Watkinson. London: T. Woolmer.
John Wesley was a man of considerable force of mind and singular strength of character. But he was very unfortunate, to say the least of it, in his relations with women. His marriage was a deplorable misunion, and his latest biographer, who aims at presenting a faithful picture of the founder2 of Wesleyanism, has to dwell very largely on his domestic miseries3. Wesley held patriarchal views on household matters, the proper subordination of the wife being a prime article of his faith. Mrs. Wesley, however, entertained different views. She is therefore described as a frightful4 shrew, and rated for her inordinate5 jealousy6, although her husband's attentions to other ladies certainly gave her many provocations7.
In face of these facts, it might naturally be thought that Wesleyans would say as little as possible about the domestic infelicities of Freethinkers. But Mr. Watkinson is not to be restrained by any such consideration. Although a Wesleyan (as we understand) he challenges comparisons on this point. He has read the biographies and autobiographies8 of several "leading Freethinkers," and he invites the world to witness how selfish and sensual they were in their domestic relations. He is a pulpit rhetorician, so he goes boldly and recklessly to work. Subtlety9 and discrimination he abhors10 as pedantic11 vices12, savoring14 too much of "culture." His judgments16 are of the robustious order. Like Jesus Christ, he fancies that all men can be divided into sheep and goats. The good are good, and the bad are bad. And naturally the good are Christians17 and bad are Freethinkers.
The first half of Mr. Watkinson's book of 162 pages (it must have been a pretty long lecture!) is a preface to the second half, which contains his fling at Goethe, Mill, George Eliot, Harriet Martineau, Carlyle, and other offenders19 against the Watkinsonian code. We think it advisable, therefore, to follow him through his preface first, and through his "charges" afterwards.
Embedded20 in a lot of obscure or questionable21 matter in Mr. Watkinson's exordium is this sentence—"What we believe with our whole heart is of the highest consequence to us." True, but whether it is of the highest consequence to other people depends on what it is. Conviction is a good thing, but it cannot dispense22 with the criterion of truth. On the other hand, what passes for conviction may often be mere23 acquiescence24. That term, we believe, would accurately25 describe the creed26 of ninety-nine out of every hundred, in every part of the world, whose particular faith is merely the result of the geographical27 accident of their birth. Assuredly we do not agree with Mr. Watkinson that "all reasonable people will acknowledge that the faith of Christian18 believers is to a considerable extent most real; nay28, in tens of thousand of cases it is the most real thing in their life." Mr. Cotter Morison laboriously30 refutes this position in his fine volume on The Service of Man. Mill denied and derided31 it in a famous passage of his great essay On Liberty. Mr. Justice Stephen denies it in the Nineteenth Century. Carlyle also, according to Mr. Fronde, said that "religion as it existed in England had ceased to operate all over the conduct of men in their ordinary business, it was a hollow appearance, a word without force in it." These men may not be "reasonable" in Mr. Watkinson's judgment15, but with most people their word carries a greater weight than his.
Mr. Watkinson contends—and what will not a preacher contend?—that "the denial of the great truths of the Evangelical faith can exert only a baneful32 influence on character." We quite agree with him. But evangelicalism, and the great truths of evangelicalism, are very different things. It is dangerous to deny any "great truth," but how many does evangelicalism possess? Mr. Watkinson would say "many." We should say "none." Still less, if that were possible, should we assent33 to his statement that "morals in all spheres and manifestations34 must suffer deeply by the prevalence of scepticism." Mr. Morison, asserts and proves that this sceptical age is the most moral the world has seen, and that as we go back into the Ages of Faith, vice13 and crime grow denser35 and darker.
If the appeal is to history, of which Mr. Watkinson's references do not betray a profound knowledge, the verdict will be dead against him.
