to deprive the men of the means for returning to Antigua.
C?sar's Commentaries on the Gallic wars are not more minute in detail than the narration[XI-8] of incidents during this expedition as given by Espinosa to the governor. The licentiate was exceedingly careful in every instance, first of all to propitiate97 the law by observing its smallest letter, such as reading and expounding98 the king's Requirement, and never to rob or kill the natives except in the name of the king of Spain, and the rights of man. His judicial conscience thus quieted, he went to work with a will.
DEPOPULATION OF THE PROVINCES.
The provinces of Pocorosa and Comagre were at this time almost depopulated, and the licentiate could with difficulty obtain food for the men or exercise for his arms. On the approach of the Spaniards, the poor remnants of these once happy nations fled affrighted to their hiding-places. This the learned licentiate ruled ipso jure a declaration of hostilities99; 422 in a word, if the law could not be twisted to fit the occasion, the chief guardian100 of the law, himself turned law-breaker and spoiler, was as ready to throw overboard the law as was the most lawless cavalier. Whole nations, I say, were declared outlaws by the honorable chief judge, because they would not come forward and embrace slavery of their own free will. If any fugitives101 were particularly hard to catch, that was proof of participation102 in the Santa Cruz affair, and they were burned according to law.
The caprice of the law, however, does not exhibit the pretensions103 of civilization and Christianity in these parts in their grossest absurdity104. In the outrageous106 raids under Pedrarias, the most revolting crimes were committed in the name of religion. The itching107 palm of Quevedo, the bishop108, has been more than once referred to; and now we see his dean actually enter the field of inhumanity in person against the unhappy natives. The licentiate writes: "We proceeded on our way about one league and a half to Poquina's land, where the Indians set fire to their huts and ran away. I sent the dean with one squad109, and Ojeda with another, and they brought back some Indians, the number whereof will appear in the distribution. I gave Chiarna some of these Indians, and that overpaid him for the provisions he had furnished us." Unfortunately this is not the only instance we are doomed to encounter in this history, of a priest disgracing the faith by placing himself beside bloodhounds and bloody-minded men, and joining a hunt, in Christ's name, to bring innocent men and women and children to slavery and death.
After sending to Santa Cruz in the hope of finding provisions from Antigua, "we went to the province of Tamame," continues Espinosa, "whence I sent all the captains to explore the Rio Grande,[XI-9] on both banks, as I had been informed that Pocorosa's people were there hiding. Some Indians were caught, as 423 will appear in the distribution, five of whom were burnt to ashes, on confessing their participation in the murders of Santa Cruz." Indeed, "I used to send men after the Indians, and justice was done upon all those who had participated in the Santa Cruz outrage105, either by hanging or burning, and two were shot off from the cannon110's mouth the more to frighten them."
ESPINOSA ON THE PACIFIC.
Crossing the Cordillera by way of Tubanamá and Chepo to Panamá, where he hoped to obtain food, but found only some huts and one woman, Espinosa passed on to Chirú, sending out his captains in every direction for plunder37. At Chame the Spaniards found only four Indians; and as the chief had furnished corn to Badajoz, they did not molest111 him. The cacique of Chirú was captured with his women and gold, by Hurtado, but appearing peaceable he was liberated112, and made the custodian113 of some slaves, and ornaments114 for the mass, for a church was to be organized on the shores of Pacific. Chirú sent Espinosa iguanas115 to eat, and chicha, fish, deer, and salt, and was given some hammocks in return.
After this the Spaniards charged on Natá one night, securing one hundred captives, and gold to the value of fifteen hundred castellanos. The cacique escaped, and rallying his warriors prepared to attack the Spaniards; but when the natives saw the horses they fled in terror, fearing that they would be torn in pieces by them. As it was, the horsemen pursued the fugitives and hewed116 them down in great numbers. Espinosa marvelled117 at the multitudes of people he here encountered, and at the number of their villages. He found also an abundance of maize118, fish, and deer, and there were geese and turkeys. Four months' supply of corn was at once secured for the army; and for better protection during the sojourn119 palisades were erected120.
