I propose ere I conclude to gather up some of the characteristics which I have already separately described, and to trace the Revolution, proceeding1 as it were of itself from the state of society in France which I have already pourtrayed.
If it be remembered that in France the Feudal2 system, though it still kept unchanged all that could irritate or could injure, had most effectually lost all that could protect or could be of use, it will appear less surprising that the Revolution, which was about virtually to abolish this ancient constitution of Europe, broke forth3 in France rather than elsewhere.
If it be observed that the French nobility, after having lost its ancient political rights, and ceased more than in any other country of feudal Europe to govern and guide the nation, had, nevertheless, not only preserved, but considerably4 enlarged its pecuniary5 immunities6, and the advantages which the members of this body personally possessed7; that whilst it had become a subordinate class it still remained a privileged and close body, less and less an aristocracy, as I have said elsewhere, but more and more a caste; it will be no cause of surprise that the privileges of such a nobility had become so inexplicable8 and so abhorrent9 to the French people, as to inflame10 the envy of the democracy to so fierce a pitch that it is still burning in their hearts.
If, lastly, it be borne in mind that the French nobility, severed11 from the middle classes whom they had repelled12, and from the people whose affections they had lost, was thus alone in the midst of the nation—apparently the head of an army, but in reality a body of officers without soldiers—it will be understood how that which had stood erect13 for a thousand years came to perish in a night.
I have shown how the King’s Government, having abolished the franchises14 of the provinces, and having usurped15 all local powers in three-quarters of the territory of France, had thus drawn16 all public[176] affairs into its own hands, the least as well as the greatest. I have shown, on the other hand, how, by a necessary consequence, Paris had made itself the master of the kingdom of which till then it had been the capital, or rather had itself become the entire country. These two facts, which were peculiar17 to France, would alone suffice, if necessary, to explain why a riot could fundamentally destroy a monarchy18 which had for ages endured so many violent convulsions, and which, on the eve of its dissolution, still seemed unassailable even to those who were about to overthrow19 it.
France being one of the states of Europe in which all political life had been for the longest time and most effectually extinguished, in which private persons had most lost the usage of business, the habit of reading the course of events, the experience of popular movements and almost the notion of the people, it may readily be imagined how all Frenchmen came at once to fall into a frightful20 Revolution without foreseeing it; those who were most threatened by that catastrophe21 leading the way, and undertaking22 to open and widen the path which led to it.
As there were no longer any free institutions, or consequently any political classes, no living political bodies, no organised or disciplined parties, and as, in the absence of all these regular forces, the direction of public opinion, when public opinion came again into being, devolved exclusively on the French philosophers, it might be expected that the Revolution would be directed less with a view to a particular state of facts, than with reference to abstract principles and very general theories: it might be anticipated that instead of endeavouring separately to amend23 the laws which were bad, all laws would be attacked, and that an attempt would be made to substitute for the ancient constitution of France an entirely24 novel system of government, conceived by these writers.
The Church being naturally connected with all the old institutions which were doomed25 to perish, it could not be doubted that the Revolution would shake the religion of the country when it overthrew26 the civil government; wherefore it was impossible to foretell27 to what pitch of extravagance these innovators might rush, delivered at once from all the restraints which religion, custom, and law impose on the imagination of mankind.
He who should thus have studied the state of France would easily have foreseen that no stretch of audacity28 was too extreme to be attempted there, and no act of violence too great to be endured. ‘What,’ said Burke, in one of his eloquent29 pamphlets, ‘is there not a man who can answer for the smallest district—nay, more, not one man who can answer for another? Every one is arrested in his[177] own home without resistance, whether he be accused of royalism, of moderantism, or of anything else.’ But Mr. Burke knew but little of the condition in which that monarchy which he regretted had abandoned France to her new masters. The administration which had preceded the Revolution had deprived the French both of the means and of the desire of mutual30 assistance. When the Revolution arrived, it would have been vain to seek in the greater part of France for any ten men accustomed to act systematically31 and in concert, or to provide for their own defence; the Central Power had alone assumed that duty, so that when this Central Power had passed from the hands of the Crown into those of an irresponsible and sovereign Assembly, and had become as terrible as it had before been good-natured, nothing stood before it to stop or even to check it for a moment. The same cause which led the monarchy to fall so easily rendered everything possible after its fall had occurred.
Never had toleration in religion, never had mildness in authority, never had humanity and goodwill33 to mankind been more professed34, and, it seemed, more generally admitted than in the eighteenth century. Even the rights of war, which is the last refuge of violence, had become circumscribed35 and softened36. Yet from this relaxed state of manners a Revolution of unexampled inhumanity was about to spring, though this softening37 of the manners of France was not a mere38 pretence39, for no sooner had the Revolution spent its fury than the same gentleness immediately pervaded40 all the laws of the country, and penetrated41 into the habits of political society.
