PONTIAC RALLIES THE WESTERN TRIBES.
When, by the treaty of Paris, in 1763, France ceded1 to England her territories east of the Mississippi, the Illinois was of course included in the cession2. Scarcely were the articles signed, when France, as if eager to rob herself, at one stroke, of all her western domain3, threw away upon Spain the vast and indefinite regions beyond the Mississippi, destined4 at a later day to return to her hands, and finally to swell5 the growing empire of the United States. This transfer to Spain was for some time kept secret; but orders were immediately sent to the officers commanding at the French posts within the territory ceded to England, to evacuate8 the country whenever British troops should appear to occupy it. These orders reached the Illinois towards the close of 1763. Some time, however, must necessarily elapse before the English could take possession; for the Indian war was then at its height, and the country was protected from access by a broad barrier of savage9 tribes, in the hottest ferment10 of hostility11.
The colonists12, hating the English with a more than national hatred13, deeply imbittered by years of disastrous14 war, received the news of the treaty with disgust and execration15. Many of them left the country, loath16 to dwell under the shadow of the British flag. Of these, some crossed the Mississippi to the little hamlet of St. Genevieve, on the western bank; others followed the commandant, Neyon de Villiers, to New Orleans; while others, taking with them all their possessions, even to the frames and clapboarding of their houses, passed the river a little above Cahokia, and established themselves at a beautiful spot on the opposite shore, where a settlement was just then on the point of commencement. Here a line of richly wooded bluffs18 rose with easy ascent19 from the margin20 of the water; while from their summits extended a wide plateau of fertile prairie, bordered by a framework of forest. In the shadow of the trees, which fringed the edge of the declivity21, stood a newly-built storehouse, with a few slight cabins and463 works of defence, belonging to a company of fur-traders. At their head was Pierre Laclede, who had left New Orleans with his followers22 in August, 1763; and, after toiling23 for three months against the impetuous stream of the Mississippi, had reached the Illinois in November, and selected the spot alluded24 to as the site of his first establishment. To this he gave the name of St. Louis.[458] Side by side with Laclede, in his adventurous25 enterprise, was a young man, slight in person, but endowed with a vigor26 and elasticity27 of frame which could resist heat or cold, fatigue28, hunger, or the wasting hand of time. Not all the magic of a dream, nor the enchantments29 of an Arabian tale, could outmatch the waking realities which were to rise upon the vision of Pierre Chouteau. Where, in his youth, he had climbed the woody bluff17, and looked abroad on prairies dotted with bison, he saw, with the dim eye of his old age, the land darkened for many a furlong with the clustered roofs of the western metropolis30. For the silence of the wilderness31, he heard the clang and turmoil32 of human labor33, the din7 of congregated34 thousands; and where the great river rolled down through the forest, in lonely grandeur35, he saw the waters lashed36 into foam37 beneath the prows38 of panting steamboats, flocking to the broad levee.[459]
464
In the summer of 1764, the military commandant, Neyon, had abandoned the country in disgust, and gone down to New Orleans, followed by many of the inhabitants; a circumstance already mentioned. St. Ange de Bellerive remained behind to succeed him. St. Ange was a veteran Canadian officer, the same who, more than forty years before, had escorted Father Charlevoix through the country, and who is spoken of with high commendation by the Jesuit traveller and historian. He took command of about forty men, the remnant of the garrison40 of Fort Chartres; which, remote as it was, was then esteemed41 one of the best constructed military works in America. Its ramparts of stone, garnished42 with twenty cannon43, scowled44 across the encroaching Mississippi, destined, before many years, to ingulf curtain and bastion in its ravenous46 abyss.
