It must at first sight excite surprise that the Revolution, whose peculiar3 object it was, as we have seen, everywhere to abolish the remnant of the institutions of the Middle Ages, did not break out in the countries in which these institutions, still in better preservation4, caused the people most to feel their constraint5 and their rigour, but, on the contrary, in the countries where their effects were least felt; so that the burden seemed most intolerable where it was in reality least heavy.
In no part of Germany, at the close of the eighteenth century, was serfdom as yet completely abolished,[8] and in the greater part of Germany the people were still literally6 adscripti gleb?, as in the Middle Ages. Almost all the soldiers who fought in the armies of Frederic II. and of Maria Theresa were in reality serfs.[9] In most of the German States, as late as 1788, a peasant could not quit his domain7, and if he quitted it he might be pursued in all places wherever he could be found, and brought back by force. In that domain he lived subject to the seignorial jurisdiction8 which controlled his domestic life and punished his intemperance9 or his sloth10. He could neither improve his condition, nor change his calling, nor marry without the good pleasure of his master. To the service of that master a large portion of his time was due. Labour rents (corvées) existed to their full extent, and absorbed in some of these countries three days in the week. The peasant rebuilt and repaired the mansion11 of the lord, carted his produce to market, drove his carriage, and went on his errands. Several years of the peasant’s early life were spent in the domestic service of the manor12-house. The serf might, however, become the owner of land, but his property[20] always remained very incomplete. He was obliged to till his field in a certain manner under the eye of the master, and he could neither dispose of it nor mortgage it at will. In some cases he was compelled to sell its produce; in others he was restrained from selling it; his obligation to cultivate the ground was absolute. Even his inheritance did not descend13 without deduction14 to his offspring; a fine was commonly subtracted by the lord.
I am not seeking out these provisions in obsolete15 laws. They are to be met with even in the Code framed by Frederic the Great and promulgated17 by his successor at the very time of the outbreak of the French Revolution.[10]
Nothing of the kind had existed in France for a long period of time. The peasant came, and went, and bought, and sold, and dealt, and laboured, as he pleased. The last traces of serfdom could only be detected in one or two of the eastern provinces annexed18 to France by conquest; everywhere else the institution had disappeared; and indeed its abolition19 had occurred so long before that even the date of it was forgotten. The researches of arch?ologists of our own day have proved that as early as the thirteenth century serfdom was no longer to be met with in Normandy.
But in the condition of the people in France another and a still greater revolution had taken place. The French peasant had not only ceased to be a serf; he had become an Owner of Land. This fact is still at the present time so imperfectly established, and its consequences, as will presently be seen, have been so remarkable20, that I must be permitted to pause for a moment to examine it.
It has long been believed that the subdivision of landed property in France dates from the Revolution of 1789, and was only the result of that Revolution. The contrary is demonstrable by every species of evidence.
Twenty years at least before that Revolution, Agricultural Societies were in existence which already deplored21 the excessive subdivision of the soil. ‘The division of inheritances,’ said M. de Turgot, about the same time, ‘is such that what sufficed for a single family is shared among five or six children. These children and their families can therefore no longer subsist22 exclusively by the land.’ Necker said a few years later that there was in France an immensity of small rural properties.
I have met the following expressions in a secret Report made to one of the provincial23 Intendants a few years before the Revolution:—‘Inheritances[21] are divided in an equal and alarming manner, and as every one wishes to have something of everything, and everywhere, the plots of land are infinitely24 divided and perpetually subdivided25.’ Might not this sentence have been written in our days?
I have myself taken the infinite pains to reconstruct, as it were, the survey of landed property as it existed in France before the Revolution, and I have in some cases effected my object. In pursuance of the law of 1790, which established the land-tax, each parish had to frame a return of the landed properties then existing within its boundaries. These returns have for the most part disappeared; nevertheless I have found them in a few villages, and by comparing them with the rolls of the present holders26, I have found that, in these villages, the number of landed proprietors28 at that time amounted to one-half, frequently to two-thirds, of their present number: a fact which is the more remarkable if it be remembered that the total population of France has augmented29 by more than one-fourth since that period.
Already, as at the present time, the love of the peasant for property in land was intense, and all the passions which the possession of the soil has engendered30 in his nature were already inflamed31. ‘Land is always sold above its value,’ said an excellent contemporary observer; ‘which arises from the passion of all the inhabitants to become owners of the soil. All the savings32 of the lower orders which elsewhere are placed out at private interest, or in the public securities, are intended in France for the purchase of land.’
