Mr. Hughes believes in our "common humanity," and he traces it from "the grand old gardener" (Tennyson). "We are all descended18 from Adam," he says, "and related to one another." Now this is not true, even according to the Bible; for when Cain fled into the land of Nod he took a wife there, which clearly implies the existence of other people than the descendants of Adam. But this is not the worst. Fancy a man at this time of day—a burnin' an' a shinin' light to a' this place—gravely standing19 up and solemnly telling three thousand people, most of whom we suppose have been to school, that the legendary20 Adam of the book of Genesis was really the father of the whole human race!
This common humanity is claimed by Mr. Hughes as "a purely21 Christian conception." Yet he foolishly admits that "the Positivists in our own day have strongly insisted on this great crowning truth which we Christians22 have neglected." Nay23, he states that when Kossuth appealed in England on behalf of Hungary, he spoke24 in the name of the "solidarity" of the human race. And why solidarity? Because the word had to be taken from the French. And why from the French? "Because the French," Mr. Hughes says, "have risen to a loftier level of human brotherhood25 than we." Indeed! Then what becomes of your "purely Christian conception," when "infidel France" outshines "Christian England"? How is it, too, you have to make the "shameful26" confession27 that "we"—that is, the Christians—took "nineteen centuries to find out the negro was a man and therefore a brother"? You did not find it out, in fact, until the eighteenth century—the century of Voltaire and Thomas Paine—the century in which Freethought had spread so much, even in England, that Bishop28 Butler in the Advertisement to his Analogy, dated May, 1736, could say that "many persons" regarded Christianity as proved to be "fictitious29" to "all people of discernment," and thought that "nothing remained but to set it up as a principal subject of mirth and ridicule30." How is it your "Christian conceptions" took such a surprising time to be understood? How is it they had to wait for realisation until the advent31 of an age permeated32 with the spirit of scepticism and secular33 humanity?
Mr. Hughes is brave enough—in the absence of a critic—to start with Jesus Christ as the first cosmopolitan34. "He came of the Jewish stock," we are told, "and yet he had no trace of the Jew in him." Of course not—in Christian sermons and Christian pictures, preached and painted for non-Jewish, and indeed Jew-hating nations. But there is a very decided35 "trace of the Jew in him" in the New Testament36. To the Canaanite woman he said, "I am not sent but unto the lost sheep of the house of Israel." To the twelve he said, "Go not into the way of the Gentiles, and into any city of the Samaritans enter ye not: But go rather to the lost sheep of the house of Israel." It was Paul who, finding he could not make headway against the apostles who had known Jesus personally, exclaimed, "Lo, we turn to the Gentiles." That exclamation37 was a turning point. It was the first real step to such universalism as Christianity has attained38. No wonder, therefore, that Comte puts Paul instead of Jesus into the Positivist calendar, as the real founder39 of Christianity.
Even in the case of St. Paul, it is perfectly40 idle to suppose that his cosmopolitanism41 extended beyond the Roman empire. A little study and reflection would show Mr. Hughes that the very fact of the Roman empire was the secret of the cosmopolitanism. Moral conceptions follow in the wake of political expansion. The morality of a tribe is tribal42; that of a nation is national; and national morality only developes into international morality with the growth of international interests and international communication. Now the Roman empire had broken up the old nationalities, and with them their local religions. The human mind broadened with its political and social horizon. And the result was that a cosmopolitan sentiment in morals, and a universal conception in religion, naturally spread throughout the territory which was dominated by the Roman eagles. Christianity itself was at first a Jewish sect43, which developed into a cosmopolitan system precisely44 because the national independence of the Jews had been broken up, and all the roads of a great empire were open to the missionaries45 of a new faith.
But let us return to Mr. Hughes's statements. He tells us that the solidarity of mankind was "revealed to the human race through St. Paul"—which is a great slur46 upon Jesus Christ, and quite inconsistent with what Mr. Hughes affirms of the Nazarene. It is also inconsistent with the very language of St. Paul in that sermon of his to the Athenians; for the great apostle, in enforcing his argument that all men are God's children, actually reminds the Athenians that "certain also of your own poets have said, For we are also his offspring."