One morning while the licentiate was reposing121 in his lodge122, Natá with one attendant rushed unceremoniously into his presence, desperation depicted123 in 424 their countenances124, and with empty quivers in their hands. "You are too strong for me," cried the chief. "You have taken my warriors, my wives, my children; do with me as you please." Espinosa received him kindly, returned him his wives and children, and told him to bring his people from their hiding-places and fear nothing. The gold which had been taken from Badajoz was then demanded of him, but Natá denied having any of it, saying that Paris had kept it all. Being well established here the Spaniards proceeded against the neighboring provinces. The people fled, but were compelled by hunger to return. Among the captives taken some were employed in planting, and if any became unruly they were hanged. Others assisted in building a little chapel125, for the zealous126 dean had now sheathed127 his bloody sword to preach through an interpreter the glad tidings of good-will to man, and many were baptized.
Meanwhile a deputation composed of the natives of Natá was sent to the cacique Paris, demanding his allegiance to the king of Spain, and the restoration of the gold taken from Badajoz. Paris replied by hanging all the ambassadors, save two, by whom he sent back word that every Christian26 caught within his territories would be treated in like manner. The licentiate prepared immediately to march against the redoubtable chieftain.
On the 29th of July, 1516, every member of the army was confessed by the priest. Vows128 were made to Our Lady of Antigua, "and in the name of God," says the licentiate, "we began our journey." Hurtado had been sent with fifty men to Escoria, and the ruler of that province together with Chirú and Natá was forced to accompany the expedition against Paris.[XI-10] 425 The inhabitants melted before the invaders, and it was with difficulty that men could be captured for guides. The Spaniards had not advanced far before they learned that a council had been held by the chiefs confederated for self-protection, to determine whether the gold taken from Badajoz should be returned. Some were in favor of restoring it; but others objected that, this being given up, as much more would be demanded, and since fight they must in either case, it was agreed to do so before surrendering the treasure. It so happened that Diego Albites with eighty men was marching in advance, and coming to a rivulet129 he espied130 some Indians hidden under the bank and undertook to capture them. Instantly the country was alive with savages; Albites found himself surrounded by four thousand of the enemy, wholly cut off from the main body. The Spaniards fought desperately131 for six hours, and would have been destroyed had not Espinosa appeared and let loose upon the assailants the bloodhounds and the horsemen. Twenty caciques and a host of warriors were slain, and many of the Spaniards were badly wounded. "That night we slept upon the battle-field," says Espinosa, "and next day I threw up a protection of palisades and sent out in search of the cacique Paris." The cunning chief had burned his village and fled, thus leaving the invaders neither gold nor provisions. Albites went out to forage132, with instructions to fire a cannon in case of danger. Nine times that night the licentiate heard the report of a gun, and was not a little alarmed for the safety of the captain. Great was his joy, therefore, when early in the morning Valenzuela appeared with reinforcement of one hundred men from Antigua and informed the licentiate that it was he who had fired the guns while in search of the commander's camp.
VALENZUELA JOINS ESPINOSA.
Espinosa having now three hundred men felt himself strong enough to prosecute133 discovery according 426 to the full tenor134 of his instructions, which were to explore the coast westward as far as practicable. As a first step he sent a detachment of eighty men under Valenzuela into the province of Guararí, near the seashore, in search of trees for canoes. Meanwhile the treasure lost by Badajoz must if possible be found before abandoning these parts. Companies were sent out in various directions under Albites, Hurtado, and Pedro de Gamez, between whom arose no small rivalry135 for securing the honor of the capture. Their purpose was to seize the caciques and wring136 from them the secret by torture. At length Gamez came upon the scent137, and followed it into the province of Quema. He was even so fortunate as to capture the chief, but for want of an interpreter nothing definite could be learned. He nevertheless reported favorably to Espinosa, who ordered Albites and Hurtado to go to his assistance. Under the gentle persuasion138 of the rack Quema disclosed the place where part of the gold, some thirty thousand castellanos, was hidden, but denied any knowledge of the remainder. With this gold and other plunder, the three captains rejoined their commander, who had passed on to Guararí.
Two canoes being completed, each capable of carrying seventy men, and three smaller ones having been brought by Pablo Mejía from Chirú, they were placed in charge of Bartolomé Hurtado, who with eighty or ninety men coasted south and westward, while Espinosa with the remainder of the company followed by land. The rain fell in torrents139, and the worthy140 licentiate was soon tired of wading141 through the thick mud; and so, after four days' march to a small port called Huera,[XI-11] in the province of Vera, a council was held which arranged that Hurtado should continue the survey with one hundred men, in boats, while the land party should return to Quema and search for the remainder of the Badajoz treasure.