St. Ange’s position was by no means an enviable one. He had a critical part to play. On the one hand, he had been advised of the cession to the English, and ordered to yield up the country whenever they should arrive to claim it. On the other, he was beset47 by embassies from Pontiac, from the Shawanoes, and from the Miamis, and plagued day and night by an importunate48 mob of Illinois Indians, demanding arms, ammunition49, and assistance against the common enemy. Perhaps, in his secret heart, St. Ange would have rejoiced to see the scalps of all the Englishmen in the backwoods fluttering in the wind over the Illinois wigwams; but his situation forbade him to comply with the solicitations of his intrusive50 petitioners51, and it is to be hoped that some sense of honor and humanity enforced the dictates52 of prudence53. Accordingly, he cajoled them with flatteries and promises, and from time to time distributed a few presents to stay their importunity54, still praying daily that the English might appear and relieve him from his uneasy dilemma55.[460]
While Laclede was founding St. Louis, while the discontented settlers of the Illinois were deserting their homes, and while St. Ange was laboring56 to pacify57 his Indian neighbors, all the tribes from the Maumee to the Mississippi were in a turmoil of excitement. Pontiac was among them, furious as a465 wild beast at bay. By the double campaign of 1764, his best hopes had been crushed to the earth; but he stood unshaken amidst the ruin, and still struggled with desperate energy to retrieve58 his broken cause. On the side of the northern lakes, the movements of Bradstreet had put down the insurrection of the tribes, and wrested59 back the military posts which cunning and treachery had placed within their grasp. In the south, Bouquet60 had forced to abject61 submission62 the warlike Delawares and Shawanoes, the warriors63 on whose courage and obstinacy64 Pontiac had grounded his strongest confidence. On every hand defeat and disaster were closing around him. One sanctuary65 alone remained, the country of the Illinois. Here the flag of France still floated on the banks of the Mississippi, and here no English foot had dared to penetrate66. He resolved to invoke67 all his resources, and bend all his energies to defend this last citadel68.[461]
He was not left to contend unaided. The fur-trading French, living at the settlements on the Mississippi, scattered69 about the forts of Ouatanon, Vincennes, and Miami, or domesticated70 among the Indians of the Rivers Illinois and Wabash, dreaded71 the English as dangerous competitors in their vocation72, and were eager to bar them from the country. They466 lavished73 abuse and calumny74 on the objects of their jealousy75, and spared no falsehood which ingenious malice76 and self-interest could suggest. They gave out that the English were bent77 on the ruin of the tribes, and to that end were stirring them up to mutual78 hostility. They insisted that, though the armies of France had been delayed so long, they were nevertheless on their way, and that the bayonets of the white-coated warriors would soon glitter among the forests of the Mississippi. Forged letters were sent to Pontiac, signed by the King of France, exhorting79 him to stand his ground but a few weeks longer, and all would then be well. To give the better coloring to their falsehoods, some of these incendiaries assumed the uniform of French officers, and palmed themselves off upon their credulous80 auditors81 as ambassadors from the king. Many of the principal traders distributed among the warriors supplies of arms and ammunition, in some instances given gratuitously82, and in others sold on credit, with the understanding that payment should be made from the plunder83 of the English.[462]
Now that the insurrection in the east was quelled84, and the Delawares and Shawanoes were beaten into submission, it was thought that the English would lose no time in taking467 full possession of the country, which, by the peace of 1763, had been transferred into their hands. Two principal routes would give access to the Illinois. Troops might advance from the south up the great natural highway of the Mississippi, or they might descend85 from the east by way of Fort Pitt and the Ohio. In either case, to meet and repel86 them was the determined87 purpose of Pontiac.