Mr. Justice Stephen thinks morality can look after itself, but he doubts whether "Christian charity" will survive "Christian theology." This furnishes Mr. Watkinson with a sufficient theme for an impressive sermon. But his notion of "Christian charity" and Mr. Justice Stephen's are very different. The hard-headed judge means the sentimentalism and "pathetic exaggerations" of the Sermon on the Mount, which he has since distinctly said would destroy society if they were fully36 practised. "Morality," says Mr. Watkinson, "would suffer on the mystical side." Perhaps so. It might be no longer possible for a Louis the Fifteenth to ask God's blessing37 when he went to debauch38 a young girl in the Parc aux Cerfs, or for a grave philosopher like Mr. Tylor to write in his Anthropology39 that "in Europe brigands40 are notoriously church-goers." Yet morality might gain as much on the practical side as it lost on the mystical, and we fancy mankind would profit by the change.
Now for Mr. Watkinson's history, which he prints in small capitals, probably to show it is the real, unadulterated article. He tell us that "the experiment of a nation living practically a purely41 secular42 life has been tried more than once" with disastrous43 results. He is, however, very careful not to mention these nations, and we defy him to do so. What he does is this. He rushes off to Pompeii, whose inhabitants he thinks were Secularists! He also reminds us in a casual way that "they had crucified Christ a few years before," which again is news. Equally accurate is the statement that Pompeii was an "infamous44" city, "full" of drunkenness, cruelty, etc. Probably Mr. Watkinson, like most good Christians who go to Pompeii, visited an establishment, such as we have thousands of in Christendom, devoted45 to the practical worship of Venus without neglecting Priapus. He has forgotten the immortal46 letter of Pliny, and the dead Roman sentinel at the post of duty. He acts like a foreigner who should describe London from his experience at a brothel.
Philosophy comes next. Mr. Watkinson puts in a superior way the clap-trap of Christian Evidence lecturers. If man is purely material, and the law of causation is universal, where, he asks, "is the place for virtue47, for praise, for blame?" Has Mr. Watkinson never read the answer to these questions? If he has not, he has much to learn; if he has, he should refute them. Merely positing48 and repositing an old question is a very stale trick in religious controversy49. It imposes on some people, but they belong to the "mostly fools."
"Morality is in as much peril50 as faith," cries Mr. Watkinson. Well, the clergy51 have been crying that for two centuries, yet our criminal statistics lessen52, society improves, and literature grows cleaner. As for the "nasty nude53 figures" that offend Mr. Watkinson's eyes in the French Salon54, we would remind him that God Almighty55 makes everybody naked, clothes being a human invention. With respect to the Shelley Society "representing the Cenci and other monstrous56 themes," we conclude that Mr. Watkinson does not know what he is talking about. There is incest in the Cenci, but it is treated in a high dramatic spirit as a frightful crime, ending in bloodshed and desolation. There is also incest in the Bible, commonplace, vulgar, bestial57 incest, recorded without a word of disapprobation. Surely when a Christian minister, who says the Bible is God's Word, knowing it contains the beastly story of Lot and his daughters, cries out against Shelley's Cenci as "monstrous," he invites inextinguishable Rabelaisian laughter. No other reply is fitting for such a "monstrous" absurdity58, and we leave our readers to shake their sides at Mr. Watkinson's expense.