Mr. Hughes goes on to say that "our common humanity" is "a perfectly new idea." "Max Muller," he tells us, "says that there was no trace of it until Christ came. It is a purely Christian conception." Professor Max Muller, however, is not infallible. He sometimes panders47 to Christian prejudices, and this is a case in point. What he says about "humanity" is an etymological48 quibble. Certainly the Greeks knew nothing about it, simply because they did not speak Latin. But they had an equivalent word in philanthropia, which was in use in the time of Plato, four hundred years before the birth of Christ.*
* Mr. Hughes talks so much that he must have little time for
reading. Every educated man, however, is supposed to be
acquainted with Bacon's Essays, the thirteenth of which
opens as follows:—"I take goodness in this sense, the
affecting of the weal of men, which is that the Grecians
called Philanthropia; and the word humanity (as it is used)
is a little too light to express it." Bacon not only knew
later and less weighty term so ignorantly celebrated50 by Mr.
Hughes.
Max Muller or no Max Muller, we tell Mr. Hughes that he is either reckless or ignorant in declaring that the idea of human brotherhood owes its origin to Christ, Paul, or Christianity. To say nothing of Buddha51, whose ethics52 are wider than the ethics of Christ, and confining ourselves to Greece and Rome, with the teaching of whose thinkers Christianity comes into more direct comparison—it is easy enough to prove that Mr. Hughes is in error, or worse. Four centuries before Christ, when Socrates was asked on one occasion as to his country, he replied, "I am a citizen of the world." Cicero, the great Roman writer, in the century before Christ, uses the very word caritas, which St. Paul borrowed in his fine and famous chapter in the first of Corinthians. Cicero, and not St. Paul, was the first to pronounce "charity" as the tie which unites the human race. And after picturing a soul full of virtue53, living in charity with its friends, and taking as such all who are allied54 by nature, Cicero rose to a still loftier level. "Moreover," he said, "let it not consider itself hedged in by the walls of a single town, but acknowledge itself a citizen of the whole world, as though one city." In another treatise55 he speaks of "fellowship with the human race, charity, friendship, justice."
We defy Mr. Hughes to indicate a single cosmopolitan text in the New Testament as strong, clear, and pointed56 as these sayings of Socrates and Cicero—the one Greek, the other Roman, and both before Christ. Let him ransack57 gospels, epistles, acts, and revelations, and produce the text we call for.
From the time of Cicero—that is, from the time of Julius Caesar, and the establishment of the Empire—the sentiment of brotherhood, the idea of a common humanity, spread with certainty and rapidity, and is reflected in the writings of the philosophers. The exclamation of the Roman poet, "As a man, I regard nothing human as alien to me," which was so heartily59 applauded by the auditory in the theatre, expressed a growing and almost popular sentiment. The works of Seneca abound60 in fine humanitarian61 passages, and it must be remembered that if the Christians were tortured by Nero at Rome, it was by the same hand that Seneca's life was cut short. "Wherever there is a man," said this thinker, "there is an opportunity for a deed of kindness." He believed in the natural equality of all men. Slaves were such through political and social causes, and their masters were bidden to refrain from ill-using them, not only because of the cruelty of such conduct, but because of "the natural law common to all men," and because "he is of the same nature as thyself." Seneca denounced the gladiatorial shows as human butcheries. So mild, tolerant, humane62, and equitable63 was his teaching that the Christians of a later age were anxious to appropriate him. Tertullian calls him "Our Seneca," and the facile scribes of the new faith forged a correspondence between him and their own St. Paul. One of Seneca's passages is a clear and beautiful statement of rational altruism64. "Nor can anyone live happily," he says, "who has regard to himself alone, and uses everything for his own interests; thou must live for thy neighbor, if thou wouldest live for thyself." Eighteen hundred years afterwards Auguste Comte sublimated65 this principle into a motto of his Religion of Humanity—Vivre pour Autrui, Live for Others. It is also expressed more didactically by Ingersoll—"The way to be happy is to make others so"—making duty and enjoyment66 go hand in hand.