Explorations of Espinosa
The first province at which Hurtado landed was 427 called Guanata, whence the inhabitants had fled, and where by reason of continuous rains the Spaniards rested seven days. Securing guides they then passed on to an island, called by the natives Caubaco, or Cebaco,[XI-12] three days distant. Hurtado was acquiring experience, and found it better to treat these wild people gently. This policy succeeded, and, although his landing was at first opposed, he and the islanders soon became the best of friends. Their ruler was absent on the mainland, fighting; and when he returned his subjects introduced the strangers with such warmth that he at once extended his good-will, giving Hurtado a golden armor valued at one thousand castellanos. Indeed, he proved most affable and accommodating, willing to acknowledge the king of Spain, accept Christianity, or anything they desired; so much so that the Spaniards called him Cacique Amigo. An expedition was organized against the inhabitants of a neighboring island, named by the Spaniards Isla de Varones, in which they were joined by Pequeari, brother of Cebaco, with nine canoes. These islanders were found entrenched142 in a log fortress143, surrounded by a ditch, and so difficult to carry that the assailants were repeatedly thrown back 428 and must have failed but for their artillery. Seven leagues to the westward was an island called Cabo,[XI-13] where the Spaniards found a little gold. Thence they kept along the mainland, but the inhabitants were so fierce they dared not land. Some boatmen told them, however, that through the lands of the adjoining provinces, Torra and Tabraba, the distance to the North Sea was but three days' journey. And here they met with rumors144 of a rich and powerful nation to the westward, with double faces and rounded feet—an allusion145 probably to the table-land civilization. There are people with the former characteristic even to-day, and among our superior European culture.
SOUTH SEA EXPLORATIONS.
Hurtado explored the coast as far as the gulf146 of Nicoya,[XI-14] about one hundred and forty leagues from Natá. In the vicinity of the Golfo Dulce,[XI-15] the people were called Chiuchires. The beauty and fruitfulness of the country proved a constant temptation to the Spaniards to land and dispute possession with the owners, who appeared along the shore with drum and trumpet147 to frighten the visitation. But such was not Hurtado's purpose, nor his ability; from Nicoya he returned to join Espinosa.
After due deliberation it was determined at Antigua that the fishing station of Panamá[XI-16] should be 429 the site of the chief city, the terminal post of the transcontinental line on the shore of the South Sea. And after the return of Hurtado, which was early in 1517, Espinosa proceeded, under present instructions from Pedrarias, to place an establishment there. Its first commander was Hernan Ponce, who had just returned with Hurtado from the Nicoya expedition.[XI-17]
GOLD HUNTING.
During the absence of Hurtado, Espinosa had proceeded to Quema in his search for Paris, and the gold that Badajoz had lost, but he was soon obliged to leave that province on account of the scarcity148 of provisions. Two days' journey inland brought the Spaniards to a village governed by a cacique called Chiracona, who was accused of having been instrumental in the defeat of Badajoz, and who now held in his possession two of the baskets of gold. Into this province, famous for the bravery of its men and the beauty of its women, and also as being haunted by tuyraes, or devils, Diego de Albites was sent forward with sixty men, the remainder of the company following at a slower march while feeding on reed roots. "By God's will," says the pious149 licentiate, "the cacique was captured with his women and children." Chiracona at first denied the impeachment150, but when tortured he promised to produce the gold.
The poor fellow really knew nothing of the treasure, but he saw that it was necessary for him to confess something if he would live. And under the pressure his wits quickened. According to tradition the rendezvous151 of devils was a mountain fastness, ten leagues distant, into which Tartarean retreat no man 430 had ever ventured. "If," thought the sadly battered152 Chiracona, "these infernal Christians can be enticed153 thither154, there will be a happy end of them." But when he told them of the beauty and fertility of the place, and of the vast stores of wealth the ages had garnered155 there, a woman of Escoria, whom the chaste156 licentiate regarded with tender favor, besought157 her master not to enter that dangerous recess158, for she had heard say that Chiracona sought only the destruction of the Spaniards, confident that the earth would open to swallow them. But the licentiate replied, "Have no misgivings159, amiga mia; Christians fear not devils; devils fear Christians, and fly before them." And so Pedro de Gamez was sent with seventy men to the abode160 of the devils. The night following there was a terrible earthquake: both heathen and Christian believed his hour had come; and as Chiracona rode in his house the oscillating earth, as in a canoe he rode the billowy ocean, he smiled to think how well his plan was working.