In the spring, or early summer, he had come to the Illinois and visited the commandant, Neyon, who was then still at his post. Neyon’s greeting was inauspicious. He told his visitor that he hoped he had returned at last to his senses. Pontiac laid before him a large belt of wampum. “My Father,” he said, “I come to invite you and all your allies to go with me to war against the English.” Neyon asked if he had not received his message of the last autumn, in which he told him that the French and English were thenceforth one people; but Pontiac persisted, and still urged him to take up the hatchet88. Neyon at length grew angry, kicked away the wampum belt, and demanded if he could not hear what was said to him. Thus repulsed89, Pontiac asked for a keg of rum. Which being given him, he caused to be carried to a neighboring Illinois village; and, with the help of this potent90 auxiliary91, made the assembled warriors join him in the war-song.[463]
It does not appear that, on this occasion, he had any farther success in firing the hearts of the Illinois. He presently returned to his camp on the Maumee, where, by a succession of ill-tidings, he learned the humiliation92 of his allies, and the triumph of his enemies. Towards the close of autumn, he again left the Maumee; and, followed by four hundred warriors, journeyed westward93, to visit in succession the different tribes, and gain their co-operation in his plans of final defence. Crossing over to the Wabash, he passed from village to village, among the Kickapoos, the Piankishaws, and the three tribes of the Miamis, rousing them by his imperious eloquence94, and breathing into them his own fierce spirit of resistance. Thence, by rapid marches through forests and over prairies, he reached the banks of the Mississippi, and summoned the four tribes of the Illinois to a general meeting. But468 these degenerate95 savages96, beaten by the surrounding tribes for many a generation past, had lost their warlike spirit; and, though abundantly noisy and boastful, showed no zeal97 for fight, and entered with no zest98 into the schemes of the Ottawa war-chief. Pontiac had his own way of dealing99 with such spirits. “If you hesitate,” he exclaimed, frowning on the cowering100 assembly, “I will consume your tribes as the fire consumes the dry grass on the prairie.” The doubts of the Illinois vanished like the mist, and with marvellous alacrity101 they declared their concurrence102 in the views of the orator103. Having secured these allies, such as they were, Pontiac departed, and hastened to Fort Chartres. St. Ange, so long tormented104 with embassy after embassy, and mob after mob, thought that the crowning evil was come at last, when he saw the arch-demon Pontiac enter at the gate, with four hundred warriors at his back. Arrived at the council-house, Pontiac addressed the commandant in a tone of great courtesy: “Father, we have long wished to see you, to shake hands with you, and, whilst smoking the calumet of peace, to recall the battles in which we fought together against the misguided Indians and the English dogs. I love the French, and I have come hither with my warriors to avenge105 their wrongs.”[464] Then followed a demand for arms, ammunition, and troops, to act in concert with the Indian warriors. St. Ange was forced to decline rendering106 the expected aid; but he sweetened his denial with soothing107 compliments, and added a few gifts, to remove any lingering bitterness. Pontiac would not be appeased108. He angrily complained of such lukewarm friendship, where he had looked for ready sympathy and support. His warriors pitched their lodges109 about the fort, and threatening symptoms of an approaching rupture110 began to alarm the French.
In the mean time, Pontiac had caused his squaws to construct a belt of wampum of extraordinary size, six feet in length, and four inches wide. It was wrought111 from end to end with the symbols of the various tribes and villages, forty-seven in number, still leagued together in his alliance.[465] He consigned469 it to an embassy of chosen warriors, directing them to carry it down the Mississippi, displaying it, in turn, at every Indian village along its banks; and exhorting the inhabitants, in his name, to watch the movements of the English, and repel any attempt they might make to ascend112 the river. This done, they were to repair to New Orleans, and demand from the governor, M. D’Abbadie, the aid which St. Ange had refused. The bark canoes of the embassy put out from the shore, and whirled down the current like floating leaves in autumn.
Soon after their departure, tidings came to Fort Chartres, which caused a joyous113 excitement among the Indians, and relieved the French garrison from any danger of an immediate6 rupture. In our own day, the vast distance between the great city of New Orleans and the populous114 state of Illinois has dwindled115 into insignificance116 beneath the magic of science; but at the date of this history, three or four months were often consumed in the upward passage, and the settlers of the lonely forest colony were sometimes cut off from all communication with the world for half a year together. The above-mentioned tidings, interesting as they were, had occupied no less time in their passage. Their import was as follows:—
Very early in the preceding spring, an English officer, Major Loftus, having arrived at New Orleans with four hundred regulars, had attempted to ascend the Mississippi, to take possession of Fort Chartres and its dependent posts. His troops were embarked117 in large and heavy boats. Their progress was slow; and they had reached a point not more than eighty leagues above New Orleans, when, one morning, their ears were greeted with the crack of rifles from the thickets118 of the western shore; and a soldier in the foremost boat fell, with a mortal wound. The troops, in dismay, sheered over towards the eastern shore; but, when fairly within gunshot, a score of rifles obscured the forest edge with smoke, and filled the nearest boat with dead and wounded men. On this, they steered119 for the middle of the river, where they remained for a time, exposed to a dropping fire from either bank, too distant to take effect.