Mr. Watkinson asks whether infidelity has "produced new and higher types of character." Naturally he answers the question in the negative. "The lives of infidel teachers," he exclaims, "are in saddest contrast to their pretentious59 philosophies and bland60 assumptions." He then passes in review a picked number of these upstarts, dealing61 with each of them in a Watkinsonian manner. His rough-and-ready method is this. Carefully leaving out of sight all the good they did, and the high example of honest thought they set to the world, he dilates62 upon their failings without the least regard to the general moral atmosphere of their age, or the proportion of their defects to the entirety of their natures. Mr. Smith, the greengrocer, whose horizon is limited to his shop and his chapel63, may lead a very exemplary life, according to orthodox standards; but his virtues64, as well as his vices, are rather of a negative character, and the world at large is not much the better for his having lived in it. On the other hand a man like Mirabeau may be shockingly incontinent, but if in the crisis of a nation's history he places his genius, his eloquence65, and his heroic courage at the service of liberty, and helps to mark a new epoch66 of progress, humanity can afford to pardon his sexual looseness in consideration of his splendid service to the race. Judgment, in short, must be pronounced on the sum-total of a man's life, and not on a selected aspect. Further, the faults that might be overwhelming in the character of Mr. Smith, the Methodist greengrocer, may sink into comparative insignificance67 in the character of a great man, whose intellect and emotions are on a mightier68 scale. This truth is admirably expressed in Carlyle's Essay on Burns.
"Not the few inches of deflection from the mathematical orbit, which are so easily measured, but the ratio of these to the whole diameter, constitutes the real aberration69. This orbit may be a planet's, its diameter the breadth of the solar system; or it may be a city hippodrome; nay the circle of a ginhorse, its diameter a score of feet or paces. But the inches of deflection only are measured: and it is assumed that the diameter of the ginhorse, and that of the planet, will yield the same ratio when compared with them! Here lies the root of many a blind, cruel condemnation70 of Burnses, Swifts, Rousseaus, which one never listens to with approval. Granted, the ship comes into harbor with shrouds71 and tackle damaged; the pilot is blameworthy; he has not been all-wise and all-powerful: but to know how blameworthy, tell us first whether his voyage has been round the Globe, or only to Ramsgate and the Isle72 of Dogs."
We commend this fine passage to Mr. Watkinson's attention. It may make him a little more modest when he next applies his orthodox tape and callipers to the character of his betters.
Goethe is Mr. Watkinson's first infidel hero, and we are glad to see that he makes this great poet a present to Freethought. Some Christians claim Goethe as really one of themselves, but Mr. Watkinson will have none of him. "The actual life of Goethe," he tells us, "was seriously defective73." Perhaps so, and the same might have been said of hundreds of Christian teachers who lived when he did, had they been big enough to have their lives written for posterity74. Goethe's fault was a too inflammable heart, and with the license75 of his age, which was on the whole remarkably76 pious77, he courted more than one pretty woman; or, if the truth must be told, he did not repel78 the pretty women who threw themselves at him. But there were thousands of orthodox men who acted in the same way. The distinctive79 fact about Goethe is that he kept a high artistic80 ideal always before him, and cultivated his poetic81 gifts with tireless assiduity. His sensual indulgences were never allowed to interfere82 with his great aim in life, and surely that is something. The result is that the whole world is the richer for his labors83, and only the Watkinsons can find any delight in dwelling84 on the failings he possessed85 in common with meaner mortals. To say that Goethe should be "an object of horror to the whole self-respecting world" is simply to indulge in the twang of the tabernacle.
Carlyle is the next sinner; but, curiously86, the Rock, while praising Mr. Watkinson's lecture, says that "Carlyle ought not to be classed with the sceptics." We dissent87 from the Rock however; and we venture to think that Carlyle's greatest fault was a paltering with himself on religious subjects. His intellect rejected more than his tongue disowned. Mr. Watkinson passes a very different criticism. Taking Carlyle as a complete sceptic, he proceeds to libel him by a process which always commends itself to the preachers of the gospel of charity. He picks from Mr. Froude's four volumes a number of tid-bits, setting forth88 Carlyle's querulousness, arrogance89, and domestic storms with Mrs. Carlyle. Behold90 the man! exclaims Mr. Watkinson. Begging his pardon, it is not the man at all. Carlyle was morbidly91 sensitive by nature, he suffered horribly from dyspepsia, and intense literary labor29, still further deranging92 his nerves, made him terribly irritable93. But he had a fine side to his nature, and even a sunny side. Friends like Professor Tyndall, Professor Norton, Sir James Stephen, and Mrs. Gilchrist, saw Carlyle in a very different light from Mr. Froude's. Besides, Mrs. Carlyle made her own choice. She deliberately94 married a man of genius, whom she recognised as destined95 to make a heavy mark on his age. She had her man of genius, and he put his life into his books. And what a life! And what books! The sufficient answer to all the Watkinson tribe is to point to Carlyle's thirty volumes. This is the man. Such work implies a certain martyrdom, and those who stood beside him should not have complained so lustily that they were scorched96 by the fire. Carlyle did a giant's work, and he had a right to some failings. Freethinkers see them as well as Mr. Watkinson, but they are aware that no man is perfect, and they do not hold up Carlyle, or any other sceptic, as a model for universal imitation.
