Joseph Lacrisse, secretary of the Departmental Committee of Young Royalists, was standing11 by the fireplace silently conning12 the list of affiliated13 members. Henri Léon, vice-president of the Royalist Committees of the South-West, was seated astride a chair, where, with stony14 gaze and knitted brows, he was unfolding his ideas. He was considered irrelevant15 and gloomy, a regular skeleton at the feast, but his inherited financial abilities made him of value to his associates. He was the son of that Léon-Léon, the banker of the Spanish Bourbons, who had come to grief in the smash of the union générale.
“We are being hemmed16 in, I don’t care what you say, we are being hemmed in, I feel it. Day by day the circle is closing upon us. When Méline was with us we had air and space, as much space as we wanted. We were free to do as we liked.”
He jerked his elbows and moved his arms about as though to demonstrate the ease with which people man?uvred in those happy days which were no more. He continued:
“With Méline we had everything. We Royalists held the Government, the army, the magistracy, the administrations and the police.”
“We still have all that,” said Henri de Brécé, “and public opinion is more than ever with us now that the Government is so unpopular.”
“It’s no longer the same thing. With Méline we were pseudo-official, we were supporters of the Government, we were Conservatives; the conditions were ideal for conspiracy17. Don’t make any mistake about that. France as a whole is conservative, and domestic and changes alarm her. Méline did us the enormous service of making us appear reassuring18; we appeared to be kindly19 and benign20, as benign as he himself appeared. He told the people that we were the true Republicans, and the people believed him. You had only to look into his face; you couldn’t suspect him of a jest. Through him we were accepted by public opinion, and that in itself is no small service.”
“Méline was a good sort,” sighed Henri de Brécé. “We must at least do him that justice.”
“He was a patriot,” said Joseph Lacrisse.
“With such a minister,” continued Henri Léon, “we had everything, we were everything and we could do everything. We had no need to conceal21 ourselves. We were not outside the Republic; we were above it, and we dominated it from the full height of our patriotism22. We were everything; we were France herself! I must admit that the Republic is good enough at times, though I’m not smitten23 with the hussy. Under Méline the police—I don’t exaggerate—were exquisitely24 agreeable. During a Royalist demonstration25 which you very kindly organized, Brécé, I yelled ‘Vive la police’ till I was hoarse26! And I meant it. The enthusiasm with which they clubbed the Republicans! Gerault-Richard was put in gaol27 for shouting ‘Vive la République!’ Ah, Méline spoiled us, made life too pleasant for us. A wet-nurse, positively28! He rocked us to sleep. That’s a fact. General Decuir himself used to say, ‘Now that we’ve got all we can possibly want, what’s the good of upsetting the whole caboodle and getting a nasty spill in doing it?’ Thrice-happy days when Méline led the dance! Nationalists, Monarchists, anti-Semites and Plebiscitarians, we all danced in unison29 to the sound of his rustic30 fiddle31.
“We were all countrified and content. When Dupuy came along I was less pleased; with him things were not so honest and above-board; we were not so sure of ourselves. Of course he didn’t want to harm us, but he was not a true friend. He was not the kindly village fiddler leading the wedding procession. He was a fat coachman jogging us along in his cab. And we tore along, hanging on anyhow, always in danger of being upset. He had a hard hand on the reins32. You will be telling me that his clumsiness was feigned33; yes, but feigned clumsiness is tremendously like the real thing. Besides, he never knew where he wanted to go. There are people like that, fellows who don’t know your address but drive you indefinitely along impossible roads, winking34 maliciously35 as they do it. It unnerves one.”
“I don’t defend Dupuy,” said Henri de Brécé.
“I don’t attack him. I watch him, study him and classify him. I don’t dislike him; he’s been of great service to us. Don’t forget it. If it were not for him, we should all be doing time to-day. Oh yes, I mean it. I’m referring to Faure’s funeral, the great day fixed for simultaneous action. Well, my dear friends, after the failure of the great coup36 we should have been done for, had it not been for Dupuy.”
“I know that. He saw at a glance that he couldn’t do anything because there were some generals mixed up in the business. It was too big for him. But that doesn’t alter the fact that we owe him a jolly big candle.”*
* A reference to the practice of burning candles to induce the Virgin38, or a Saint, to listen to a prayer, or in token of gratitude39 for a prayer granted.