Amongst the novelties which Arthur Young observed in France, when he visited that country for the first time, none struck him more than the great division of the soil among the peasantry. He averred33 that half the soil of France belonged to them in fee. ‘I had no idea,’ he often says, ‘of such a state of things;’ and it is true that such a state of things existed at that time nowhere but in France, or in the immediate34 neighbourhood of France.
In England there had been peasant landowners, but the number of them had already considerably35 decreased. In Germany there had been at all times and in all parts of the country a certain number of peasant freeholders, who held portions of the soil in fee. The peculiar and often eccentric laws which regulated the property of these peasants are to be met with in the oldest of the Germanic customs; but this species of property was always of an exceptional character, and the number of these small proprietors was very limited.[11]
[22]
The districts of Germany in which, at the close of the eighteenth century, the peasants were possessed36 of land and lived almost as freely as in France, lay on the banks of the Rhine.[12] In those same districts the revolutionary passions of France spread with the utmost velocity37, and have always been most intense. The tracts38 of Germany which remained, on the contrary, for the longest time inaccessible39 to these passions, are those where no such tenures of land had yet been introduced. The observation deserves to be made.
It is, then, a vulgar error to suppose that the subdivision of landed property in France dates from the Revolution. This state of things is far older. The Revolution, it is true, caused the lands of the Church and a great portion of the lands of the nobility to be sold; but if any one will take the trouble, as I have sometimes done, to refer to the actual returns and entries of these sales, it will be seen that most of these lands were purchased by persons who already held other lands; so that though the property changed hands, the number of proprietors increased far less than is supposed. There was already an immensity of these persons, to borrow the somewhat ambitious but, in this case, not inaccurate40 expression of M. Necker.
The effect of the Revolution was not to divide the soil, but to liberate41 it for a moment. All these small landowners were, in reality, ill at ease in the cultivation42 of their property, and had to bear many charges or easements on the land which they could not shake off.
These charges were no doubt onerous43.[13] But the cause which made them appear insupportable was precisely44 that which might have seemed calculated to diminish the burden of them. The peasants of France had been released, more than in any other part of Europe, from the government of their lords, by a revolution not less momentous45 than that which had made them owners of the soil.
Although what is termed in France the Ancien Régime is still very near to us, since we live in daily intercourse46 with men born under its laws, that period seems already lost in the night of time. The radical47 revolution which separates us from it has produced the effect of ages: it has obliterated48 all that it has not destroyed. Few persons therefore can now give an accurate answer to the simple question—How were the rural districts of France administered before 1789? And indeed no answer can be[23] given to that question with precision and minuteness, without having studied, not books, but the administrative49 records of that period.
It is often said that the French nobility, which had long ceased to take part in the government of the State, preserved to the last the administration of the rural districts—the Seigneurs governed the peasantry. This again is very like a mistake.
In the eighteenth century all the affairs of the parish were managed by a certain number of parochial officers, who were no longer the agents of the manor or domain, and whom the Lord no longer selected. Some of these persons were nominated by the Intendant of the province, others were elected by the peasants themselves. The duty of these authorities was to assess the taxes, to repair the church, to build schools, to convoke50 and preside over the vestry or parochial meeting. They attended to the property of the parish and determined51 the application of it—they sued and were sued in its name. Not only the lord of the domain no longer conducted the administration of these small local affairs, but he did not even superintend it. All the parish officers were under the government or the control of the central power, as we shall show in a subsequent chapter. Nay52, more, the Seigneur had almost ceased to act as the representative of the Crown in the parish, or as the channel of communication between the King and his subjects. He was no longer expected to apply in the parish the general laws of the realm, to call out the militia53, to collect the taxes, to promulgate16 the mandates54 of the sovereign, or to distribute the bounty55 of the Crown. All these duties and all these rights belonged to others. The Seigneur was in fact no longer anything but an inhabitant of the parish, separated by his own immunities56 and privileges from all the other inhabitants. His rank was different, not his power. The Seigneur is only the principal inhabitant was the instruction constantly given by the Provincial Intendants to their Sub-delegates.
If we quit the parish, and examine the constitution of the larger rural districts, we shall find the same state of things. Nowhere did the nobles conduct public business either in their collective or their individual capacity. This was peculiar to France. Everywhere else the characteristic features of the old feudal society were partially57 preserved: the possession of the soil and the government of those who dwelt on the soil were still commingled58.
England was administered as well as governed by the chief owners of the soil. Even in those parts of Germany, as in Prussia[24] and in Austria, in which the reigning60 princes had been most successful in shaking off the control of the nobles in the general affairs of the state, they had left to that class, to a great degree, the administration of rural affairs, and though the landed proprietor27 was, in some places, controlled by the Government, his authority had nowhere been superseded61.