Mr. Watkinson's remarks on George Eliot are simply brutal97. She was a "wanton." She "lived in free-love with George Henry Lewes." She had no excuse for her "license." She was "full of insincerity, cant98, and hypocrisy99." And so on ad nauseam. To call Mr. Watkinson a liar100 would be to descend101 to his level. Let us simply look at the facts. George Eliot lived with George Henry Lewes as his wife. She had no vagrant102 attachments103. Her connection with Lewes only terminated with his death. Why then did they not marry? Because Lewes's wife was still living, and the pious English law would not allow a divorce unless all the household secrets were dragged before a gaping104 public. George Eliot consulted her own heart instead of social conventions. She became a mother to Lewes's children, and a true wife to him, though neither a priest nor a registrar105 blessed their union. She chose between the law of custom and the higher law, facing the world's frown, and relying on her own strength to bear the consequences of her act. To call such a woman a wanton and a kept mistress is to confess one's self devoid106 of sense and sensibility. Nor does it show much insight to assert that "infidelity betrayed and wrecked107 her life," and to speculate how glorious it might have been if she had "found Jesus." It will be time enough to listen to this strain when Mr. Watkinson can show us a more "glorious" female writer in the Christian camp.
William Godwin is the next Freethinker whom Mr. Watkinson calls up for judgment. All the brave efforts of the author of Political Justice in behalf of freedom and progress are quietly ignored. Mr. Watkinson comments, in a true vein108 of Christian charity, on the failings of his old age, censures109 his theoretical disrespect for the marriage laws, and inconsistently blames him for his inconsistency in marrying Mary Woolstonecraft. Of that remarkable110 woman he observes that scepticism "destroyed in her all that fine, pure feeling which is the glory of the sex." But the only proof he vouchsafes111 of this startling statement is a single sentence from one of her letters, which Mr. Watkinson misunderstands, as he misunderstands so many passages in Carlyle's letters, through sheer inability to comprehend the existence of such a thing as humor. He takes every jocular expression as perfectly112 serious, being one of those uncomfortable persons in whose society, as Charles Lamb said, you must always speak on oath. Mr. Watkinson's readers might almost exclaim with Hamlet, "How absolute the knave113 is! We must speak by the card, or equivocation114 will undo115 us."
The next culprit is Shelley, who, we are told, "deserted116 his young wife and children in the most shameful117 and heartless fashion." It does not matter to Mr. Watkinson that Shelley's relations with Harriet are still a perplexing problem, or that when they parted she and the children were well provided for, Nor does he condescend118 to notice the universal consensus119 of opinion among those who were in a position to be informed on the subject, that Harriet's suicide, more than two years afterwards, had nothing to do with Shelley's "desertion." Instead of referring to proper authorities, Mr. Watkinson advises his readers to consult "Mr. Jeafferson's painstaking120 volumes on the Real Shelley." Mr. Jeafferson's work is truly painstaking, but it is the work of an advocate who plays the part of counsel for the prosecution121. Hunt, Peacock, Hogg, Medwin, Lady Shelley, Rossetti, and Professor Dowden—these are the writers who should be consulted. Shelley was but a boy when Harriet Westbrook proposed to run away with him. Had he acted like the golden youth of his age, and kept her for a while as his mistress, there would have been no scandal. His father, in fact, declared that he would hear nothing of marriage, but he would keep as many illegitimate children as Shelley chose to get. It was the intense chivalry122 of Shelley's nature that turned a very simple affair into a pathetic tragedy. Mr. Watkinson's brutal methods of criticism are out of place in such a problem. He lacks insight, subtlety, delicacy123 of feeling, discrimination, charity, and even an ordinary sense of justice.
