The preceding pages have had no other purpose than to throw some light on the subject in hand, and to facilitate the solution of the questions which I laid down in the beginning, namely, what was the real object of the Revolution? What was its peculiar character? For what precise reason it was made, and what did it effect?
The Revolution was not made, as some have supposed, in order to destroy the authority of religious belief. In spite of appearances, it was essentially2 a social and political Revolution; and within the circle of social and political institutions it did not tend to perpetuate3 and give stability to disorder4, or (as one of its chief adversaries5 had said) to methodise anarchy6; but rather to increase the power and the rights of public authority. It was not destined7 (as others have believed) to change the whole character which civilisation8 had previously9 assumed, to check its progress, or even essentially to alter any of the fundamental laws upon which human society in Western Europe is based. If we divest10 it of all the accidental circumstances which altered its aspect in different countries and at various times, and consider only the Revolution itself, we shall clearly perceive that its only effect has been to abolish those political institutions which during several centuries had been in force among the greater part of the European nations, and which are usually designated as feudal11 institutions, in order to substitute a more uniform and simple state of society and politics, based upon an equality of social condition.
This was quite sufficient to constitute an immense revolution, for not only were these ancient institutions mixed up and interwoven with almost all the religious and political laws of Europe, but they had also given rise to a crowd of ideas, sentiments, habits, and manners which clung around them. Nothing less than a frightful12 convulsion could suddenly destroy and expel from the social body a part to which all its organs adhered. This made the Revolution appear even greater than it really was; it seemed to[17] destroy everything, for what it did destroy was bound up with, and formed, as it were, one flesh with everything in the social body.
However radical13 the Revolution may have been, its innovations were, in fact, much less than has been commonly supposed, as I shall show hereafter. What may truly be said is, that it entirely14 destroyed, or is still destroying (for it is not at an end), every part of the ancient state of society that owed its origin to aristocratic and feudal institutions—everything in any way connected with those institutions, or in any degree, however slight, imbued15 with their spirit. It spared no part of the old world, save such as had always been foreign to those institutions, or could exist apart from them. Least of all was the Revolution a fortuitous event. It took the world by surprise, it is true, but it was not the less the completion of a long process, the sudden and violent termination of a work which had successively passed before the eyes of ten generations. If it had not taken place, the old social structure would equally have fallen sooner in one place and later in another—only it would have crumbled16 away by degrees instead of falling with a crash. The Revolution effected on a sudden and by a violent and convulsive effort, without any transition, without forethought, without mercy, that which would have happened little by little if left to itself. This was its work.
It is surprising that this view of the subject, which now seems so easy to discern, should have been so obscured and confused even to the clearest perceptions.
‘Instead of redressing17 their grievances,’ says Burke of the representatives of the French nation, ‘and improving the fabric18 of their state, to which they were called by their monarch19 and sent by their country, they were made to take a very different course. They first destroyed all the balances and counterpoises which serve to fix the State and to give it a steady direction, and which furnish sure correctives to any violent spirit which may prevail in any of the orders. These balances existed in the oldest constitution and in the constitution of all the countries in Europe. These they rashly destroyed, and then they melted down the whole into one incongruous, ill-connected mass.’[7]
Burke did not perceive that he had before his eyes the very Revolution which was to abolish the ancient common law of Europe; he could not discern that this and no other was the very question at issue.
But why, we may ask, did this Revolution, which was imminent20 throughout Europe, break out in France rather than elsewhere, and why did it there display certain characteristics which have appeared nowhere else, or at least have appeared only in part? This second question is well worthy21 of consideration, and the inquiry22 will form the subject of the following book.
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1 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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2 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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3 perpetuate | |
v.使永存,使永记不忘 | |
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4 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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5 adversaries | |
n.对手,敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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6 anarchy | |
n.无政府状态;社会秩序混乱,无秩序 | |
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7 destined | |
adj.命中注定的;(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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8 civilisation | |
n.文明,文化,开化,教化 | |
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9 previously | |
adv.以前,先前(地) | |
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10 divest | |
v.脱去,剥除 | |
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11 feudal | |
adj.封建的,封地的,领地的 | |
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12 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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13 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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14 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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15 imbued | |
v.使(某人/某事)充满或激起(感情等)( imbue的过去式和过去分词 );使充满;灌输;激发(强烈感情或品质等) | |
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16 crumbled | |
(把…)弄碎, (使)碎成细屑( crumble的过去式和过去分词 ); 衰落; 坍塌; 损坏 | |
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17 redressing | |
v.改正( redress的现在分词 );重加权衡;恢复平衡 | |
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18 fabric | |
n.织物,织品,布;构造,结构,组织 | |
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19 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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20 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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21 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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22 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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