Next day Gamez returned without the gold; whereat both white men and red were disappointed, the former because the treasure was not forthcoming, the latter because the Spanish had returned unharmed, since this would beside require Chiracona to invent some new pastime for their greedy avarice161. The Spaniards remained at this place two months, living on supplies forced from Chiracona, and urging upon him Christianity, allegiance to Spain, and the delivery of the gold. Finding him obdurate162 on all these points, they gave him to the dogs and went their way. Paris being heard of at Quema, Diego de Albites was sent thither, but was unsuccessful in the primary object of his mission. The 2d of January, 1517, all passed into Escoria, whence Albites was despatched on a three days' journey to the northward to capture a cacique named Tabraba. He was successful, and secured gold to the value of four thousand castellanos.
RETURN OF ESPINOSA TO ANTIGUA.
Espinosa now made ready for returning to the 431 North Sea. It filled him with indignation to witness the ingratitude163 of the few caciques whose lives he had spared. Natá apostatized, burned the Spaniards' palisades, destroyed their growing grain, and joined a hostile confederacy. The people of Chirú and elsewhere retired, thus adding insult to the failure to supply articles for plunder. While passing through Tubanamá, Espinosa overthrew164 a chief named Chamna, who had been hostile to Vasco Nu?ez. In Comagre he found Serrano, sent again to scourge165 that almost desolate166 province. Half famished167 the Spaniards arrived at Acla, and were overjoyed to find Vasco Nu?ez, who gave them food and provided them a vessel168 in which to return to Antigua.
The alcalde mayor's were the mightiest169 stealings of them all. Herrera estimates the returns of gold at eighty thousand pesos, and two thousand captives for slaves. After giving the king his fifth, and the governor and officials each a liberal share, there was enough distributed among the soldiers to make each esteem170 himself rich. Then followed days and nights of glorious debauch171, in which, beside women and wine, gambling172 was conspicuous173. A second distribution of capital was speedily effected under the auspices174 of the goddess unfathomable. It was paltry175 to bet less than a peso on any game, while a slave was a common wager176. The governor, his council, and the soldiers took jovial177 parts in the exercise, and it is said that Pedrarias at one sitting played away a hundred slaves. It was of great avail, indeed, with such servants and subjects, for the king to forbid playing-cards to be sent to the New World, and for the Council of the Indies to restrict a twenty-four hours' loss at play to ten castellanos.
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redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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ass
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| n.驴；傻瓜，蠢笨的人 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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dismantled
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| 拆开( dismantle的过去式和过去分词 )； 拆卸； 废除； 取消 | |
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tenantless
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| adj.无人租赁的，无人居住的 | |
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9
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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10
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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11
callous
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| adj.无情的，冷淡的，硬结的，起老茧的 | |
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12
momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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13
shudder
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| v.战粟，震动，剧烈地摇晃；n.战粟，抖动 | |
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14
portents
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| n.预兆( portent的名词复数 )；征兆；怪事；奇物 | |
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15
versatile
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| adj.通用的，万用的；多才多艺的，多方面的 | |
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16
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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17
recitals
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| n.独唱会( recital的名词复数 )；独奏会；小型音乐会、舞蹈表演会等；一系列事件等的详述 | |
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18
homely
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| adj.家常的，简朴的；不漂亮的 | |
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19
adage
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| n.格言，古训 | |
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20
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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21
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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22
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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23
inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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24
isthmus
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| n.地峡 | |
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25
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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26
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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27
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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28
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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29
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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30
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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31
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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32
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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33
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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34
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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35
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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36
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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37
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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38
abbreviated
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| adj. 简短的，省略的 动词abbreviate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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39
bracelets
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| n.手镯，臂镯( bracelet的名词复数 ) | |
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40
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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41
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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42
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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43
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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44
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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45
exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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47
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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48
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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49
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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50
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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51
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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52
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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53
ordained
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| v.任命（某人）为牧师( ordain的过去式和过去分词 )；授予（某人）圣职；（上帝、法律等）命令；判定 | |
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54
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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55
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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56
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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58
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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59
mellow
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| adj.柔和的；熟透的；v.变柔和；(使)成熟 | |
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60
growl
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| v.（狗等）嗥叫，（炮等）轰鸣；n.嗥叫，轰鸣 | |
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61
inane
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| adj.空虚的，愚蠢的，空洞的 | |
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62
pundit
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| n.博学之人；权威 | |
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63
buckled
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| a. 有带扣的 | |
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64
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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65
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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66
restrictions
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|
| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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67
illiterate
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|
| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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68
juvenile
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| n.青少年，少年读物；adj.青少年的，幼稚的 | |
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69
plodding
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| a.proceeding in a slow or dull way | |
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70
morass
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| n.沼泽，困境 | |
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71
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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72
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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73
artillery
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|
| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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74
beheld
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|
| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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75
triumphantly
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|
| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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76
vomiting
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| 吐 | |
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77
hurling
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|
| n.爱尔兰式曲棍球v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的现在分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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78
fiery
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|
| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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79
nostrils
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| 鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
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80
distended
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|
| v.（使）膨胀，肿胀( distend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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81