The river was high, and the shores so flooded, that nothing but an Indian could hope to find foothold in the miry labyrinth120.470 Loftus was terrified; the troops were discouraged, and a council of officers determined that to advance was impossible. Accordingly, with their best despatch121, they steered back for New Orleans, where they arrived without farther accident; and where the French, in great glee at their discomfiture122, spared no ridicule123 at their expense. They alleged124, and with much appearance of truth, that the English had been repulsed by no more than thirty warriors. Loftus charged D’Abbadie with having occasioned his disaster by stirring up the Indians to attack him. The governor called Heaven to witness his innocence125; and, in truth, there is not the smallest reason to believe him guilty of such villany.[466] Loftus, who had not yet recovered from his fears, conceived an idea that the Indians below New Orleans were preparing an ambuscade to attack him on his way back to his station at Pensacola; and he petitioned D’Abbadie to interfere126 in his behalf. The latter, with an ill-dissembled sneer127, offered to give him and his troops an escort of French soldiers to protect them. Loftus rejected the humiliating proposal, and declared that he only wished for a French interpreter, to confer with any Indians whom he might meet by the way. The interpreter was furnished; and Loftus returned in safety to Pensacola, his detachment not a little reduced by the few whom the Indians had shot, and by numbers who, disgusted by his overbearing treatment, had deserted128 to the French.[467]
The futile129 attempt of Loftus to ascend the Mississippi was followed, a few months after, by another equally abortive130.471 Captain Pittman came to New Orleans with the design of proceeding131 to the Illinois, but was deterred132 by the reports which reached him concerning the temper of the Indians. The latter, elated beyond measure by their success against Loftus, and excited, moreover, by the messages and war-belt of Pontiac, were in a state of angry commotion133, which made the passage too hazardous134 to be attempted. Pittman bethought himself of assuming the disguise of a Frenchman, joining a party of Creole traders, and thus reaching his destination by stealth; but, weighing the risk of detection, he abandoned this design also, and returned to Mobile.[468] Between the Illinois and the settlements around New Orleans, the Mississippi extended its enormous length through solitudes135 of marsh136 and forest, broken here and there by a squalid Indian village; or, at vast intervals137, by one or two military posts, erected138 by the French, and forming the resting-places of the voyager. After the failure of Pittman, more than a year elapsed before an English detachment could succeed in passing this great thoroughfare of the wilderness, and running the gauntlet of the savage tribes who guarded its shores. It was not till the second of December, 1765, that Major Farmar, at the head of a strong body of troops, arrived, after an uninterrupted voyage, at Fort Chartres, where the flag of his country had already supplanted139 the standard of France.[469]
To return to our immediate theme. The ambassadors, whom Pontiac had sent from Fort Chartres in the autumn of 1764, faithfully acquitted140 themselves of their trust. They visited the Indian villages along the river banks, kindling141 the thirst for blood and massacre142 in the breasts of the inmates143. They pushed their sanguinary mission even to the farthest tribes of Southern Louisiana, to whom the great name of Pontiac had long been known, and of late made familiar by repeated messages and embassies.[470] This portion of their task accomplished144, they repaired to New Orleans, and demanded an audience of the governor.
472
New Orleans was then a town of about seven thousand white inhabitants, guarded from the river floods by a levee extending for fifty miles along the banks. The small brick houses, one story in height, were arranged with geometrical symmetry, like the squares of a chess-board. Each house had its yard and garden, and the town was enlivened with the verdure of trees and grass. In front, a public square, or parade ground, opened upon the river, enclosed on three sides by the dilapidated church of St. Louis, a prison, a convent, government buildings, and a range of barracks. The place was surrounded by a defence of palisades strong enough to repel an attack of Indians, or insurgent145 slaves.[471]
When Pontiac’s ambassadors entered New Orleans, they found the town in a state of confusion. It had long been known that the regions east of the Mississippi had been surrendered to England; a cession from which, however, New Orleans and its suburbs had been excepted by a special provision. But it was only within a few weeks that the dismayed inhabitants had learned that their mother country had transferred her remaining American possessions to the crown of Spain, whose government and people they cordially detested146. With every day they might expect the arrival of a Spanish governor and garrison. The French officials, whose hour was drawing to its close, were making the best of their short-lived authority by every species of corruption147 and peculation148; and the inhabitants were awaiting, in anger and repugnance149, the approaching change, which was to place over their heads masters whom they hated. The governor, D’Abbadie, an ardent150 soldier and a zealous151 patriot152, was so deeply chagrined153 at what he conceived to be the disgrace of his country, that his feeble health gave way, and he betrayed all the symptoms of a rapid decline.
