We are in the midst of a political crisis. The House of Lords opposes a reform unanimously voted by the House of Commons. Great demonstrations1 are being held all over the country, to insist on the popular will being carried into effect, and there is a growing cry of "Down with the Lords." A spectator from another planet might wonder at all the fuss. He might marvel2 how forty millions of people needed to stamp and gesticulate against a handful of obstructives. He might imagine that they had only to decree a thing and it would immediately be; that all opposition3 to their sovereign will would melt away the moment they declared it. This traveller, however, would soon be undeceived. A little study would show him that the people are kept in check by faith and custom. He would learn that the nation is tied down like Gulliver was, by ligatures springing from its own head. Behind the King there is a King of Kings; behind the Lords there is a Lord of Lords. Behind every earthly despotism there is a heavenly one. The rulers of mankind overawe the people by religious terrors. They keep a body of men in their pay, the black army of theology, whose business it is to frighten people from their rights by means of a ghost behind the curtain. Nobody has ever seen the bogie, but we are taught to believe in it from our infancy4, and faith supplies the deficiencies of sight. Thus we are enslaved by our own consent. Our will is suborned against our interests. We wear no chains to remind us of our servitude, but our liberty is restrained by the subtle web of superstition5, which is so fine as to be imperceptible except to keen and well-practised eyes, and elastic6 enough to cheat us with a false sense of freedom.
Yes, we must seek in religion the secret of all political tyranny and social injustice7. Not only does history show us the bearing of religion on politics—we see it to-day wherever we cast our gaze. Party feeling is so embittered8 in France because the sharp line of division in politics corresponds with the sharp line of division in religion. On the one side there is Freethought and Republicanism, and on the other Catholicism and Monarchy9. Even in England, which at present knows less of the naked despotism of the Catholic Church than any other European country, we are gradually approximating to a similar state of things. Freethougnt is appearing upon the public stage, and will play its peculiar11 part as naturally as religion does. Those who fancy that theology and politics have no necessary relations, that you may operate in the one without affecting the other, and that they can and should be kept distinct, are grossly mistaken. Cardinal12 Newman has well shown how it is the nature of ideas to assimilate to themselves whatever agrees with them, and to destroy whatever disagrees. When once an idea enters the human mind it acts according to the necessary laws of thought. It changes to its own complexion13 all its mental surroundings, and through every mental and moral channel influences the world of practice outside. The real sovereigns of mankind, who sway its destinies with irresistible14 power, are not the czars, emperors, kings and lords, nor even the statesmen who enact15 laws when public sentiment is ripe; they are the great thinkers who mould opinion, the discoverers and enunciators of Truth, the men of genius who pour the leaven16 of their ideas and enthusiasm into the sluggish17 brain of humanity.
Even in this crisis it is easy to see how Religion and Freethought are at variance18. The Liberal party is not pledged to the abolition19 of the House of Lords, but the Radical20 party is. Orthodox Liberalism is Christian21, only a little less so than orthodox Conservatism; but Radicalism22 is very largely sceptical. It would surprise the dullards of both parties to learn how great a portion of the working energy of Radicalism is supplied by Freethinkers. True, many of them are unavowed Freethinkers, yet they are of our party although they do not wear our colors. But setting all these aside, I assert that Radicalism would be immensely weakened by the withdrawal23 of declared Freethinkers from its ranks. No one in the least acquainted with political organisation24 would think of disputing this.
Belief in God is the source and principle of all tyranny. This lies in the very nature of things. For what is God? All definitions of religion from Johnson's down to that of the latest dictionary agree on this one point, that it is concerned with man's relations to the unknown. Yes, God is the Unknown, and theology is the science of ignorance. Earl Beaconsfield, in his impish way, once said that where our knowledge ends our religion begins. A truer word was never spoken.
Now the unknown is the terrible. We become fearful the moment we confront the incalculable. Go through the history of religions, consult the various accounts of savage25 and barbarous faiths at present extant, and you will find that the principle of terror, springing from the unknown, is the essential feature in which they all agree. This terror inevitably26 begets27 slavishness. We cannot be cowardly in this respect without its affecting our courage in others. The mental serf is a bodily serf too, and spiritual fetters28 are the agencies of political thraldom29. The man who worships a tyrant30 in heaven naturally submits his neck to the yoke31 of tyrants32 on earth. He who bows his intellect to a priest will yield his manhood to a king. Everywhere on earth we find the same ceremonies attending every form of dependence33. The worshipper who now kneels in prayer to God, like the courtier who backs from the presence of the monarch10, is performing an apology for the act of prostration34 which took place alike before the altar and the throne. In both cases it was the adoration35 of fear, the debasement of the weak before the seat of irresponsible power.
