Lamartine was now at the climax2 of his fame: to all those whom the Revolution had injured or alarmed, that is to say, to the great majority of the nation, he appeared in the light of a saviour3. He had been elected to the Assembly by the city of Paris and no fewer than eleven departments; I do not believe that ever anybody inspired such keen transports as those to which he was then giving rise; one must have seen love thus stimulated4 by fear to know with what excess of idolatry men are capable of loving. The transcendental favour which was shown him at this time was not to be compared with anything except, perhaps, the excessive injustice5 which he shortly afterwards received. All the deputies who came to Paris with the desire to put down the excesses of the Revolution and to combat the demagogic party regarded him beforehand as their only possible leader, and looked to him unhesitatingly to place himself at their head to attack and overthrow6 the Socialists7 and demagogues. They soon discovered that they were deceived, and that Lamartine did not see the part[146] he was called upon to play in so simple a light. It must be confessed that his was a very complex and difficult position. It was forgotten at the time, but he could not himself forget, that he had contributed more than any other to the success of the Revolution of February. Terror effaced8 this remembrance for the moment from the public mind; but a general feeling of security could not fail soon to restore it. It was easy to foresee that, so soon as the current which had brought affairs to their present pitch was arrested, a contrary current would set in, which would impel9 the nation in the opposite direction, and drive it faster and further than Lamartine could or would go. The success of the Montagnards would involve his immediate10 ruin; but their complete defeat would render him useless and must, sooner or later, remove the government from his hands. He saw, therefore, that for him there was almost as much danger and loss in triumph as in defeat.
As a matter of fact, I believe that, if Lamartine had resolutely11, from the first, placed himself at the head of the immense party which desired to moderate and regulate the course of the Revolution, and had succeeded in leading it to victory, he would before long have been buried beneath his own triumph; he would not have been able to stop his army in time, and it would have left him behind and chosen other leaders.
I doubt whether, whatever line of conduct he had[147] adopted, he could have retained his power for long. I believe his only remaining chance was to be gloriously defeated while saving his country. But Lamartine was the last man to sacrifice himself in this way. I do not know that I have ever, in this world of selfishness and ambition in which I lived, met a mind so void of any thought of the public welfare as his. I have seen a crowd of men disturbing the country in order to raise themselves: that is an everyday perversity12; but he is the only one who seemed to me always ready to turn the world upside down in order to divert himself. Neither have I ever known a mind less sincere, nor one that had a more thorough contempt for the truth. When I say he despised it, I am wrong: he did not honour it enough to heed13 it in any way whatever. When speaking or writing, he spoke14 the truth or lied, without caring which he did, occupied only with the effect he wished to produce at the moment.
I had not seen Lamartine since the 24th of February. I saw him the first time on the day before the opening of the Assembly in the new house, where I had gone to choose my seat, but I did not speak to him; he was surrounded by some of his new friends. The instant he saw me, he pretended some business at the other end of the house, and hurried away as fast as he could. He sent me word afterwards by Champeaux (who belonged to him, half as a friend and half as a servant) that I must not take it ill of him that he avoided[148] me; that his position obliged him to act in this way towards the members of the late parliament; that my place was, of course, marked out among the future leaders of the Republic; but that we must wait till the first temporary difficulties were surmounted15 before coming to an agreement. Champeaux also declared that he was instructed to ask my opinion on the state of business; I gave it him very readily, but to very little purpose. This established certain indirect relations between Lamartine and myself through the intermediary of Champeaux. The latter often came to see me, to inform me, on behalf of his patron, of the arrangements that were being prepared; and I sometimes went to see him in a little room he had hired on the top floor of a house in the Rue16 Saint-Honoré, where he used to receive suspicious visitors, although he had a complete set of rooms at the Foreign Office.
I usually found him overwhelmed with place-hunters; for in France political mendicancy17 exists under every form of government. It even increases through the very revolutions that are directed against it, because all revolutions ruin a certain number of men, and with us a ruined man always looks to the State to repair his fortunes. They were of all kinds, all attracted by the reflection of power which Lamartine's friendship very transiently cast over Champeaux. I remember among others a certain cook, not particularly distinguished18 in his calling, as far as I could see, who insisted upon entering the[149] service of Lamartine, who had, he said, become President of the Republic.
"But he's not President yet!" cried Champeaux.
"If he's not so yet, as you say," said the man, "he's going to be, and he must already be thinking of his kitchen."