“It’s possible, but Dupuy allowed us plenty of time to pull ourselves together after the funeral stampede, and I confess I am grateful to him for that. On the other hand, without ill will, possibly without intending it, he has done us a great deal of harm. Suddenly, just when we least expected such a thing, he appeared to be furiously angry with us. He made out that he was defending the Republic. His position demanded the attitude; I recognize that. It wasn’t a serious matter, but it had a bad effect. I get tired of telling you the same thing; that this country is conservative at heart. Unlike Méline, Dupuy did not tell people that we were the Republicans, that we were the Conservatives; for that matter, no one would have believed him if he had. During his ministry41 we lost something of our authority over the country. We were no longer on the side of the government. We were no longer reassuring; professional Republicans began to feel anxious about us. That was to our credit, but it was dangerous. Our position was not so good under Dupuy as under Méline, and it is worse to-day, under Waldeck-Rousseau, than it was under Dupuy. That’s the truth, the bitter truth.”
“Of course,” said Henri de Brécé, pulling his moustache, “of course the Waldeck-Millerand Ministry is actuated by the worst intentions, but I repeat it’s unpopular and it won’t last.”
“It may be unpopular,” returned Henri Léon, “but are you quite sure it won’t last long enough to do us harm? Unpopular governments last as long as popular ones. To begin with, no government is ever really popular. To govern is to displease43. We are among ourselves and there is no need to mince44 matters. Do you for one moment imagine that we shall be popular when we form the government? Do you imagine, Brécé, that the people will weep with emotion when they see you attired45 as king’s chamberlain with a key hanging down your back? And you, Lacrisse, do you suppose you’ll be cheered in the working-class districts during a strike, when you are, say, prefect of police? Look at yourself in the glass and then tell me whether you look like an idol46 of the people. Don’t let us deceive ourselves. We say that the Waldeck-Millerand Cabinet is composed of idiots; we are quite right to say so, but we should be wrong to believe it.”
“What ought to encourage us,” said Joseph Lacrisse, “is the weakness of a government which cannot enforce obedience47.”
“All our governments have been weak for many a long year,” said Henri Léon, “but they have always been strong enough to defeat us.”
“The Waldeck Ministry has not a single police-commissary at its disposal,” said Joseph Lacrisse. “Not one!”
“So much the better for us,” said Henri Léon, “for one would be enough to jug48 all three of us. I tell you the circle is closing in. Consider these words of a philosopher; they are worth the trouble: ‘Republicans govern badly, but they defend themselves well.’”
But Henri de Brécé, bending over his desk, was turning a second blot of ink into a beetle49 by the addition of a head, two antenn? and six legs. He gave a satisfied glance at his work, looked up and remarked:
Henri Léon interrupted him:
“The Army, the Church, the magistracy, the bourgeoisie, the butcher boys—in other words, the whole excursion train of the Republic. The train is travelling nevertheless, and will continue to do so until the driver stops the engine.”
“Ah,” sighed Joseph Lacrisse, “if only we had President Faure with us still.”
“Félix Faure,” resumed Henri Léon, “joined us out of sheer vanity. He became a Nationalist in order to get invitations to hunt with the Brécés, but he would have turned against us as soon as he saw us on the verge52 of success. It was not in his interest to restore the monarchy53. Dame54! What could the monarchy have offered him? We could not have offered him a Lord High Constable’s baton55. We may regret him, for he loved the army; we may mourn him, but we must not allow ourselves to be inconsolable. He was not the driver; Loubet is not the driver either; the President of the Republic, whoever he may be, is never master of his engine. To me the ghastly part of it is that the Republican train is controlled by a phantom56 driver. He is invisible, and yet the train rushes on. It positively frightens me.
“Then there is another thing,” he continued, “and that is the general indifference57 of the public. Speaking of that, reminds me of a very significant remark once made by Citizen Bissolo. It was when the anti-Semites and ourselves were organizing spontaneous manifestations58 against Loubet. Our crowds went down the boulevards shouting ‘Panama! Resign! Long live the Army!’ It was magnificent. Young Ponthieu and General Decuir’s two sons headed the crowd, with glossy59 silk hats, white carnations60 in their buttonholes, and gold-headed canes61 in their hands. And the toughest hooligans of Paris made up the procession. We had seen to that, and as it was a case of good pay and no risk we had our pick. They would have been sorry to miss such a lark62. Lord! what voices they had, and what fists, and what cudgels!