Haggard with illness, and bowed down with shame, the473 dying governor received the Indian envoys154 in the council-hall of the province, where he was never again to assume his seat of office. Besides the French officials in attendance, several English officers, who chanced to be in the town, had been invited to the meeting, with the view of soothing the jealousy with which they regarded all intercourse155 between the French and the Indians. A Shawanoe chief, the orator of the embassy, displayed the great war-belt, and opened the council. “These red dogs,” he said, alluding156 to the color of the British uniform, “have crowded upon us more and more; and when we ask them by what right they come, they tell us that you, our French fathers, have given them our lands. We know that they lie. These lands are neither yours nor theirs, and no man shall give or sell them without our consent. Fathers, we have always been your faithful children; and we now have come to ask that you will give us guns, powder, and lead, to aid us in this war.”
D’Abbadie replied in a feeble voice, endeavoring to allay157 their vindictive158 jealousy of the English, and promising159 to give them all that should be necessary to supply their immediate wants. The council then adjourned160 until the following day; but, in the mean time, the wasted strength of the governor gave way beneath a renewed attack of his disorder161; and, before the appointed hour arrived, he had breathed his last, hurried to a premature162 death by the anguish163 of mortified164 pride and patriotism165. M. Aubry, his successor, presided in his place, and received the savage embassy. The orator, after the solemn custom of his people, addressed him in a speech of condolence, expressing his deep regret for D’Abbadie’s untimely fate.[472] A chief of the Miamis then rose to speak, with a scowling166 brow, and words of bitterness and reproach. “Since we last sat on these seats, our ears have heard strange words. When the English told us that they had conquered you, we always thought that they lied; but now we have learned that they spoke39 the truth. We have learned that you, whom we474 have loved and served so well, have given the lands that we dwell upon to your enemies and ours. We have learned that the English have forbidden you to send traders to our villages to supply our wants; and that you, whom we thought so great and brave, have obeyed their commands like women, leaving us to starve and die in misery167. We now tell you, once for all, that our lands are our own; and we tell you, moreover, that we can live without your aid, and hunt, and fish, and fight, as our fathers did before us. All that we ask of you is this: that you give us back the guns, the powder, the hatchets168, and the knives which we have worn out in fighting your battles. As for you,” he exclaimed, turning to the English officers, who were present as on the preceding day,—“as for you, our hearts burn with rage when we think of the ruin you have brought on us.” Aubry returned but a weak answer to the cutting attack of the Indian speaker. He assured the ambassadors that the French still retained their former love for the Indians, that the English meant them no harm, and that, as all the world were now at peace, it behooved169 them also to take hold of the chain of friendship. A few presents were then distributed, but with no apparent effect. The features of the Indians still retained their sullen170 scowl45; and on the morrow their canoes were ascending171 the Mississippi on their homeward voyage.
