When it became evident that it was impossible to escape to the United States, Napoleon considered two courses—to call upon the country and renew the conflict, or seek an asylum1 in England. The former was not only to perpetuate2 the foreign war, it was to plunge3 France into civil war; for a large part of the country had come to the conclusion of the allies—that as long as Napoleon was at large, peace was impossible. Rather than involve France in such a disaster, the emperor resolved at last to give himself up to the English, and sent the following note to the regent:
“Royal Highness: Exposed to the factions4 which divide my country and to the hostility5 of the greatest powers of Europe, I have closed my political career. I have come, like Themistocles to seek the hospitality of the British nation. I place myself under the protection of their laws, which I claim from your Royal Highness as the most powerful, the most constant, and the most generous of my enemies.
“Napoleon.”
On the 15th of July he embarked6 on the English ship, the “Bellerophon,” and a week later he was in Plymouth.
280
NAPOLEON ON BOARD THE “NORTHUMBERLAND.”
281Napoleon’s surrender to the English was made, as he says, with full confidence in their hospitality. Certainly hospitality was the last thing to expect of England under the circumstances, and there was something theatrical8 in the demand for it. The “Bellerophon” was no sooner in the harbor of Plymouth than it became evident that he was regarded not as a guest, but as a prisoner. Armed vessels9 surrounded the ship he was on; extraordinary messages were hurried to and fro; sinister10 rumors11 ran among the crew. The Tower of London, a desert isle12, the ends of the earth, were talked of as the hospitality England was preparing.
But if there was something theatrical, even humorous, in the idea of expecting a friendly welcome from England, there was every reason to suppose that she would receive him with dignity and consideration. Napoleon had been an enemy worthy13 of English metal. He had been defeated only after years of struggle. Now that he was at her feet, her own self-respect demanded that she treat him as became his genius and his position. To leave him at large was, of course, out of the question; but surely he could have been made a royal prisoner and been made to feel that if he was detained it was because of his might.
The British government no sooner realized that it had its hands on Napoleon than it was seized with a species of panic. All sense of dignity, all notions of what was due a foe14 who surrendered, were drowned in hysterical15 resentment16. The English people as a whole did not share the government’s terror. The general feeling seems to have been similar to that which Charles Lamb expressed to Southey: “After all, Bonaparte is a fine fellow, as my barber says, and I should not mind standing17 bareheaded at his table to do him service in his fall. They should have given him Hampton Court or Kensington, with a tether extending forty miles round London.”
282
LONGWOOD, NAPOLEON’S HOUSE AT ST. HELENA.
Etching by Chienon.
283But the government could see nothing but danger in keeping such a force as Napoleon within its limits. It evidently took Lamb’s whimsical suggestion, that if Napoleon were at Hampton the people might some day eject the Brunswick in his favor, in profound seriousness. On July 30th it sent a communication to General Bonaparte—the English henceforth refused him the title of emperor, though permitting him that of general, not reflecting, probably, that if one was spurious the other was, since both had been conferred by the same authority—notifying him that as it was necessary that he should not be allowed to disturb the repose18 of England any longer, the British government had chosen the island of St. Helena as his future residence, and that three persons with a surgeon would be allowed to accompany him. A week later he was transferred from the “Bellerophon” to the “Northumberland,” and was en route for St. Helena, where he arrived in October, 1815.
The manner in which the British carried out their decision was irritating and unworthy. They seemed to feel that guarding a prisoner meant humiliating him, and offensive and unnecessary restrictions19 were made which wounded and enraged20 Napoleon.
The effect of this treatment on his character is one of the most interesting studies in connection with the man, and, on the whole, it leaves one with increased respect and admiration21 for him. He received the announcement of his exile in indignation. He was not a prisoner, he was the guest of England, he said. It was an outrage22 against the laws of hospitality to send him into exile, and he would never submit voluntarily. When he became convinced that the British were inflexible23 in their decision, he thought of suicide, and even discussed it with Las Cases. It was the most convenient solution of his dilemma24. It would injure no one, and his friends would not be forced then to leave their families. It was easier because he had no scruples25 which opposed it. The idea was finally given up. A man ought to live out his destiny, he said, and he decided26 that his should be fulfilled.