“A counter-manifestation quickly made its appearance; a smaller and more insignificant63 crowd, though warlike and determined64 enough, advanced to meet us amid shouts of ‘Long live the Republic! Down with the priests!’ with an occasional solitary65 cry for Loubet that seemed surprised to find itself in the air. Before it was over this unexpected disturbance66 aroused the anger of the police, who at that moment were barricading67 the boulevard and looking just like an austere68 border of black wool on a brightly variegated69 carpet. Soon, however, this black border, actuated by a movement of its own, hurled70 itself upon the van of the counter-manifestation, while another body of police harassed71 them from the rear. In this way the police had soon dispersed72 the partisans73 of Monsieur Loubet, dragging the unrecognizable débris off to the insidious74 depths of the Drouot police-station. That was the way they did things in those troublous times. Was Monsieur Loubet, at the élysée, ignorant of the methods employed by his police for enforcing in the streets of Paris respect for the head of the State? Or, if he knew of them, was he unable and unwilling75 to alter them? I do not know. Did he realize that his unpopularity, real and undoubted as it was, was fading into insignificance76, almost disappearing in fact, before the strange and agreeable spectacle which was offered nightly to a witty77 and intelligent people? I do not think so, for in that case the man would have been a terrifying person; he would have been a genius, and I should no longer feel confident of sleeping outside the King’s door at the élysée this winter. No, I believe Loubet was once again so fortunate as to be unable to do anything. Anyhow, it is certain that the police, who acted spontaneously and solely78 out of the goodness of their hearts, succeeded, by their sympathetic repression79, in shedding over the advent80 of the President a little of that popular rejoicing which had been totally lacking. In so doing, if one considers the matter, they did us more harm than good, for they pleased the public, while it was to our advantage that the general discontent should increase.
“However, one night, one of the last of that eventful week, when the expected man?uvre was taking place from point to point, and the counter-manifestation found itself attacked simultaneously81 in the van and in the rear by the police and in flank by us, I saw Bissolo extricate82 himself from the menaced van of the Republicans and, with long strides and a desperate wriggling83 of his little body, reach the corner of the Rue Drouot, where I was standing with a dozen or so roughs who in response to my orders were shouting ‘Panama! Resign!’ It was a nice quiet little corner! I beat time, and my men pronounced each syllable84 with great distinctness—‘Pa-na-ma!’ It was really done with taste. Bissolo took refuge between my legs. He feared me far less than the police; and he was right. For two years Citizen Bissolo and I had met face to face in all our manifestations: we had headed the processions at the beginning and end of every meeting. We had exchanged every imaginable sort of political insult: ‘Hypocrite! Time-server! Forger85! Traitor86! Assassin! Outcast!’ That sort of thing binds87 people together and creates a mutual88 sympathy. Besides, it pleased me to see a Socialist89, almost a Libertarian, standing up for Loubet, who is in his own fashion a Moderate. I said to myself: ‘The President must hate being acclaimed90 by Bissolo, a dwarf91 with a voice of thunder, who at all public meetings demands the nationalization of capital. Bourgeois51 that he is, the President would surely prefer a bourgeois like myself for a supporter. But he can feel in his pockets.’ Panama! Panama! Resign! Resign! Long live the Army! Down with the Jews! Long live the King!
“All this made me treat Bissolo with courtesy. I had only to say ‘Hullo, here’s Bissolo,’ and my dozen costers would promptly92 have cut him in pieces, but that wouldn’t have done any good. I said nothing. We were very quiet; we stood beside one another and watched the march past of Joubet’s supporters driven to the police-station in the Rue Drouot. Most of them, having previously93 been clubbed, staggered along beside the police like so many drunkards. Among them was a Socialist deputy, a very handsome man with a big beard; his sleeves had been torn off; there was a young apprentice94 sobbing95 and crying ‘Mother! Mother!’ and the editor of some trashy daily with two black eyes and his nose streaming with blood. And the Marseillaise! ‘Qu’un sang impur.’... I noticed one man who was far more respectable and far more sorry for himself than the rest. He looked like a professor, a serious, middle-aged96 man. He had evidently made an attempt to explain his point of view; he had tried subtle and persuasive97 arguments on the police. Otherwise the way in which they were kicking him in the back with their hobnailed boots and banging him with their fists was quite inexplicable98. And as he was very tall, very thin, anything but strong, and weighed very little, he skipped about under these blows in the most ridiculous fashion. He displayed a comical tendency to make his escape upwards99. His bare head had a most pitiable appearance. He had that submerged expression which comes over a short-sighted man when he has lost his glasses. His face expressed the infinite distress100 of a being whose only contact with the outside world comes through sturdy fists and hobnailed boots.