This contrast between the benignity42 of its theories and the violence of its actions, which was one of the strangest characteristics of the French Revolution, will surprise no one who has remarked that this Revolution had been prepared by the most civilised classes of the nation, and that it was accomplished43 by the most barbarous and the most rude. The members of those civilised classes having no pre-existing bond of union, no habit of acting44 in concert, no hold upon the people, the people almost instantly became supreme45 when the old authorities of the State were annihilated46. Where the people did not actually assume the government it gave its spirit to those who governed; and if, on the other hand, it be recollected47 what the manner of life of that people had been under the old monarchy, it may readily be surmised48 what it would soon become.
Even the peculiarities49 of its condition had imparted to the French people several virtues50 of no common occurrence. Emancipated[178] early, and long possessed of a part of the soil, isolated52 rather than dependent, the French showed themselves at once temperate53 and proud; sons of labour, indifferent to the delicacies54 of life, resigned to its greatest evils, firm in danger—a simple and manly55 race who were about to fill those mighty56 armies before which Europe was to bow. But the same cause made them dangerous masters. As they had borne almost alone for centuries all the burden of public wrongs—as they had lived apart feeding in silence on their prejudices, their jealousies57, and their hatreds59, they had become hardened by the rigour of their destiny, and capable both of enduring and of inflicting60 every evil.
Such was the state of the French people when, laying hands on the government, it undertook to complete the work of the Revolution. Books had supplied the theory; the people undertook the practical application, and adapted the conceptions of those writers to the impulse of their own passions.
Those who have attentively61 considered, in these pages, the state of France in the eighteenth century must have remembered the birth and development of two leading passions, which, however, were not contemporaneous, and which did not always tend to the same end.
The first, more deeply seated and proceeding from a more remote source, was the violent and inextinguishable hatred58 of inequality. This passion, born and nurtured62 in presence of the inequality it abhorred63, had long impelled64 the French with a continuous and irresistible65 force to raze66 to their foundations all that remained of the institutions of the Middle Ages, and upon the ground thus cleared to construct a society in which men should be as much alike and their conditions as equal as human nature admits of.
The second, of a more recent date and a less tenacious67 root, led them to desire to live, not only equal but free.
At the period immediately preceding the Revolution of 1789, these two passions were equally sincere and appeared to be equally intense. At the outbreak of the Revolution they met and combined; for a moment they were intimately mingled68, they inflamed69 each other by mutual contact, and kindled70 at once the whole heart of France. Such was 1789, a time of inexperience no doubt, but a time of generosity71, of enthusiasm, of virility72, and of greatness—a time of immortal73 memory, towards which the eyes of mankind will turn with admiration74 and respect long after those who witnessed it and we ourselves shall have disappeared. Then, indeed, the French were sufficiently75 proud of their cause and of themselves[179] to believe that they might be equal in freedom. Amidst their democratic institutions they therefore everywhere placed free institutions. Not only did they crush to the dust all that effete76 legislation which divided men into castes, corporations, and classes, and which rendered their rights even more unequal than their conditions, but they shattered by a single blow those other laws, more recently imposed by the authority of the Crown, which had deprived the French nation of the free enjoyment77 of its own powers, and had placed by the side of every Frenchman the Government, as his preceptor, his guardian78, and, if need be, his oppressor. Centralisation fell with absolute government.
But when that vigorous generation, which had commenced the Revolution was destroyed or enervated79, as commonly happens to any generation which engages in such enterprises—when, following the natural course of events of this nature, the love of freedom had been damped and discouraged by anarchy80 and popular tyranny, and the bewildered nation began to grope after a master—absolute government found prodigious81 facilities for recovering and consolidating82 its authority, and these were easily discovered by the genius of the man who was to continue the Revolution and to destroy it.
France under the old Monarchy had, in fact, contained a whole system of institutions of modern date, which, not being adverse83 to social equality, could easily have found a place in the new state of society, but which offered remarkable84 opportunities to despotism. These were sought for amidst the ruins of all other institutions, and they were found there. These institutions had formerly85 given birth to habits, to passions, and to opinions, which tended to retain men in a state of division and obedience86: and such were the institutions which were restored and set to work. Centralisation was disentangled from the ruins and re-established; and as, whilst this system rose once more, everything by which it had before been limited was destroyed, from the bowels87 of that nation which had just overthrown88 monarchy a power suddenly came forth more extended, more comprehensive, more absolute than that which had ever been exercised by any of the French kings. This enterprise appeared strangely audacious, and its success unparalleled, because men were thinking of what they saw, and had forgotten what they had seen. The Dominator fell, but all that was most substantial in his work remained standing89; his government had perished, but the administration survived; and every time that an attempt has since been made to strike down absolute power, all that has been done is to place a head of Liberty on a servile body.
[180]
Several times, from the commencement of the Revolution to the present day, the passion of liberty has been seen in France to expire, to revive—and then to expire again, again to revive. Thus will it long be with a passion so inexperienced and ill-directed, so easily discouraged, alarmed, and vanquished90; a passion so superficial and so transient. During the whole of this period, the passion for equality has never ceased to occupy that deep-seated place in the hearts of the French people which it was the first to seize: it clings to the feelings they cherish most fondly. Whilst the love of freedom frequently changes its aspect, wanes91 and waxes, grows or declines with the course of events, that other passion is still the same, ever attracted to the same object with the same obstinate92 and indiscriminating ardour, ready to make any sacrifice to those who allow it to sate93 its desires, and ready to furnish every government which will favour and flatter it with the habits, the opinions, and the laws which Despotism requires to enable it to reign32.