284
NAPOLEON AT ST. HELENA.
By Delaroche.
285The most serious concern Napoleon felt in facing his new life was that he would have no occupation. He saw at once that St. Helena would not be an Elba. But he resolutely27 made occupations. He sought conversation, studied English, played games, began to dictate28 his memoirs29. It is to this admirable determination to find something to do, that we owe his clear, logical commentaries, his essays on C?sar, Turenne, and Frederick, his sketch30 of the Republic, and the vast amount of information in the journals of his devoted31 comrades, O’Meara, Las Cases, Montholon.
But no amount of forced occupation could hide the desolation of his position. The island of St. Helena is a mass of jagged, gloomy rocks; the nearest land is six hundred miles away. Isolated32 and inaccessible33 as it is, the English placed Napoleon in its most sombre and remote part—a place called Longwood, at the summit of a mountain, and to the windward. The houses at Longwood were damp and unhealthy. There was no shade. Water had to be carried some three miles.
The governor, Sir Hudson Lowe, was a tactless man, with a propensity34 for bullying35 those whom he ruled. He was haunted by the idea that Napoleon was trying to escape, and he adopted a policy which was more like that of a jailer than of an officer. In his first interview with the emperor he so antagonized him that Napoleon soon refused to see him. Napoleon’s antipathy36 was almost superstitious37. “I never saw such a horrid38 countenance,” he told O’Meara. “He sat on a chair opposite to my sofa, and on the little table between us there was a cup of coffee. His physiognomy made such an unfavorable impression upon me that I thought his evil eye had poisoned the coffee, and I ordered Marchand to throw it out of the window. I could not have swallowed it for the world.”
Aggravated39 by Napoleon’s refusal to see him, Sir Hudson 286Lowe became more annoying and petty in his regulations. All free communication between Longwood and the inhabitants of the island was cut off. The newspapers sent Napoleon were mutilated; certain books were refused; his letters were opened. A bust40 of his son brought to the island by a sailor was withheld41 for weeks. There was incessant42 haggling43 over the expenses of his establishment. His friends were subjected to constant annoyance44. All news of Marie Louise and of his son was kept from him.
It is scarcely to be wondered at that Napoleon was often peevish45 and obstinate46 under this treatment, or that frequently, when he allowed himself to discuss the governor’s policy with the members of his suite47, his temper rose, as Montholon said, “to thirty-six degrees of fury.” His situation was made more miserable48 by his ill health. His promenades49 were so guarded by sentinels and restricted to such limits that he finally refused to take exercise, and after that his disease made rapid marches.
His fretfulness, his unreasonable50 determination to house himself, his childish resentment at Sir Hudson Lowe’s conduct, have led to the idea that Napoleon spent his time at St. Helena in fuming51 and complaining. But if one will take into consideration the work that the fallen emperor did in his exile, he will have a quite different impression of this period of his life. He lived at St. Helena from October, 1815, to May, 1821. In this period of five and a half years he wrote or dictated52 enough matter to fill the four good-sized volumes which complete the bulky correspondence published by the order of Napoleon III., and he furnished the great collection of conversations embodied53 in the memoirs published by his companions.
This means a great amount of thinking and planning; for if one will go over these dictations and writings to see 287how they were made, he will find that they are not slovenly54 in arrangement or loose in style. On the contrary, they are concise55, logical, and frequently vivid. They are full of errors, it is true, but that is due to the fact that Napoleon had not at hand any official documents for making history. He depended almost entirely56 on his memory. The books and maps he had, he used diligently57, but his supply was limited and unsatisfactory.
It must be remembered, too, that this work was done under great physical difficulties. He was suffering keenly much of the time after he reached the island. Even for a well man, working under favorable circumstances, the literary output of Napoleon at St. Helena would be creditable. For one in his circumstances it was extraordinary. A look at it is the best possible refutation of the common notion that he spent his time at St. Helena fuming at Sir Hudson Lowe and “stewing himself in hot water,” to use the expression of the governor.