To say the truth, the French nobility had long since lost all hold on the administration of public affairs, except on one single-point, that namely of justice. The principal nobles still retained the right of having judges who decided62 certain suits in their name, and occasionally established police regulations within the limits of their domain; but the power of the Crown had gradually cut down, limited, and subdued63 this seignorial jurisdiction to such a degree that the nobles who still exercised it regarded it less as a source of authority than as a source of income.
Such had been the fate of all the peculiar rights of the French nobility. The political element had disappeared; the pecuniary64 element alone remained, and in some instances had been largely increased.
I speak at this moment of that portion of the beneficial privileges of the aristocracy, which were especially called by the name of feudal rights, since they were the privileges which peculiarly touched the people.
It is not easy to ascertain65 in what these rights did precisely still consist in 1789, for the number of them had been great, their diversity amazing, and many of these rights had already vanished or undergone a transformation66; so that the meaning of the terms by which they were designated was perplexing even to contemporaries, and is become obscure to us. Nevertheless by consulting the works of the domanial jurists of the eighteenth century, and from attentive67 researches into local customs, it will be found that all the rights still in existence at that time may be reduced to a small number of leading heads; all the others still subsisted68, it is true, but only in isolated69 cases.
The traces of seignorial labour-rents (corvées) may almost everywhere be detected, but they were already half extinguished. Most of the tolls71 on roads had been reduced or abolished; yet there were few provinces in which some such tolls were not still to be met with. Everywhere too Seigneurs levied72 dues on fairs and markets. Throughout France they had the exclusive right of sporting. Generally they alone could keep dovecotes and pigeons; almost everywhere the peasant was compelled to grind at the seignorial mill, and to crush his grapes in the seignorial wine-press.[25] A very universal and onerous seignorial right was that of the fine called lods et ventes, paid to the lord every time lands were bought or sold within the boundaries of his manor. All over the country the land was burdened with quit-rents, rent-charges, or dues in money or in kind, due to the lord from the copyholder, and not redeemable73 by the latter. Under all these differences one common feature may be traced. All these rights were more or less connected with the soil or with its produce; they all bore upon him who cultivates it.[14]
The spiritual lords of the soil enjoyed the same advantages; for the Church, which had a different origin, a different purpose, and a different nature from the feudal system, had nevertheless at last intimately mingled59 itself with that system; and though never completely incorporated with that foreign substance, it had struck so deeply into it as to be incrusted there.[15]
Bishops74, canons, and incumbents75 held fiefs or charges on the land in virtue76 of their ecclesiastical functions. A convent had generally the lordship of the village in which it stood. The Church held serfs in the only part of France in which they still existed: it levied its labour-rents, its due on fairs and markets; it had the common oven, the common mill, the common wine-press, and the common bull. Moreover, the clergy77 still enjoyed in France, as in all the rest of Christendom, the right of tithe78.[16]
But what I am here concerned to remark is, that throughout Europe at that time the same feudal rights—identically the same—existed, and that in most of the continental79 states they were far more onerous than in France. I may quote the single instance of the seignorial claim for labour: in France this right was unfrequent and mild; in Germany it was still universal and harsh.
Nay more, many of the rights of feudal origin which were held in the utmost abhorrence80 by the last generation of Frenchmen, and which they considered as contrary not only to justice but to civilisation—such as tithes81, inalienable rent-charges or perpetual dues, fines or heriots, and what were termed, in the somewhat pompous82 language of the eighteenth century, the servitude of the soil, might all be met with at that time, to a certain extent, in England, and many of them exist in England to this day. Yet they do not prevent the husbandry of England from being the most perfect and the most productive in the world, and the English people is scarcely conscious of their existence.
[26]
How comes it then that these same feudal rights excited in the hearts of the people of France so intense a hatred83 that this passion has survived its object, and seems therefore to be unextinguishable? The cause of this phenomenon is, that, on the one hand, the French peasant had become an owner of the soil; and that, on the other, he had entirely84 escaped from the government of the great landlords. Many other causes might doubtless be indicated, but I believe these two to be the most important.
If the peasant had not been an owner of the soil, he would have been insensible to many of the burdens which the feudal system had cast upon landed property. What matters tithe to a tenant85 farmer? He deducts86 it from his rent. What matters a rent-charge to a man who is not the owner of the ground? What matter even the impediments to free cultivation to a man who cultivates for another?
On the other hand, if the French peasant had still lived under the administration of his landlord, these feudal rights would have appeared far less insupportable, because he would have regarded them as a natural consequence of the constitution of the country.