“As this unfortunate prisoner passed us, Bissolo, although he was on hostile territory, could not help sighing and saying: ‘It is a strange thing that Republicans should be so treated in a Republic.’ I politely replied that it was in truth somewhat amusing. ‘No, Citizen Monarchist,’ replied Bissolo, ‘it is not amusing, it is sad. But that is not the chief misfortune. The chief misfortune, I tell you, is the lethargy of the public.’ Bissolo spoke101 these words with a confidence that did us both honour. I glanced at the crowd, and it is a fact that it seemed to me flabby and without energy. Now and again a cry rose from its depths like a firework let off by a child: ‘Down with Loubet! Down with the thieves! Down with the Jews! Long live the Army!’ And it seemed friendly enough towards the worthy102 police, but there was no electricity in the air—no storm brewing103. Citizen Bissolo continued with melancholy104 philosophy: ‘The great evil is the lethargy of the public. We Republicans, Socialists105 and Libertarians are suffering from it to-day. You Monarchists and Imperialists will suffer from it to-morrow, and will learn in your turn that you may lead a horse to the water but you can’t make him drink. Republicans are arrested and no one stirs a finger; and when it is the turn of the Royalists to be arrested, no one will stir a finger, you may be sure of that. The crowd will not stir an inch to deliver you, Monsieur Henri Léon, or your friend Monsieur Déroulède.’
“I must admit that by the light of these words I seemed to catch a glimpse of a profoundly dismal future flashing across my vision. Somewhat ostentatiously, however, I replied: ‘Citizen Bissolo, there is nevertheless this difference between you and ourselves—that the crowd looks upon you as a mob of time-servers without love for your country, while we Monarchists and Imperialists enjoy the esteem106 of the public. We are popular.’ Citizen Bissolo smiled pleasantly at this and remarked: ‘Your horse is there, monseigneur, and you have only to mount her. But when you are on her back she will quietly lie down by the side of the road and will pitch you off. There is no sorrier jade107 anywhere, I warn you. Tell me which one of her riders has not had his back broken by popularity? In time of peril108 have the people ever been able to offer the least assistance to their idols109? You Nationalists are not so popular as you profess42, you and your candidate Gamelle are almost unknown to the general public. But if ever the mob enfolds you in its loving embrace, you will very quickly discover its stupendous impotence and cowardice110.’
“I could not refrain from reproaching Bissolo severely111 for calumniating112 the French public. He replied that he was a sociologist113, that his Socialism was based on science, and that he had a little box at home filled with actual facts minutely classified, which enabled him to bring about a methodical revolution. And he added: ‘Science, and not the people, possesses sovereign power. A stupidity repeated by thirty-six millions of mouths does not for that reason cease to be stupid. Majorities, as a general rule, display a superior capacity for servitude. Among the weak, weakness is multiplied in proportion to number. Mobs are always inert114. They possess a little energy only when they are starving. I can prove to you that on the morning of the 10th of August, 1792, the people of Paris were still Royalists. I have been addressing public meetings for ten years and have had my share of hard blows. The education of the people has hardly commenced; that is the fact of the matter. In the brain of the working man, in the place where the bourgeois carry their inept115 and brutal116 prejudices, there is a great cavity. That has got to be filled. We shall do it. It will take a long time. In the meanwhile it is better to have an empty head than one filled with toads117 and serpents. All this is scientific fact; it’s all in my box. It is all in accordance with the laws of evolution. Nevertheless the general poltroonery118 disgusts me. And in your place it would frighten me. Look at your partisans, the defenders119 of the sword and the Church, did you ever see anything so flabby, so gelatinous?’ Having spoken, he stretched out his arms, gave a wild cry of ‘Long live Socialism!’ plunged120 head foremost in the enormous crowd, and disappeared in the sea of people.”
Joseph Lacrisse, who had listened without enthusiasm to this long story, asked whether Citizen Bissolo wasn’t merely an animal.
“On the contrary, he is a very clever man,” replied Henri Léon, “the sort of man one would like to have as a neighbour in the country, as Bismarck used to say of Lassalle. Bissolo spoke only too truly when he said that you may lead a horse to the water, but you can’t make him drink.”