James Mill is another flagrant sinner. Mr. Watkinson goes to the length of blaming him because "his temper was constitutionally irritable," as though he constructed himself. Here, again, Mr. Watkinson's is a purely debit124 account. He ignores James Mill's early sacrifices for principle, his strenuous125 labor for what he considered the truth, and his intense devotion to the education of his children. His temper was undoubtedly126 austere127, but it is more than possible that this characteristic was derived128 from his forefathers129, who had been steeped in the hardest Calvinism.
John Stuart Mill was infatuated with Mrs. Taylor, whom he married when she became a widow. But Mr. Watkinson conceals130 an important fact. He talks of "selfish pleasure" and "indulgence," but he forgets to tell his readers that Mrs. Taylor was a confirmed invalid131. It is perfectly obvious, therefore, that Mill was attracted by her mental qualities; and it is easy to believe Mill when he disclaims132 any other relation than that of affectionate friendship. No one but a Watkinson could be so foolish as to imagine that men seek sensual gratification in the society of invalid ladies.
Harriet Martineau is "one of the unloveliest female portraits ever traced." Mr. Watkinson is the opposite of a ladies' man. Gallantry was never his foible. He hates female Freethinkers with a perfect hatred133. He pours out on Harriet Martineau his whole vocabulary of abuse. But it is, after all, difficult to see what he is in such a passion about. Harriet Martineau had no sexual sins, no dubious134 relations, no skeleton in the domestic cupboard. But, says Mr. Watkinson, she was arrogant135 and censorious. Oh, Watkinson, Watkinson! have you not one man's share of those qualities yourself? Is there not "a sort of a smack136, a smell to" of them in your godly constitution?
We need not follow Mr. Watkinson's nonsense about "the domestic shrine137 of Schopenhauer," who was a gay and festive138 bachelor to the day of his death. As for Mr. Watkinson's treatment of Comte, it is pure Christian; in other words, it contains the quintessence of uncharitableness. Comte had a taint139 of insanity140, which at one time necessitated141 his confinement142. That he was troublesome to wife and friends is not surprising, but surely a man grievously afflicted143 with a cerebral144 malady145 is not to be judged by ordinary standards. Comte's genius has left its mark on the nineteenth century; he was true to that in adversity and poverty. This is the fact posterity will care to remember when the troubles of his life are buried in oblivion.
Mr. Watkinson turns his attention next to the French Revolution, which he considers "as much a revolt against morals as it was against despotism." If that is his honest opinion, he must be singularly ignorant. The moral tone of the Revolutionists was purity itself compared with the flagrant profligacy146 of the court, the aristocracy, and the clergy, while Freethinkers were imprisoned147, and heretics were broken on the wheel. We have really no time to give Mr. Watkinson lessons in French history, so we leave him to study it at his leisure.
