So true is it that nothing succeeds like success! I did not let these compliments turn my head. My speeches at the Old Bailey were little, if anything, inferior to the one I made in the Court of Queen's Bench. There was no change in me, but only in the platform I spoke13 from. The great fact to my mind was this, that given an impartial14 judge, and a fair trial, it was difficult to convict any Freethinker of "blasphemy15" if he could only defend himself with some courage and address. This fact shone like a star of hope in the night of my suffering. As I said in one of my three letters from prison: "For the first time juries have disagreed, and chances are already slightly against a verdict of Guilty. Now the jury is the hand by which the enemy grasps us, and when we have absolutely secured the twelfth man we shall have amputated the thumb."
On May 1 the following letter from Admiral Maxse appeared in the Daily News:
"TO THE EDITOR OF THE 'DAILY NEWS.'
SIR,—Foote's brilliant defence last week will probably have
him as a low and coarse controversialist, while Lord Coleridge's
occupied the place of Justice North, the defendant would have
escaped with a mild penalty. In the meantime, Mr. Foote continues
sentence, or a more wicked law, than the one which Mr. Foote
and his companions suffer from, is, in my opinion, impossible
enjoy religious liberty. His crime consisted in caricaturing
a higher side. People who are truly religious should be obliged
to Mr. Foote, if he managed to shock some people concerning any
feature of religion which is gross and degrading to that religion.
I know something of Mr. Foote, and I am quite certain he would
not say anything to shock a refined interpretation24 of religion.
Refined Christians26 are anxious themselves to get rid of the
as to whether a coarse picture of religion, and of one religion
only, is to be protected by the State from caricature, and from
caricature alone; because it seems to be granted that an
pass away, and probably in a few years it will be remembered
'By the light of burning heretics Christ's bleeding feet I track.'
The impaled victim is now Mr. Foote. It is a disgrace to England
that his solitary confinement—twenty-three out of the twenty-four
hours are solitary—or indeed, that any punishment whatever is
possible for a man's style in religious controversy34; and to a
Liberal it is profoundly humiliating that such a proceeding35
takes place under a Liberal Government and without one word of
Yours obediently, FREDK. A. MAXSE.
"April 30th."
Let me take this opportunity of thanking Admiral Maxse for his courageous38 generosity39 on my behalf. Directly he heard of my infamous40 sentence he wrote me a brave letter, which the prison rules forbade my receiving, stating that he would join in any agitation41 for my release, or for the repeal42 of the wretched law under which I was suffering "the utmost martyrdom which society can at present impose." I have always regarded Admiral Maxse as one of the purest and noblest of our public men, and I valued his sympathy even more than his assistance.
Further correspondence appeared in the Daily News, and the Liberal papers called on Sir William Harcourt to intervene. Memorials for our release flowed in from all parts of the country. One of these deserves especial mention. The signatures were procured43, at great expense of time and labor44, by Dr. E. B. Aveling and an eminent45 psychologist who desired to avoid publicity46. Among them I find the following names:—
Admiral Maxse George Bullen C. Crompton, Q.C. George Du Maurier Charles Maclaren, M.P. George Dixon Dr. G. J. Romanes Henry Sidgwick. Dr. Charlton Bastian Herbert Spencer Dr. Edward Clodd Hon. E. Lyulph Stanley, M.P. Dr. E. B. Tylor J. Cotter Morison Dr. W. Aldis Wright Jonathan Hutchinson Dr. Macallister John Collier Dr. E. Bond John Pettie Dr. J. H. Jackson James Sully Dr. H. Maudsley Leslie Stephen Editor Daily News Lient.-Col. Osborne Editor Spectator P. A. Taylor, M.P. Editor Academy Professor Alexander Bain Editor Manchester Examiner Professor Huxley Editor Liverpool Daily Post Professor Tyndall Francis Galton Professor Knight47 F. Guthrie, F.R.S. Professor E. S. Beesly Frederick Harrison Professor H. S. Foxwell G. H. Darwin Professor R. Adamson Professor G. Croom Robertson Rev8. Dr. Fairbairn Professor E. Ray Lancaster Rev. R. Glover Professor Drummond Rev. J. G. Rogers Professor T. Rhys Davids Rev. J. Aldis R. H. Moncrieff Rev. Charles Beard Rev. J. Llewellyn Davies Rev. Dr. Crosskey Rev. Dr. Abbot S. H. Vines Rev. A. Ainger The Mayor of Birmingham Rev. Stopford A. Brooke
I doubt whether such a memorial, signed by so many illustrious men, was ever before presented to a Home Secretary for the release of any prisoners. But it made no impression on Sir William Harcourt, for the simple reason that the signatories were not politicians, but only men of genius. As the Weekly Dispatch said, "Sir William Harcourt never does the right thing when he has a chance of going wrong." The Echo also "regretted" the Home Secretary's decision, while the Pall Mall Gazette, then under the editorship of Mr. John Morley, concluded its article on the subject by saying, "The fact remains48 that Mr. Foote is suffering a scandalously excessive punishment, and that the Home Office must now share the general condemnation49 that has hitherto been confined to the judge."