Authority is still the principle of our most refined creeds36. The majority of Christians37 believe in salvation38 by faith; and what is the God of that dogma but a capricious tyrant, who saves or damns according to his personal whim39? The ministers of Protestantism, like the priests of Catholicism, recognise this practically in their efforts to regulate public education. They dare not trust to the effect of persuasion40 on the unprejudiced mind; they must bias41 the minds of children by means of dogmatic teaching. They bend the twig42 in order to warp43 the tree.
Now God is the supreme44 principle of authority as he is the essence of the unknown. He is thus the head, front and symbol of terror and slavery, and as such must be assailed45 by every true soldier of Progress. We shall never enfranchise46 the world without touching47 people's superstitions48; and even if we abolish the House of Lords we shall still dwell in the house of bondage49 unless we abolish the Lord of Lords; for the evil principle will remain as a germ to develop into new forms of oppression.
Freethought is the real Savior. When we make a man a Freethinker, we need not trouble greatly about his politics. He is sure to go right in the main. He may mistake here or falter50 there, but his tendency will always be sound. Thus it is that Freethinkers always vote, work and fight for the popular cause. They have discarded the principle of authority in the heavens above and on the earth beneath, and left it to the Conservative party, to which all religionists belong precisely51 in proportion to the orthodoxy of their faith. Freethought goes to the root. It reaches the intellect and the conscience, and does not merely work at haphazard52 on the surface of our material interests and party struggles. It aims at the destruction of all tyranny and injustice by the sure methods of investigation53 and discussion, and the free play of mind on every subject. It loves Truth and Freedom. It turns away from the false and sterile54 ideas of the Kingdom of God and faces the true and fruitful idea of the Republic of Man.
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1 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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2 marvel | |
vi.(at)惊叹vt.感到惊异;n.令人惊异的事 | |
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3 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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4 infancy | |
n.婴儿期;幼年期;初期 | |
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5 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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6 elastic | |
n.橡皮圈,松紧带;adj.有弹性的;灵活的 | |
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7 injustice | |
n.非正义,不公正,不公平,侵犯(别人的)权利 | |
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8 embittered | |
v.使怨恨,激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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9 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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10 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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11 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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12 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
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13 complexion | |
n.肤色;情况,局面;气质,性格 | |
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14 irresistible | |
adj.非常诱人的,无法拒绝的,无法抗拒的 | |
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15 enact | |
vt.制定(法律);上演,扮演 | |
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16 leaven | |
v.使发酵;n.酵母;影响 | |
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17 sluggish | |
adj.懒惰的,迟钝的,无精打采的 | |
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18 variance | |
n.矛盾,不同 | |
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19 abolition | |
n.废除,取消 | |
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20 radical | |
n.激进份子,原子团,根号;adj.根本的,激进的,彻底的 | |
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21 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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22 radicalism | |
n. 急进主义, 根本的改革主义 | |
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23 withdrawal | |
n.取回,提款;撤退,撤军;收回,撤销 | |
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24 organisation | |
n.组织,安排,团体,有机休 | |
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25 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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26 inevitably | |
adv.不可避免地;必然发生地 | |
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27 begets | |
v.为…之生父( beget的第三人称单数 );产生,引起 | |
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28 fetters | |
n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 );束缚v.给…上脚镣,束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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29 thraldom | |
n.奴隶的身份,奴役,束缚 | |
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30 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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31 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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32 tyrants | |
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
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33 dependence | |
n.依靠,依赖;信任,信赖;隶属 | |
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34 prostration | |
n. 平伏, 跪倒, 疲劳 | |
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35 adoration | |
n.爱慕,崇拜 | |
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36 creeds | |
(尤指宗教)信条,教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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37 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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38 salvation | |
n.(尤指基督)救世,超度,拯救,解困 | |
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39 whim | |
n.一时的兴致,突然的念头;奇想,幻想 | |
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40 persuasion | |
n.劝说;说服;持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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41 bias | |
n.偏见,偏心,偏袒;vt.使有偏见 | |
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42 twig | |
n.小树枝,嫩枝;v.理解 | |
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43 warp | |
vt.弄歪,使翘曲,使不正常,歪曲,使有偏见 | |
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44 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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45 assailed | |
v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 );困扰;质问;毅然应对 | |
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46 enfranchise | |
v.给予选举权,解放 | |
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47 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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48 superstitions | |
迷信,迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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49 bondage | |
n.奴役,束缚 | |
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50 falter | |
vi.(嗓音)颤抖,结巴地说;犹豫;蹒跚 | |
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51 precisely | |
adv.恰好,正好,精确地,细致地 | |
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52 haphazard | |
adj.无计划的,随意的,杂乱无章的 | |
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53 investigation | |
n.调查,调查研究 | |
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54 sterile | |
adj.不毛的,不孕的,无菌的,枯燥的,贫瘠的 | |
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