Pliny, who corresponded with the emperor Trajan, and whose name is familiar to the student of Christian Evidences, exhorted67 parents to take a deep interest in the education of their children. He largely endowed an institution in his native town of Como, for the assistance of the children of the poor. His humanity was extended to slaves. He treated his own with great kindness, allowing them to dispose of their own earnings68, and even to make wills. Of masters who had no regard for their slaves, he said, "I do not know if they are great and wise; but one thing I do know, they are not men." Dion Chrysostom, another Stoic69, plainly declared that slavery was an infringement70 of the natural rights of men, who were all born for liberty; a dictum which cannot be paralleled in any part of the New Testament. It must be admitted, indeed, that Paul, in sending the slave Onesimus back to his master Philemon, did bespeak71 humane and even brotherly treatment for the runaway72; but he bespoke73 it for him as a Christian, not simply as a man, and uttered no single word in rebuke74 of the institution of slavery.
Plutarch's humanity was noble and tender. "The proper end of man," he said, "is to love and to be loved." He regarded his slaves as inferior members of his own family. How strong, yet how dignified75, is his condemnation of masters who sold their slaves when disabled by old age. He protests that the fountain of goodness and humanity should never dry up in a man. "For myself," he said, "I should never have the heart to sell the ox which had long labored76 on my ground, and could no longer work on account of old age, still less could I chase a slave from his country, from the place where he has been nourished for so long, and from the way of life to which he has been so long accustomed." Sentiments like these were the natural precursors77 of the abolition78 of slavery, as far as it could be abolished by moral considerations.
Epictetus, the great Stoic philosopher, who had himself been a slave, taught the loftiest morality. Pascal admits that he was "one of the philosophers of the world who have best understood the duty of man." He disdained79 slavery from the point of view of the masters, as he abhorred80 it from the point of view of the slaves. "As a healthy man," he said, "does not wish to be waited upon by the infirm, or desire that those who live with him should be invalids81, the freeman should not allow himself to be waited upon by slaves, or leave those who live with him in servitude." It is idle to pretend, as Professor Schmidt of Strasburg does, that the ideas of Epictetus are "colored with a reflection of Christianity." The philosopher's one reference to the Galileans, by whom he is thought to have meant the Christians, is somewhat contemptuous. Professor Schmidt says he "misunderstood" the Galileans; but George Long, the translator of Epictetus, is probably truer in saying that he "knew little about the Christians, and only knew some examples of their obstinate82 adherence83 to the new faith and the fanatical behavior of some of the converts." It should be remembered that Epictetus was almost a contemporary of St. Paul, and the accurate students of early Christianity will be able to estimate how far it was likely, at that time, to have influenced the philosophers of Rome.
Marcus Aurelius was one of the wisest and best of men. Emperor of the civilised world, he lived a life of great simplicity84, bearing all the burdens of his high office, and drawing philosophy from the depths of his own contemplation. His Meditations85 were only written for his own eyes; they were a kind of philosophical86 diary; and they have the charm of perfect sincerity87. He was born a.d. 121, he became Emperor a.d. 161, and died a.d. 180, after nineteen years of a government which illustrated88 Plato's words about the good that would ensue when kings were philosophers and philosophers were kings. Cardinal89 Barberini, who translated the Emperor's Meditations into Italian, in 1675, dedicated90 the translation to his own soul, to make it "redder than his purple at the sight of the virtues91 of this Gentile."
Marcus Aurelius combines reason with beautiful sentiment. His emotion is always accompanied by thought. Here, for instance, is a noble passage on the social commonwealth—"For we are made for co-operation, like feet, like hands, like eyelids92, like the rows of the upper and lower teeth. To act against one another then is contrary to nature; and it is acting93 against one another to be vexed94 and to turn away." In a still loftier passage he says—and let us remember he says it to himself, not to an applauding audience, but quietly, and with absolute truth, and no taint58 of theatricality—"My nature is rational and social; and my city and country, so far as I am Antoninus, is Rome; but so far as I am a man, it is the world." In his brief, pregnant way, he states the law of human solidarity—"That which is not good for the swarm95, neither is it good for the bee." And who could fail to appreciate this sentiment, coming as it did from the ruler of a great empire?—"One thing here is worth a great deal, to pass thy life in truth and justice, with a benevolent96 disposition97 even to liars98 and unjust men."