On July 11 a mass meeting was held in St. James's Hall to protest against our continued imprisonment50. Despite the summer weather, the huge building was crammed51 with people, every inch of standing52 room being occupied, and thousands turned away from the doors. Letters of sympathy were sent by Canon Shuttleworth, Admiral Maxse and Mr. P. A. Taylor M.P. Among the speakers were the Rev. W. Sharman, the Rev. S. D. Headlam, the Rev. E. M. Geldart, Mr. C. Bradlaugh M.P., Mrs. Annie Besant, Dr. E. B. Aveling, Mr. Joseph Symes, Mr. Moncure D. Conway and Mr. H. Burrows53. The greatest enthusiasm prevailed, and the resolutions were carried with only two dissentients.
Still Sir William Harcourt made no sign. At last Mr. Peter Taylor, the honored member for Leicester, publicly interrogated54 the Home Secretary in the House of Commons. Mr. Taylor's question was as follows:
"Mr. P. A. TAYLOR asked the Secretary of State for the Home
Department whether he had received memorials from many
thousands of persons, including clergymen of the Church of
England, Nonconformist ministers, and persons of high literary
and scientific position, asking for a mitigation of the sentences
of George William Foote and William James Ramsey, now imprisoned55
already suffered five months' imprisonment, involving until
lately confinement in their respective cells for twenty-three
hours out of every twenty-four, and now involving twenty-two
hours of such solitary confinement out of each 24; and whether
he will advise the remission of the remainder of their sentences."
Thereupon Sir William Harcourt reared his unblushing front and gave this answer:
"Sir WILLIAM HARCOURT—The question of my hon. friend is founded
upon misconception of the duties and rights of the Secretary of
State in reference to sentences of the law, which I have often
endeavoured to remove, but apparently57 with entire want of success.
subject, most of them founded on misconception of the law on
which the sentence rested. This is not a matter I can take into
consideration, either upon my own opinion or upon that of 'clergymen
of the Church of England, Nonconformist ministers, and persons of
high literary and scientific position.' I am bound to assume that
until Parliament alters the law that law is right, and that those
who administer the law administer it rightly. If I took any other
course, outside my opinion—if I had one upon this subject—I should
be interfering59 with the making and with the administration of the law,
and transferring it from Parliament to the Executive and to a Minister
of the Crown. I am quite sure my hon. friend would not like that
course. It has been said, "Oh, but you can deal with sentences."
(Hear, hear.) Sentences must be dealt with not upon the assumption
that the law was wrong, and that the jury and judge were wrong,
but upon special circumstances applicable to the particular case
remission of sentence. What are the circumstances? Nobody—I do
not care whether legal persons or belonging to the classes mentioned
in this question—who has not seen the publication can judge of
the matter. I have seen it, and I have no hesitation61 in saying
that it is in the most strict sense of the word an obscene libel.
That being so, the law has declared that it is punishable by law.