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收听单词发音
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1
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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trickle
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| vi.淌，滴，流出，慢慢移动，逐渐消散 | |
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dismal
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| adj.阴沉的，凄凉的，令人忧郁的，差劲的 | |
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4
blot
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| vt.弄脏（用吸墨纸）吸干；n.污点，污渍 | |
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5
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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8
scroll
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| n.卷轴，纸卷；(石刻上的)漩涡 | |
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inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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gorilla
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| n.大猩猩，暴徒，打手 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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conning
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| v.诈骗，哄骗( con的现在分词 )；指挥操舵( conn的现在分词 ) | |
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affiliated
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| adj. 附属的, 有关连的 | |
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stony
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| adj.石头的，多石头的，冷酷的，无情的 | |
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irrelevant
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| adj.不恰当的，无关系的，不相干的 | |
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hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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reassuring
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| a.使人消除恐惧和疑虑的，使人放心的 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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benign
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| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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smitten
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| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
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exquisitely
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| adv.精致地；强烈地；剧烈地；异常地 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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hoarse
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| adj.嘶哑的，沙哑的 | |
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gaol
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| n.(jail)监狱；(不加冠词)监禁；vt.使…坐牢 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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unison
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| n.步调一致，行动一致 | |
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rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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fiddle
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| n.小提琴；vi.拉提琴；不停拨弄，乱动 | |
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reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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winking
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| n.瞬眼，目语v.使眼色( wink的现在分词 )；递眼色（表示友好或高兴等）；（指光）闪烁；闪亮 | |
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maliciously
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| adv.有敌意地 | |
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coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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ledger
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| n.总帐，分类帐；帐簿 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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42
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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43
displease
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| vt.使不高兴，惹怒；n.不悦，不满，生气 | |
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44
mince
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| n.切碎物；v.切碎，矫揉做作地说 | |
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45
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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46
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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47
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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48
jug
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| n.(有柄，小口，可盛水等的)大壶，罐，盂 | |
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49
beetle
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| n.甲虫，近视眼的人 | |
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50
trump
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| n.王牌，法宝；v.打出王牌，吹喇叭 | |
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51
bourgeois
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| adj./n.追求物质享受的(人)；中产阶级分子 | |
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52
verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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53
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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54
dame
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| n.女士 | |
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55
baton
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| n.乐队用指挥杖 | |
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56
phantom
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| n.幻影，虚位，幽灵；adj.错觉的，幻影的，幽灵的 | |
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57
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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58
manifestations
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| n.表示，显示（manifestation的复数形式） | |
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59
glossy
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| adj.平滑的；有光泽的 | |
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60
carnations
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| n.麝香石竹，康乃馨( carnation的名词复数 ) | |
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61
canes
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| n.（某些植物，如竹或甘蔗的）茎( cane的名词复数 )；（用于制作家具等的）竹竿；竹杖 | |
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62
lark
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| n.云雀，百灵鸟；n.嬉戏，玩笑；vi.嬉戏 | |
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63
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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64
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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65
solitary
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| adj.孤独的，独立的，荒凉的；n.隐士 | |
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66
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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67
barricading
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| 设路障于，以障碍物阻塞( barricade的现在分词 )； 设路障[防御工事]保卫或固守 | |
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68
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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variegated
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| adj.斑驳的，杂色的 | |
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70
hurled
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| v.猛投，用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 )；大声叫骂 | |
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71
harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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72
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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73
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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74
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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75
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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76
insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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77
witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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78
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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80
advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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81
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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82
extricate
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| v.拯救，救出；解脱 | |
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83
wriggling
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| v.扭动，蠕动，蜿蜒行进( wriggle的现在分词 )；（使身体某一部位）扭动；耍滑不做，逃避（应做的事等）；蠕蠕 | |
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84
syllable
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| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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85
forger
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| v.伪造；n.（钱、文件等的）伪造者 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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87
binds
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| v.约束( bind的第三人称单数 )；装订；捆绑；（用长布条）缠绕 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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acclaimed
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| adj.受人欢迎的 | |
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91
dwarf
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| n.矮子，侏儒，矮小的动植物；vt.使…矮小 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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apprentice
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| n.学徒，徒弟 | |
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sobbing
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| <主方>Ⅰ adj.湿透的 | |
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middle-aged
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| adj.中年的 | |
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97
persuasive
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| adj.有说服力的，能说得使人相信的 | |
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98
inexplicable
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| adj.无法解释的，难理解的 | |
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99
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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100
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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101
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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102
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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103
brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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104
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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105
socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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106
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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107
jade
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| n.玉石；碧玉；翡翠 | |
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108
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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109
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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110
cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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111
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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112
calumniating
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| v.诽谤，中伤( calumniate的现在分词 ) | |
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113
sociologist
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| n.研究社会学的人，社会学家 | |
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114
inert
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| adj.无活动能力的，惰性的；迟钝的 | |
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115
inept
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| adj.不恰当的，荒谬的，拙劣的 | |
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116
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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117
toads
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| n.蟾蜍，癞蛤蟆( toad的名词复数 ) | |
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118
poltroonery
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| n.怯懦，胆小 | |
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119
defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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120
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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