countenance
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|
| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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82
betokened
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|
| v.预示，表示( betoken的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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83
benevolent
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|
| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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84
voracious
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|
| adj.狼吞虎咽的，贪婪的 | |
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85
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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86
enquired
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| 打听( enquire的过去式和过去分词 )； 询问； 问问题； 查问 | |
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87
braying
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| v.发出驴叫似的声音( bray的现在分词 )；发嘟嘟声；粗声粗气地讲话（或大笑）；猛击 | |
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88
inconvenient
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|
| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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89
prudent
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|
| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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90
outlaws
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| 歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯 | |
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91
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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92
remarkable
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|
| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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93
abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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94
hazardous
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|
| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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95
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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96
scuttled
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| v.使船沉没( scuttle的过去式和过去分词 )；快跑，急走 | |
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97
propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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98
expounding
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的现在分词 ) | |
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99
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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100
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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101
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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102
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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103
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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104
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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105
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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106
outrageous
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| adj.无理的，令人不能容忍的 | |
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107
itching
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| adj.贪得的，痒的，渴望的v.发痒( itch的现在分词 ) | |
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108
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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109
squad
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| n.班，小队，小团体；vt.把…编成班或小组 | |
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110
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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111
molest
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| vt.骚扰，干扰，调戏 | |
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112
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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113
custodian
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| n.保管人，监护人；公共建筑看守 | |
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114
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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115
iguanas
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| n. 美洲蜥蜴 名词iguana的复数形式 | |
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116
hewed
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| v.（用斧、刀等）砍、劈( hew的过去式和过去分词 )；砍成；劈出；开辟 | |
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117
marvelled
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| v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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118
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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119
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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120
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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121
reposing
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的现在分词 ) | |
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122
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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123
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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124
countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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125
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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126
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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127
sheathed
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| adj.雕塑像下半身包在鞘中的；覆盖的；铠装的；装鞘了的v.将（刀、剑等）插入鞘( sheathe的过去式和过去分词 )；包，覆盖 | |
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128
vows
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| 誓言( vow的名词复数 )； 郑重宣布，许愿 | |
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129
rivulet
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| n.小溪，小河 | |
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130
espied
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| v.看到( espy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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132
forage
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| n.(牛马的)饲料，粮草；v.搜寻，翻寻 | |
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133
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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134
tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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135
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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136
wring
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| n.扭绞；v.拧，绞出，扭 | |
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137
scent
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| n.气味，香味，香水，线索，嗅觉；v.嗅，发觉 | |
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138
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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139
torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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141
wading
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| （从水、泥等）蹚，走过，跋( wade的现在分词 ) | |
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142
entrenched
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| adj.确立的，不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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143
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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144
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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145
allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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146
gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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147
trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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148
scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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149
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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150
impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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151
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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152
battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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153
enticed
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| 诱惑，怂恿( entice的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154
thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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155
garnered
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| v.收集并（通常）贮藏（某物），取得，获得( garner的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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156
chaste
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| adj.贞洁的；有道德的；善良的；简朴的 | |
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157
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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158
recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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159
misgivings
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕；疑虑，担心，恐惧( misgiving的名词复数 )；疑惧 | |
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160
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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161
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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162
obdurate
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| adj.固执的，顽固的 | |
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163
ingratitude
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| n.忘恩负义 | |
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164
overthrew
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| overthrow的过去式 | |
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165
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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166
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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167
famished
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| adj.饥饿的 | |
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168
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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169
mightiest
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| adj.趾高气扬( mighty的最高级 )；巨大的；强有力的；浩瀚的 | |
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170
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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171
debauch
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| v.使堕落，放纵 | |
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172
gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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173
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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174
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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175
paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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176
wager
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| n.赌注；vt.押注，打赌 | |
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177
jovial
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| adj.快乐的，好交际的 | |
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