The notion of secondary powers, placed between the sovereign and his subjects, occurred naturally to the imagination of aristocratic nations, because those communities contained individuals or families raised above the common level, and apparently1 destined2 to command by their birth, their education, and their wealth. This same notion is naturally wanting in the minds of men in democratic ages, for converse3 reasons: it can only be introduced artificially, it can only be kept there with difficulty; whereas they conceive, as it were, without thinking upon the subject, the notion of a sole and central power which governs the whole community by its direct influence. Moreover in politics, as well as in philosophy and in religion, the intellect of democratic nations is peculiarly open to simple and general notions. Complicated systems are repugnant to it, and its favorite conception is that of a great nation composed of citizens all resembling the same pattern, and all governed by a single power.
The very next notion to that of a sole and central power, which presents itself to the minds of men in the ages of equality, is the notion of uniformity of legislation. As every man sees that he differs but little from those about him, he cannot understand why a rule which is applicable to one man should not be equally applicable to all others. Hence the slightest privileges are repugnant to his reason; the faintest dissimilarities in the political institutions of the same people offend him, and uniformity of legislation appears to him to be the first condition of good government. I find, on the contrary, that this same notion of a uniform rule, equally binding6 on all the members of the community, was almost unknown to the human mind in aristocratic ages; it was either never entertained, or it was rejected. These contrary tendencies of opinion ultimately turn on either side to such blind instincts and such ungovernable habits that they still direct the actions of men, in spite of particular exceptions. Notwithstanding the immense variety of conditions in the Middle Ages, a certain number of persons existed at that period in precisely7 similar circumstances; but this did not prevent the laws then in force from assigning to each of them distinct duties and different rights. On the contrary, at the present time all the powers of government are exerted to impose the same customs and the same laws on populations which have as yet but few points of resemblance. As the conditions of men become equal amongst a people, individuals seem of less importance, and society of greater dimensions; or rather, every citizen, being assimilated to all the rest, is lost in the crowd, and nothing stands conspicuous8 but the great and imposing9 image of the people at large. This naturally gives the men of democratic periods a lofty opinion of the privileges of society, and a very humble10 notion of the rights of individuals; they are ready to admit that the interests of the former are everything, and those of the latter nothing. They are willing to acknowledge that the power which represents the community has far more information and wisdom than any of the members of that community; and that it is the duty, as well as the right, of that power to guide as well as govern each private citizen.
If we closely scrutinize11 our contemporaries, and penetrate12 to the root of their political opinions, we shall detect some of the notions which I have just pointed13 out, and we shall perhaps be surprised to find so much accordance between men who are so often at variance14. The Americans hold, that in every State the supreme15 power ought to emanate16 from the people; but when once that power is constituted, they can conceive, as it were, no limits to it, and they are ready to admit that it has the right to do whatever it pleases. They have not the slightest notion of peculiar5 privileges granted to cities, families, or persons: their minds appear never to have foreseen that it might be possible not to apply with strict uniformity the same laws to every part, and to all the inhabitants. These same opinions are more and more diffused17 in Europe; they even insinuate18 themselves amongst those nations which most vehemently19 reject the principle of the sovereignty of the people. Such nations assign a different origin to the supreme power, but they ascribe to that power the same characteristics. Amongst them all, the idea of intermediate powers is weakened and obliterated20: the idea of rights inherent in certain individuals is rapidly disappearing from the minds of men; the idea of the omnipotence21 and sole authority of society at large rises to fill its place. These ideas take root and spread in proportion as social conditions become more equal, and men more alike; they are engendered22 by equality, and in turn they hasten the progress of equality.
In France, where the revolution of which I am speaking has gone further than in any other European country, these opinions have got complete hold of the public mind. If we listen attentively23 to the language of the various parties in France, we shall find that there is not one which has not adopted them. Most of these parties censure24 the conduct of the government, but they all hold that the government ought perpetually to act and interfere25 in everything that is done. Even those which are most at variance are nevertheless agreed upon this head. The unity4, the ubiquity, the omnipotence of the supreme power, and the uniformity of its rules, constitute the principal characteristics of all the political systems which have been put forward in our age. They recur26 even in the wildest visions of political regeneration: the human mind pursues them in its dreams. If these notions spontaneously arise in the minds of private individuals, they suggest themselves still more forcibly to the minds of princes. Whilst the ancient fabric27 of European society is altered and dissolved, sovereigns acquire new conceptions of their opportunities and their duties; they learn for the first time that the central power which they represent may and ought to administer by its own agency, and on a uniform plan, all the concerns of the whole community. This opinion, which, I will venture to say, was never conceived before our time by the monarchs28 of Europe, now sinks deeply into the minds of kings, and abides29 there amidst all the agitation30 of more unsettled thoughts.
Our contemporaries are therefore much less divided than is commonly supposed; they are constantly disputing as to the hands in which supremacy31 is to be vested, but they readily agree upon the duties and the rights of that supremacy. The notion they all form of government is that of a sole, simple, providential, and creative power. All secondary opinions in politics are unsettled; this one remains32 fixed33, invariable, and consistent. It is adopted by statesmen and political philosophers; it is eagerly laid hold of by the multitude; those who govern and those who are governed agree to pursue it with equal ardor34: it is the foremost notion of their minds, it seems inborn35. It originates therefore in no caprice of the human intellect, but it is a necessary condition of the present state of mankind.
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1 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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2 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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3 converse | |
vi.谈话,谈天,闲聊;adv.相反的,相反 | |
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4 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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5 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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6 binding | |
有约束力的,有效的,应遵守的 | |
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7 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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8 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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9 imposing | |
adj.使人难忘的,壮丽的,堂皇的,雄伟的 | |
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10 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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11 scrutinize | |
n.详细检查,细读 | |
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12 penetrate | |
v.透(渗)入;刺入,刺穿;洞察,了解 | |
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13 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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14 variance | |
n.矛盾,不同 | |
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15 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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16 emanate | |
v.发自,来自,出自 | |
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17 diffused | |
散布的,普及的,扩散的 | |
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18 insinuate | |
vt.含沙射影地说,暗示 | |
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19 vehemently | |
adv. 热烈地 | |
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20 obliterated | |
v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 );涂去;擦掉;彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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21 omnipotence | |
n.全能,万能,无限威力 | |
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22 engendered | |
v.产生(某形势或状况),造成,引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23 attentively | |
adv.聚精会神地;周到地;谛;凝神 | |
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24 censure | |
v./n.责备;非难;责难 | |
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25 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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26 recur | |
vi.复发,重现,再发生 | |
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27 fabric | |
n.织物,织品,布;构造,结构,组织 | |
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28 monarchs | |
君主,帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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29 abides | |
容忍( abide的第三人称单数 ); 等候; 逗留; 停留 | |
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30 agitation | |
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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31 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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32 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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33 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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34 ardor | |
n.热情,狂热 | |
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35 inborn | |
adj.天生的,生来的,先天的 | |
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