When an aristocracy possesses not only privileges but powers, when it governs and administers the country, its private rights may be at once more extensive and less perceptible. In the feudal times, the nobility were regarded pretty much as the government is regarded in our own; the burdens they imposed were endured in consideration of the security they afforded. The nobles had many irksome privileges; they possessed many onerous rights; but they maintained public order, they administered justice, they caused the law to be executed, they came to the relief of the weak, they conducted the business of the community. In proportion as the nobility ceased to do these things, the burden of their privileges appeared more oppressive, and their existence became an anomaly.
Picture to yourself a French peasant of the eighteenth century, or, I might rather say, the peasant now before your eyes, for the man is the same; his condition is altered, but not his character. Take him as he is described in the documents I have quoted—so passionately87 enamoured of the soil, that he will spend all his savings to purchase it, and to purchase it at any price. To complete this purchase he must first pay a tax, not to the government, but to other landowners of the neighbourhood, as unconnected as himself with the administration of public affairs, and hardly more influential88 than he is. He possesses it at last; his heart is buried in it with the seed he sows. This little nook of ground, which is[27] his own in this vast universe, fills him with pride and independence. But again these neighbours call him from his furrow89, and compel him to come to work for them without wages. He tries to defend his young crops from their game; again they prevent him. As he crosses the river they wait for his passage to levy90 a toll70. He finds them at the market, where they sell him the right of selling his own produce; and when, on his return home, he wants to use the remainder of his wheat for his own sustenance—of that wheat which was planted by his hands, and has grown under his eyes—he cannot touch it till he has ground it at the mill and baked it at the bakehouse of these same men. A portion of the income of his little property is paid away in quit-rents to them also, and these dues can neither be extinguished nor redeemed91.
Whatever he does, these troublesome neighbours are everywhere on his path, to disturb his happiness, to interfere92 with his labour, to consume his profits; and when these are dismissed, others in the black garb93 of the Church present themselves to carry off the clearest profit of his harvest. Picture to yourself the condition, the wants, the character, the passions of this man, and compute94, if you are able, the stores of hatred and of envy which are accumulated in his heart.[17]
Feudalism still remained the greatest of all the civil institutions of France, though it had ceased to be a political institution. Reduced to these proportions, the hatred it excited was greater than ever; and it may be said with truth that the destruction of a part of the institutions of the Middle Ages rendered a hundred times more odious that portion which still survived.
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1
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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constraint
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| n.(on)约束，限制；限制(或约束)性的事物 | |
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literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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intemperance
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| n.放纵 | |
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sloth
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| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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manor
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| n.庄园，领地 | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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deduction
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| n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎 | |
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obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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promulgate
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| v.宣布；传播；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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subsist
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| vi.生存，存在，供养 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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subdivided
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| 再分，细分( subdivide的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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holders
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| 支持物( holder的名词复数 )； 持有者； （支票等）持有人； 支托（或握持）…之物 | |
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proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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engendered
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| v.产生（某形势或状况），造成，引起( engender的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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savings
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| n.存款，储蓄 | |
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averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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velocity
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| n.速度，速率 | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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inaccessible
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| adj.达不到的，难接近的 | |
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inaccurate
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| adj.错误的，不正确的，不准确的 | |
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liberate
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| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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onerous
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| adj.繁重的 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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obliterated
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| v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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convoke
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| v.召集会议 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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mandates
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| 托管（mandate的第三人称单数形式） | |
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bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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commingled
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| v.混合，掺和，合并( commingle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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superseded
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| [医]被代替的，废弃的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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attentive
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| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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toll
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| n.过路(桥)费；损失，伤亡人数；v.敲(钟) | |
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tolls
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| （缓慢而有规律的）钟声( toll的名词复数 )； 通行费； 损耗； （战争、灾难等造成的）毁坏 | |
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levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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redeemable
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| 可赎回的，可补救的 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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incumbents
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| 教区牧师( incumbent的名词复数 )； 教会中的任职者 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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tithe
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| n.十分之一税；v.课什一税，缴什一税 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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tithes
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| n.（宗教捐税）什一税，什一的教区税，小部分( tithe的名词复数 ) | |
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pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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tenant
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| n.承租人；房客；佃户；v.租借，租用 | |
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deducts
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| v.扣除，减去( deduct的第三人称单数 ) | |
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passionately
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| ad.热烈地，激烈地 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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furrow
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| n.沟；垄沟；轨迹；车辙；皱纹 | |
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levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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redeemed
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| adj. 可赎回的，可救赎的 动词redeem的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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garb
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| n.服装，装束 | |
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compute
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| v./n.计算，估计 | |
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