Here again, it is the fashion in some circles, to pretend that Marcus Aurelius was influenced by the spread of Christian ideas. George Long, however, speaks the language of truth and sobriety in saying, "It is quite certain that Antoninus did not derive99 any of his Ethical100 principles from a religion of which he knew nothing." To say as Dr. Schmidt does that "Christian ideas filled the air" is easy enough, but where is the proof? No doubt the Christian writers made great pretensions101 as to the spread of their religion, but they were notoriously sanguine102 and inaccurate103, and we know what value to attach to such pretensions in the second century when we reflect that even in the fourth century, up to the point of Constantine's conversion104, Christianity had only succeeded in drawing into its fold about a twentieth of the inhabitants of the empire. Enough has been said in this article to show that the idea of our common humanity is not "a purely Christian conception," that it arose in the natural course of human development, and that in this, as in other cases, the apologists of Christianity have simply appropriated to their own creed105 the fruits of the political, social, and moral growth of Western civilisation106.
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1
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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implicit
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| a.暗示的，含蓄的，不明晰的，绝对的 | |
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epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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rev
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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perverter
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| 不正当的 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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fatuity
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| n.愚蠢，愚昧 | |
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solidarity
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| n.团结；休戚相关 | |
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impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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legendary
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| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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21
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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24
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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confession
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| n.自白，供认，承认 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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29
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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32
permeated
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| 弥漫( permeate的过去式和过去分词 )； 遍布； 渗入； 渗透 | |
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secular
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| n.牧师，凡人；adj.世俗的，现世的，不朽的 | |
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cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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exclamation
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| n.感叹号，惊呼，惊叹词 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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cosmopolitanism
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| n. 世界性,世界主义 | |
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tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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slur
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| v.含糊地说；诋毁；连唱；n.诋毁；含糊的发音 | |
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panders
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| v.迎合（他人的低级趣味或淫欲）( pander的第三人称单数 )；纵容某人；迁就某事物 | |
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etymological
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| adj.语源的，根据语源学的 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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Buddha
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| n.佛；佛像；佛陀 | |
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ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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ransack
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| v.彻底搜索，洗劫 | |
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taint
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| n.污点；感染；腐坏；v.使感染；污染 | |
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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altruism
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| n.利他主义，不自私 | |
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sublimated
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| v.（使某物质）升华( sublimate的过去式和过去分词 )；使净化；纯化 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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exhorted
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| v.劝告，劝说( exhort的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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stoic
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| n.坚忍克己之人，禁欲主义者 | |
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infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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bespeak
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| v.预定；预先请求 | |
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runaway
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| n.逃走的人，逃亡，亡命者；adj.逃亡的，逃走的 | |
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bespoke
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| adj.（产品）订做的；专做订货的v.预定( bespeak的过去式 )；订（货）；证明；预先请求 | |
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rebuke
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| v.指责，非难，斥责 [反]praise | |
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dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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77
precursors
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| n.先驱( precursor的名词复数 )；先行者；先兆；初期形式 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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79
disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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80
abhorred
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| v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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81
invalids
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| 病人，残疾者( invalid的名词复数 ) | |
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82
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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83
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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84
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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85
meditations
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| 默想( meditation的名词复数 )； 默念； 沉思； 冥想 | |
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86
philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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87
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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91
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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92
eyelids
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| n.眼睑( eyelid的名词复数 )；眼睛也不眨一下；不露声色；面不改色 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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vexed
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| adj.争论不休的；（指问题等）棘手的；争论不休的问题；烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 )；使苦恼；使生气；详细讨论 | |
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swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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98
liars
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| 说谎者( liar的名词复数 ) | |
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99
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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101
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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102
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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103
inaccurate
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| adj.错误的，不正确的，不准确的 | |
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104
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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105
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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106
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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