I have no authority to declare that the law shall not be obeyed;
nor do I think that within less than half the period of the punishment
awarded by the Court, if I were to advise the Crown to remit the
sentence, I should be discharging the responsibility which rests
upon me with a sound or sober judgment. (Opposition cheers, and
murmurs below the gangway.)"
The Tory cheers which greeted this malicious64 reply suffice to condemn20 it. Sir William Harcourt has told many lies in his time, but this was the most brazen65 of all. He knew we were not prosecuted66 for obscenity; he knew there was not a suggestion of indecency in our indictment67; and he had before him the distinct language of the Lord Chief Justice of England, exonerating68 us from the slander69. Yet he deliberately70 libelled us, in a place where his utterances71 are privileged, in order to conciliate the Tories and please the bigots. Some of the Radical36 papers protested against this wanton misrepresentation, but I am not aware that a single Christian25 journal censured72 the lie which was used to justify persecution73.
Freethinkers have not forgotten Sir William Harcourt, nor have I. Some day we may be able to punish him for the insult. Meanwhile, I venture to think that if the member for Derby and the editor of the Freethinker were placed side by side, an unprejudiced stranger would have little difficulty in deciding which of the two was the more likely to be bestial74.
Poor Mr. Ramsey, not knowing his man, innocently petitioned the Home Secretary from prison, pointing out that he was tried and imprisoned for blasphemy, asking to be released at once, and offering to supply Sir William Harcourt with fresh copies of our Christmas Number for a new trial for obscenity. Of course he received no reply.
My counsel, Mr. Cluer, gallantly75 defended my reputation in the columns of the Daily News, and he was supported by one of the Jury, who wrote as follows:
"SIR,—From the reference in your short leader on the subject,
it appears that the Home Secretary, in answer to Mr. Taylor,
declined to consent to the release of Messrs. Foote and Ramsey,
on the ground that they had published an obscene libel. On
the late trial before the Lord Chief Justice, certain numbers
of the Freethinker, on which the prisoners were being tried,
were charged by the prosecution with being (inter alia) blasphemous76
and indecent. The judge in the course of his remarks said, the
articles inculpated77 might be blasphemous, but assuredly they
were not indecent. The opinion of Sir William Harcourt,
consequently, though in harmony with that of the junior counsel
for the prosecution, is altogether opposed to that of Lord Coleridge,
who was the judge in the case."
The Daily News itself put the matter very clearly. "Mr. Foote and Mr. Ramsey," it said, "were sent to prison by Mr. Justice North for publishing a blasphemous libel. Sir William Harcourt declines to release them on the ground that they have published an obscene libel. It is not usual to keep Englishmen in gaol on the ground that they committed an offence of which they have not been convicted, and against which they have had no opportunity of defending themselves." But Sir William Harcourt thought otherwise, and kept us in prison, acting78 at once as prosecutor79, witness, jury and judge.
Mr. Gladstone was appealed to, but he "regretted he could do nothing," presumably because we were only Englishmen and not Bulgarians. An answer to this piece of callous80 hypocrisy81 came from the London clubs. One resolution passed by the Combined Radical Clubs of Chelsea, representing thousands of working men, characterised our continued imprisonment as an indelible stigma82 on the Liberal Government.