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1
ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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cession
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| n.割让，转让 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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din
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| n.喧闹声，嘈杂声 | |
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evacuate
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| v.遣送；搬空；抽出；排泄；大(小)便 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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loath
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| adj.不愿意的；勉强的 | |
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bluff
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| v.虚张声势，用假象骗人；n.虚张声势，欺骗 | |
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bluffs
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| 恐吓( bluff的名词复数 )； 悬崖； 峭壁 | |
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ascent
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| n.(声望或地位)提高；上升，升高；登高 | |
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margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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declivity
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| n.下坡，倾斜面 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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toiling
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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elasticity
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| n.弹性，伸缩力 | |
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fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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enchantments
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| n.魅力( enchantment的名词复数 )；迷人之处；施魔法；着魔 | |
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metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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congregated
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| （使）集合，聚集( congregate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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foam
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| v./n.泡沫，起泡沫 | |
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prows
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| n.船首( prow的名词复数 ) | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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42
garnished
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| v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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44
scowled
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| 怒视，生气地皱眉( scowl的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45
scowl
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| vi.(at)生气地皱眉，沉下脸，怒视；n.怒容 | |
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46
ravenous
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| adj.极饿的，贪婪的 | |
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47
beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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48
importunate
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| adj.强求的；纠缠不休的 | |
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49
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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50
intrusive
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| adj.打搅的；侵扰的 | |
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51
petitioners
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| n.请求人，请愿人( petitioner的名词复数 )；离婚案原告 | |
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52
dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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53
prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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54
importunity
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| n.硬要，强求 | |
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55
dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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56
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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57
pacify
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| vt.使(某人)平静(或息怒)；抚慰 | |
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58
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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59
wrested
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| （用力）拧( wrest的过去式和过去分词 )； 费力取得； （从…）攫取； （ 从… ） 强行取去… | |
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60
bouquet
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| n.花束，酒香 | |
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61
abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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62
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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63
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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64
obstinacy
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| n.顽固；（病痛等）难治 | |
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65
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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66
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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67
invoke
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| v.求助于(神、法律)；恳求，乞求 | |
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68
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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69
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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70
domesticated
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| adj.喜欢家庭生活的；（指动物）被驯养了的v.驯化( domesticate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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72
vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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73
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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74
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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75
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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76
malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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77
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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78
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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79
exhorting
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的现在分词 ) | |
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80
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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81
auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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82
gratuitously
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| 平白 | |
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83
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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84
quelled
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| v.（用武力）制止，结束，镇压( quell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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85
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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86
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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87
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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88
hatchet
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| n.短柄小斧；v.扼杀 | |
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89
repulsed
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| v.击退( repulse的过去式和过去分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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90
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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91
auxiliary
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| adj.辅助的，备用的 | |
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92
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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93
westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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94
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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95
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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96
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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97
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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98
zest
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| n.乐趣；滋味，风味；兴趣 | |
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99
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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100
cowering
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| v.畏缩，抖缩( cower的现在分词 ) | |
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101
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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102
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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103
orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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104
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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105
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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106
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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107
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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108
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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109
lodges
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| v.存放( lodge的第三人称单数 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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110
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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111
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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112
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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113
joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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114
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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115
dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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117
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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118
thickets
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| n.灌木丛( thicket的名词复数 )；丛状物 | |
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119
steered
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| v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 )；操纵；控制；引导 | |
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120
labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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121
despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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122
discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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123
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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124
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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125
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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126
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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127
sneer
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| v.轻蔑；嘲笑；n.嘲笑，讥讽的言语 | |
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128
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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129
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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130
abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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131
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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132
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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133
commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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134
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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135
solitudes
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| n.独居( solitude的名词复数 )；孤独；荒僻的地方；人迹罕至的地方 | |
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136
marsh
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| n.沼泽，湿地 | |
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137
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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138
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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139
supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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141
kindling
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| n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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142
massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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143
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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144
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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145
insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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146
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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147
corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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148
peculation
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| n.侵吞公款[公物] | |
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149
repugnance
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| n.嫌恶 | |
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150
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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151
zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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152
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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153
chagrined
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| adj.懊恼的，苦恼的v.使懊恼，使懊丧，使悔恨( chagrin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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155
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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156
alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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157
allay
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| v.消除，减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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158
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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159
promising
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| adj.有希望的，有前途的 | |
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160
adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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161
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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162
premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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163
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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164
mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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165
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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166
scowling
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| 怒视，生气地皱眉( scowl的现在分词 ) | |
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167
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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168
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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169
behooved
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| v.适宜( behoove的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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170
sullen
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| adj.愠怒的，闷闷不乐的，(天气等)阴沉的 | |
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171
ascending
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| adj.上升的，向上的 | |
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