Before the end of 1820 it was certain that he could not live long. In December of that year the death of his sister Eliza was announced to him. “You see, Eliza has just shown me the way. Death, which had forgotten my family, has begun to strike it. My turn cannot be far off.” Nor was it. On May 5, 1821, he died.
His preparations for death were methodical and complete. During the last fortnight of April all his strength was spent in dictating58 to Montholon his last wishes. He even dictated, ten days before the end, the note which he wished sent to Sir Hudson Lowe to announce his death. The articles he had in his possession at Longwood he had wrapped up and ticketed with the names of the persons to whom he wished to leave them. His will remembered numbers of those whom he had loved or who had served him. Even the Chinese laborers59 then employed about the place were remembered. “Do not let them be forgotten. Let them have a few score of napoleons.”
288
NAPOLEON’S LAST DAY.
From a sculpture by Véla. This superb statue was exhibited in Paris at the Exhibition Universelle of 1867 (Italian section), and obtained the gold medal. It was purchased by the French Government, and is now at Versailles.
289The will included a final word on certain questions on which he felt posterity60 ought distinctly to understand his position. He died, he said, in the apostolical Roman religion. He declared that he had always been pleased with Marie Louise, whom he besought61 to watch over his son. To this son, whose name recurs62 repeatedly in the will, he gave a motto—All for the French people. He died prematurely63, he said, assassinated64 by the English oligarchy65. The unfortunate results of the invasion of France he attributed to the treason of Marmont, Augereau, Talleyrand, and Lafayette. He defended the death of the Duc d’Enghien. “Under similar circumstances I should act in the same way.” This will is sufficient evidence that he died as he had lived, courageously66 and proudly, and inspired by a profound conviction of the justice of his own cause. In 1822 the French courts declared the will void.
They buried him in a valley beside a spring he loved, and though no monument but a willow67 marked the spot, perhaps no other grave in history is so well known. Certainly the magnificent mausoleum which marks his present resting place in Paris has never touched the imagination and the heart as did the humble68 willow-shaded mound69 in St. Helena.
290
NAPOLEON LYING DEAD.
“From the original drawing of Captain Crockatt, taken the morning after Napoleon’s decease.” Published July 18, 1821, in London.
291The peace of the world was insured. Napoleon was dead. But though he was dead, the echo of his deeds was so loud in the ears of France and England that they tried every device to turn it into discord70 or to drown it by another and a newer sound. The ignoble71 attempt was never entirely successful, and the day will come when personal and partisan72 considerations will cease to influence judgments73 on this mighty74 man. For he was a mighty man. One may be convinced that the fundamental principles of his life were despotic; that he used the noble ideas of personal liberty, of equality, and of fraternity, as a tyrant75; that the whole tendency of his civil and military system was to concentrate a power in a single pair of hands, never to distribute it where it belonged, among the people; one may feel that he frequently sacrificed personal dignity to a theatrical desire to impose on the crowd as a hero of classic proportions, a god from Olympus; one may groan76 over the blood he spilt. But he cannot refuse to acknowledge that no man ever comprehended more clearly the splendid science of war; he cannot fail to bow to the genius which conceived and executed the Italian campaign, which fought the classic battles of Austerlitz, Jena, and Wagram. These deeds are great epics77. They move in noble, measured lines, and stir us by their might and perfection. It is only a genius of the most magnificent order which could handle men and materials as Napoleon did.
He is even more imposing78 as a statesman. When one confronts the France of 1799, corrupt79, crushed, hopeless, false to the great ideals she had wasted herself for, and watches Napoleon firmly and steadily80 bring order into this chaos81, give the country work and bread, build up her broken walls and homes, put money into her pocket and restore her credit, bind82 up her wounds and call back her scattered83 children, set her again to painting pictures and reading books, to smiling and singing, he has a Napoleon greater than the general.
Nor were these civil deeds transient. France to-day is largely what Napoleon made her, and the most liberal institutions of continental84 Europe bear his impress. It is only a mind of noble proportions which can grasp the needs of a people, and a hand of mighty force which can supply them.