In order to rid himself of this scullion's obstinate19 ambition, Champeaux promised to bring his name before Lamartine so soon as the latter should be President of the Republic. The poor man went away quite satisfied, dreaming no doubt of the very imaginary splendours of his approaching condition.
I frequented Champeaux pretty assiduously during that time, although he was exceedingly vain, loquacious20, and tedious, because, in talking with him, I became better acquainted with Lamartine's thoughts and projects than if I had been talking to the great man himself. Lamartine's intelligence was seen through Champeaux' folly21 as you see the sun through a smoked glass, which shows you the luminary22 deprived of its heat-rays, but less dazzling to the eye. I easily gathered that in this world every one was feeding on pretty well the same chimeras23 as the cook of whom I have just spoken, and that Lamartine already tasted at the bottom of his heart the sweets of that sovereign power which was nevertheless at that very moment escaping from his hands. He was then following the tortuous24 road that was so soon to lead him to his ruin, struggling to dominate the Mountain[150] without overthrowing25 it, and to slacken the revolutionary fire without extinguishing it, so as to give the country a feeling of security strong enough for it to bless him, not strong enough to cause it to forget him. What he dreaded26 above all was that the conduct of the Assembly should be allowed to fall into the hands of the former parliamentary leaders. This was, I believe, at the time his dominant27 passion. One could see this during the great discussion on the constitution of the Executive Power; never did the different parties display more visibly the pedantic28 hypocrisy29 which induces them to conceal30 their interests beneath their ideas: an ordinary spectacle enough, but more striking at this time than usual, because the needs of the moment compelled each party to shelter itself behind theories which were foreign or even opposed to it. The old royalist party maintained that the Assembly itself should govern and choose its ministers: a theory that was almost demagogic; and the demagogues declared that the Executive Power should be entrusted31 to a permanent commission, which should govern and select all the agents of the government: a system that approached the monarchic32 idea. All this verbiage33 only meant that one side wished to remove Ledru-Rollin from power, and the other to keep him there.
The nation saw in Ledru-Rollin the bloody34 image of the Terror; it beheld35 in him the genius of evil as in Lamartine the genius of good, and it was mis[151]taken in both cases. Ledru-Rollin was nothing more than a very sensual and sanguine36 heavy fellow, quite without principles and almost without brains, possessing no real courage of mind or heart, and even free from malice37: for he naturally wished well to all the world, and was incapable38 of cutting the throats of any one of his adversaries39, except, perhaps, for the sake of historical reminiscences, or to accommodate his friends.
The result of the debate remained long doubtful: Barrot turned it against us by making a very fine speech in our favour. I have witnessed many of these unforeseen incidents in parliamentary life, and have seen parties constantly deceived in the same way, because they always think only of the pleasure they themselves derive40 from their great orator's words, and never of the dangerous excitement he promotes in their opponents.
When Lamartine, who till then had kept silent and remained, I believe, in indecision, heard, for the first time since February, the voice of the ex-leader of the Left resounding41 with brilliancy and success, he suddenly made up his mind, and spoke. "You understand," said Champeaux to me the next day, "that before all it was necessary to prevent the Assembly from coming to a resolution upon Barrot's advice." So Lamartine spoke, and, according to his custom, spoke in brilliant fashion.
The majority, who had already adopted the course that Barrot had urged upon them, wheeled round as[152] they listened to him (for this Assembly was more credulous42 and more submissive than any that I had ever seen to the wiles43 of eloquence44: it was novice45 and innocent enough to seek for reasons for their decisions in the speeches of the orators). Thus Lamartine won his cause, but missed his fortune; for he that day gave rise to the mistrust which soon arose and hurled46 him from his pinnacle47 of popularity more quickly than he had mounted it. Suspicion took a definite form the very next day, when he was seen to patronize Ledru-Rollin and force the hand of his own friends in order to induce them to appoint the latter as his colleague on the Executive Commission. At this sight there arose in the Assembly and in the nation inexpressible disappointment, terror and rage. For my part, I experienced these two last emotions in the highest degree; I clearly perceived that Lamartine was turning out of the high-road that led us away from anarchy48, and I could not guess into what abyss he might lead us if we followed the byways which he was treading. How was it possible, indeed, to foresee how far an always exuberant49 imagination might go, unrestrained by reason or virtue50? Lamartine's common-sense impressed me no more than did his disinterestedness51; and, in fact, I believed him capable of everything except cowardly behaviour or vulgar oratory52.