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1 prosecution | |
n.起诉,告发,检举,执行,经营 | |
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2 concurrent | |
adj.同时发生的,一致的 | |
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3 remit | |
v.汇款,汇寄;豁免(债务),免除(处罚等) | |
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4 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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5 defendants | |
被告( defendant的名词复数 ) | |
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6 defendant | |
n.被告;adj.处于被告地位的 | |
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7 consummate | |
adj.完美的;v.成婚;使完美 [反]baffle | |
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8 rev | |
v.发动机旋转,加快速度 | |
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9 pall | |
v.覆盖,使平淡无味;n.柩衣,棺罩;棺材;帷幕 | |
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10 referee | |
n.裁判员.仲裁人,代表人,鉴定人 | |
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11 execration | |
n.诅咒,念咒,憎恶 | |
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12 monstrous | |
adj.巨大的;恐怖的;可耻的,丢脸的 | |
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13 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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14 impartial | |
adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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15 blasphemy | |
n.亵渎,渎神 | |
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16 depicted | |
描绘,描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 ); 描述 | |
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17 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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18 solitary | |
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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19 confinement | |
n.幽禁,拘留,监禁;分娩;限制,局限 | |
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20 condemn | |
vt.谴责,指责;宣判(罪犯),判刑 | |
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21 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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22 professes | |
声称( profess的第三人称单数 ); 宣称; 公开表明; 信奉 | |
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23 grotesque | |
adj.怪诞的,丑陋的;n.怪诞的图案,怪人(物) | |
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24 interpretation | |
n.解释,说明,描述;艺术处理 | |
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25 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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26 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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27 creed | |
n.信条;信念,纲领 | |
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28 absurdity | |
n.荒谬,愚蠢;谬论 | |
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29 impeached | |
v.控告(某人)犯罪( impeach的过去式和过去分词 );弹劾;对(某事物)怀疑;提出异议 | |
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30 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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31 astonishment | |
n.惊奇,惊异 | |
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32 persecuting | |
(尤指宗教或政治信仰的)迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的现在分词 ); 烦扰,困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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33 impaled | |
钉在尖桩上( impale的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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34 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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35 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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36 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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37 radicals | |
n.激进分子( radical的名词复数 );根基;基本原理;[数学]根数 | |
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38 courageous | |
adj.勇敢的,有胆量的 | |
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39 generosity | |
n.大度,慷慨,慷慨的行为 | |
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40 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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41 agitation | |
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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42 repeal | |
n.废止,撤消;v.废止,撤消 | |
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43 procured | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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44 labor | |
n.劳动,努力,工作,劳工;分娩;vi.劳动,努力,苦干;vt.详细分析;麻烦 | |
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45 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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46 publicity | |
n.众所周知,闻名;宣传,广告 | |
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47 knight | |
n.骑士,武士;爵士 | |
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48 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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49 condemnation | |
n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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50 imprisonment | |
n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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51 crammed | |
adj.塞满的,挤满的;大口地吃;快速贪婪地吃v.把…塞满;填入;临时抱佛脚( cram的过去式) | |
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52 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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53 burrows | |
n.地洞( burrow的名词复数 )v.挖掘(洞穴),挖洞( burrow的第三人称单数 );翻寻 | |
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54 interrogated | |
v.询问( interrogate的过去式和过去分词 );审问;(在计算机或其他机器上)查询 | |
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55 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56 gaol | |
n.(jail)监狱;(不加冠词)监禁;vt.使…坐牢 | |
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57 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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58 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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59 interfering | |
adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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60 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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61 hesitation | |
n.犹豫,踌躇 | |
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62 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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63 decency | |
n.体面,得体,合宜,正派,庄重 | |
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64 malicious | |
adj.有恶意的,心怀恶意的 | |
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65 brazen | |
adj.厚脸皮的,无耻的,坚硬的 | |
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66 prosecuted | |
a.被起诉的 | |
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67 indictment | |
n.起诉;诉状 | |
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68 exonerating | |
v.使免罪,免除( exonerate的现在分词 ) | |
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69 slander | |
n./v.诽谤,污蔑 | |
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70 deliberately | |
adv.审慎地;蓄意地;故意地 | |
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71 utterances | |
n.发声( utterance的名词复数 );说话方式;语调;言论 | |
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72 censured | |
v.指责,非难,谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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73 persecution | |
n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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74 bestial | |
adj.残忍的;野蛮的 | |
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75 gallantly | |
adv. 漂亮地,勇敢地,献殷勤地 | |
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76 blasphemous | |
adj.亵渎神明的,不敬神的 | |
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77 inculpated | |
v.显示(某人)有罪,使负罪( inculpate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78 acting | |
n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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79 prosecutor | |
n.起诉人;检察官,公诉人 | |
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80 callous | |
adj.无情的,冷淡的,硬结的,起老茧的 | |
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81 hypocrisy | |
n.伪善,虚伪 | |
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82 stigma | |
n.耻辱,污名;(花的)柱头 | |
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