The French Revolution will ever be wrapped in clouds and darkness to those who direct their attention to itself alone. The only light that can illuminate94 its course must be sought in the times which preceded it. Without a clear perception of the former society of France, of its laws, of its defects, of its prejudices, of its littleness, of its greatness, it is impossible to comprehend what the French have been doing in the sixty years which have followed its dissolution; but even this perception will not suffice without penetrating95 to the very quick into the character of this nation.
When I consider this people in itself it strikes me as more extraordinary than any event in its own annals. Was there ever any nation on the face of the earth so full of contrasts and so extreme in all its actions; more swayed by sensations, less by principles; led therefore always to do either worse or better than was expected of it, sometimes below the common level of humanity, sometimes greatly above it;—a people so unalterable in its leading instincts, that its likeness96 may still be recognised in descriptions written two or three thousand years ago, but at the same time so mutable in its daily thoughts and in its tastes as to become a spectacle and an amazement97 to itself, and to be as much surprised as the rest of the world at the sight of what it has done;—a people beyond all others the child of home and the slave of habit, when left to itself, but when once torn against its will from the native hearth98 and from its daily pursuits, ready to go to the end of the world and to dare all things; indocile by temperament99, yet accepting the arbitrary and even the violent rule of a sovereign more readily than the free and regular government of the chief citizen;[181] to-day the declared enemy of all obedience, to-morrow serving with a sort of passion which the nations best adapted for servitude cannot attain100; guided by a thread as long as no one resists, ungovernable when the example of resistance has once been given; always deceiving its masters, who fear it either too little or too much; never so free that it is hopeless to enslave it, or so enslaved that it may not break the yoke101 again; apt for all things but excelling only in war; adoring chance, force, success, splendour and noise, more than true glory; more capable of heroism102 than of virtue51, of genius than of good sense, ready to conceive immense designs rather than to accomplish great undertakings103; the most brilliant and the most dangerous of the nations of Europe and that best fitted to become by turns an object of admiration, of hatred, of pity, of terror, but never of indifference104!
Such a nation could alone give birth to a Revolution so sudden, so radical105, so impetuous in its course, and yet so full of reactions, of contradictory106 incidents and of contrary examples. Without the reasons I have related the French would never have made the Revolution; but it must be confessed that all these reasons united would not have sufficed to account for such a Revolution anywhere else but in France.
I am arrived then at the threshold of this great event. My intention is not to go beyond it now, though perhaps I may do so hereafter. I shall then proceed to consider it not only in its causes but in itself, and I shall venture finally to pass a judgment107 on the state of society which it has produced.
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1
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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abhorrent
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| adj.可恶的，可恨的，讨厌的 | |
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inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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severed
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| v.切断，断绝( sever的过去式和过去分词 )；断，裂 | |
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repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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franchises
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| n.（尤指选举议员的）选举权( franchise的名词复数 )；参政权；获特许权的商业机构（或服务）；（公司授予的）特许经销权v.给…以特许权，出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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usurped
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| 篡夺，霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 )； 盗用； 篡夺，篡权 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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amend
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| vt.修改，修订，改进；n.[pl.]赔罪，赔偿 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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overthrew
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| overthrow的过去式 | |
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foretell
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| v.预言，预告，预示 | |
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audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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circumscribed
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| adj.[医]局限的：受限制或限于有限空间的v.在…周围划线( circumscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；划定…范围；限制；限定 | |
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softened
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| （使）变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 )； 缓解打击； 缓和； 安慰 | |
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softening
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| 变软，软化 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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pervaded
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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benignity
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| n.仁慈 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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annihilated
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| v.（彻底）消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 )；使无效；废止；彻底击溃 | |
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recollected
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| adj.冷静的；镇定的；被回忆起的；沉思默想的v.记起，想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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surmised
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| v.臆测，推断( surmise的过去式和过去分词 )；揣测；猜想 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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delicacies
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| n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 )；精致；精美的食物；周到 | |
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manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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inflicting
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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nurtured
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| 养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
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abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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raze
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| vt.铲平，把(城市、房屋等)夷为平地，拆毁 | |
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tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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71
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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virility
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| n.雄劲，丈夫气 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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75
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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effete
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| adj.无生产力的，虚弱的 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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enervated
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| adj.衰弱的，无力的v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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81
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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consolidating
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| v.（使）巩固， （使）加强( consolidate的现在分词 )；（使）合并 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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85
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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86
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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bowels
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| n.肠，内脏，内部；肠( bowel的名词复数 )；内部，最深处 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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89
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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wanes
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| v.衰落( wane的第三人称单数 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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sate
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| v.使充分满足 | |
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illuminate
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| vt.照亮，照明；用灯光装饰；说明，阐释 | |
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penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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96
likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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hearth
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| n.壁炉炉床，壁炉地面 | |
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99
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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100
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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101
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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102
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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103
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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105
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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