I confess that the events of June to a certain extent modified the opinion I had formed of[153] his manner of proceeding53. They showed that our adversaries were more numerous, better organized and, above all, more determined54 than I had thought.
Lamartine, who had seen nothing but Paris during the last two months, and who had there, so to speak, lived in the very heart of the revolutionary party, exaggerated the power of the Capital and the inactivity of the rest of France. He over-estimated both. But I am not sure that I, on my side, did not strain a point on the other side. The road we ought to follow seemed to me so clearly and visibly traced that I would not admit the possibility of deviating55 from it by mistake; it seemed obvious to me that we should hasten to profit by the moral force possessed56 by the Assembly in order to escape from the hands of the people, seize upon the government, and by a great effort establish it upon a solid basis. Every delay seemed to me calculated to diminish our power, and to strengthen the hand of our adversaries.
It was, in fact, during the six months that elapsed between the opening of the Assembly and the events of June that the Paris workmen grew bold, and took courage to resist, organized themselves, procured57 both arms and ammunition58, and made their final preparations for the struggle. In any case, I am led to believe that it was Lamartine's tergiversations and his semi-connivance with the enemy that saved us, while it ruined him. Their effect was to amuse[154] the leaders of the Mountain, and to divide them. The Montagnards of the old school, who were retained in the Government, separated themselves from the Socialists, who were excluded from it. Had all been united by a common interest, and impelled59 by common despair before our victory, as they became since, it is doubtful whether that victory would have been won. When I consider that we were almost effaced, although we were opposed only by the revolutionary party without its leaders, I ask myself what the result of the contest would have been if those leaders had come forward, and if the insurrection had been supported by a third of the National Assembly.
Lamartine saw these dangers more closely and clearly than I, and I believe to-day that the fear of arousing a mortal conflict influenced his conduct as much as did his ambition. I might have formed this opinion at the time had I listened to Madame de Lamartine, whose alarm for the safety of her husband, and even of the Assembly, amounted to extravagance. "Beware," she said to me, each time she met me, "beware of pushing things to extremes; you do not know the strength of the revolutionary party. If we enter into conflict with it, we shall perish." I have often reproached myself for not cultivating Madame de Lamartine's acquaintance, for I have always found her to possess real virtue, although she added to it almost all the faults[155] which can cling to virtue, and which, without impairing60 it, render it less lovable: an imperious temper, great personal pride, an upright but unyielding, and sometimes bitter, spirit; so much so that it was impossible not to respect her, and impossible to like her.
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1
subterfuges
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| n.（用说谎或欺骗以逃脱责备、困难等的）花招，遁词( subterfuge的名词复数 ) | |
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climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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6
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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8
effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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impel
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| v.推动；激励，迫使 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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perversity
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| n.任性；刚愎自用 | |
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13
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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14
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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15
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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mendicancy
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| n.乞丐，托钵，行乞修道士 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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loquacious
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| adj.多嘴的，饶舌的 | |
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21
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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luminary
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| n.名人，天体 | |
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chimeras
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| n.（由几种动物的各部分构成的）假想的怪兽( chimera的名词复数 )；不可能实现的想法；幻想；妄想 | |
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tortuous
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| adj.弯弯曲曲的，蜿蜒的 | |
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overthrowing
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| v.打倒，推翻( overthrow的现在分词 )；使终止 | |
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26
dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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27
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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pedantic
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| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
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hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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30
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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31
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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monarchic
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| 国王的，君主政体的 | |
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verbiage
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| n.冗词；冗长 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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36
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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38
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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39
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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40
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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41
resounding
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| adj. 响亮的 | |
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42
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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43
wiles
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| n.（旨在欺骗或吸引人的）诡计，花招；欺骗，欺诈( wile的名词复数 ) | |
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44
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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45
novice
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| adj.新手的，生手的 | |
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46
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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47
pinnacle
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| n.尖塔，尖顶，山峰；(喻)顶峰 | |
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48
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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49
exuberant
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| adj.充满活力的；（植物）繁茂的 | |
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50
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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51
disinterestedness
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52
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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53
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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54
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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55
deviating
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| v.偏离，越轨( deviate的现在分词 ) | |
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56
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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57
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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58
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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59
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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impairing
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| v.损害，削弱( impair的现在分词 ) | |
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