292
WAX CAST OF THE FACE OF NAPOLEON, MADE AT ST. HELENA IN 1821, BY DR. ARNOTT.
293But he was greater as a man than as a warrior85 or statesman; greater in that rare and subtle personal quality which made men love him. Men went down on their knees and wept at sight of him when he came home from Elba—rough men whose hearts were untrained, and who loved naturally and spontaneously the thing which was lovable. It was only selfish, warped86, abnormal natures, which had been stifled87 by etiquette88 and diplomacy89 and self-interest, who abandoned him. Where nature lived in a heart, Napoleon’s sway was absolute. It was not strange. He was in everything a natural man; his imagination, his will, his intellect, his heart, were native, untrained. They appealed to unworldly men in all their rude, often brutal90 strength and sweetness. If they awed91 them, they won them.
This native force of Napoleon explains, at least partially92, his hold on men; it explains, too, the contrasts of his character. Never was there a life lived so full of lights and shades, of majors and minors93. It was a kaleidoscope, changing at every moment. Beside the most practical and commonplace qualities are the most idealistic. No man ever did more drudgery94, ever followed details more slavishly; yet who ever dared so divinely, ever played such hazardous95 games of chance? No man ever planned more for his fellows, yet who ever broke so many hearts? No man ever made practical realities of so many of liberty’s dreams, yet it was by despotism that he gave liberal and beneficent laws. No man was more gentle, none more cruel. Never was there a more chivalrous96 lover until he was disillusioned97; a more affectionate husband, even when faith had left him; yet no man ever trampled98 more rudely on womanly delicacy99 and reserve.
He was valorous as a god in danger, loved it, played with it; yet he would turn pale at a broken mirror, cross himself if he stumbled, fancy the coffee poisoned at which an enemy had looked.
294He was the greatest genius of his time, perhaps of all time, yet he lacked the crown of greatness—that high wisdom born of reflection and introspection which knows its own powers and limitations, and never abuses them; that fine sense of proportion which holds the rights of others in the same solemn reverence100 it demands for its own.
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asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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plunge
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| v.跳入，(使)投入，(使)陷入；猛冲 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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theatrical
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| adj.剧场的，演戏的；做戏似的，做作的 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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hysterical
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resentment
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standing
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repose
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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enraged
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| 使暴怒( enrage的过去式和过去分词 )； 歜； 激愤 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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memoirs
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sketch
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devoted
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isolated
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inaccessible
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propensity
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bullying
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antipathy
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superstitious
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horrid
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aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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bust
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| vt.打破；vi.爆裂；n.半身像；胸部 | |
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withheld
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incessant
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haggling
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| v.讨价还价( haggle的现在分词 ) | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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peevish
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| adj.易怒的，坏脾气的 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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suite
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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promenades
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unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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fuming
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| 愤怒( fume的现在分词 )； 大怒； 发怒； 冒烟 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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slovenly
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| adj.懒散的，不整齐的，邋遢的 | |
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concise
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| adj.简洁的，简明的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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dictating
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的现在分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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posterity
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besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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recurs
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| 再发生，复发( recur的第三人称单数 ) | |
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prematurely
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assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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courageously
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| ad.勇敢地，无畏地 | |
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67
willow
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| n.柳树 | |
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68
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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mound
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| n.土墩，堤，小山；v.筑堤，用土堆防卫 | |
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discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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72
partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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77
epics
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| n.叙事诗( epic的名词复数 )；壮举；惊人之举；史诗般的电影（或书籍） | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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81
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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82
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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83
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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85
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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86
warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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stifled
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| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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awed
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| adj.充满敬畏的，表示敬畏的v.使敬畏，使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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partially
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| adv.部分地，从某些方面讲 | |
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93
minors
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| n.未成年人( minor的名词复数 )；副修科目；小公司；[逻辑学]小前提v.[主美国英语]副修，选修，兼修( minor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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drudgery
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| n.苦工，重活，单调乏味的工作 | |
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hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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97
disillusioned
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| a.不再抱幻想的，大失所望的，幻想破灭的 | |
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trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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100
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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