It was natural that Voltaire should come in for his share of slander148. All Mr. Watkinson can see in him is that he wrote "an unseemly poem," by which we presume he means La Pucelle. But he ought to know that the grosser parts of that poem were added by later hands, as may be seen at a glance in any variorum edition. In any case, to estimate Voltaire's Pucelle by the moral standard of a century later is to show an absolute want of judgment. Let it be compared with similar works of his age, and it will not appear very heinous149. But Voltaire did a great deal besides the composition of that poem. He fought despotism like a hero, he stabbed superstition150 to the heart, he protected the victims of ecclesiastical and political tyranny at the risk of his own life, he sheltered with exquisite151 generosity152 a multitude of orphans153 and widows, he assisted every genius who was trodden down by the age. These things, and the great mass of his brilliant writings, will live in the memory of mankind. Voltaire was not perfect; he shared some of the failings of his generation. But he fought the battle of freedom and justice for sixty years. Other men indulged in gallantry, other men wrote free verses. But when Calas was murdered by the priests, and his family desolated154, it was Voltaire, and Voltaire alone, who faced the tyrants155 and denounced them in the name of humanity. His superb attitude on that critical occasion inspired the splendid eulogium of Carlyle, who was no friendly witness: "The whole man kindled156 into one divine blaze of righteous indignation, and resolution to bring help against the world."
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| v.发动机旋转，加快速度 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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inordinate
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| adj.无节制的；过度的 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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provocations
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| n.挑衅( provocation的名词复数 )；激怒；刺激；愤怒的原因 | |
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autobiographies
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subtlety
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abhors
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| v.憎恶( abhor的第三人称单数 )；（厌恶地）回避；拒绝；淘汰 | |
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pedantic
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vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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savoring
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| v.意味，带有…的性质( savor的现在分词 )；给…加调味品；使有风味；品尝 | |
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judgment
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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Christians
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Christian
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offenders
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embedded
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questionable
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dispense
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mere
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acquiescence
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accurately
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creed
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geographical
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nay
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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laboriously
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derided
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| v.取笑，嘲笑( deride的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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baneful
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manifestations
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denser
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fully
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blessing
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debauch
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anthropology
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brigands
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purely
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secular
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disastrous
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infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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46
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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47
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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48
positing
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| v.假定，设想，假设( posit的现在分词 ) | |
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49
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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50
peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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51
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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52
lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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53
nude
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| adj.裸体的；n.裸体者，裸体艺术品 | |
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54
salon
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| n.[法]沙龙；客厅；营业性的高级服务室 | |
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55
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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56
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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57
bestial
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| adj.残忍的；野蛮的 | |
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58
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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59
pretentious
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| adj.自命不凡的，自负的，炫耀的 | |
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60
bland
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| adj.淡而无味的，温和的，无刺激性的 | |
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61
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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62
dilates
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| v.（使某物）扩大，膨胀，张大( dilate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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63
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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64
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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65
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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66
epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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67
insignificance
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| n.不重要；无价值；无意义 | |
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68
mightier
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| adj. 强有力的，强大的，巨大的 adv. 很，极其 | |
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69
aberration
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| n.离开正路，脱离常规，色差 | |
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70
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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71
shrouds
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| n.裹尸布( shroud的名词复数 )；寿衣；遮蔽物；覆盖物v.隐瞒( shroud的第三人称单数 )；保密 | |
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72
isle
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| n.小岛，岛 | |
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73
defective
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| adj.有毛病的，有问题的，有瑕疵的 | |
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74
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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75
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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76
remarkably
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| ad.不同寻常地，相当地 | |
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77
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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78
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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79
distinctive
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| adj.特别的，有特色的，与众不同的 | |
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80
artistic
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| adj.艺术(家)的，美术(家)的；善于艺术创作的 | |
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81
poetic
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| adj.富有诗意的，有诗人气质的，善于抒情的 | |
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82
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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83
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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84
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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85
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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86
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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87
dissent
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| n./v.不同意，持异议 | |
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88
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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89
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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90
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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91
morbidly
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| adv.病态地 | |
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92
deranging
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| v.疯狂的，神经错乱的( deranged的过去分词 )；混乱的 | |
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93
irritable
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| adj.急躁的；过敏的；易怒的 | |
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94
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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95
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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96
scorched
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| 烧焦，烤焦( scorch的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（植物）枯萎，把…晒枯； 高速行驶； 枯焦 | |
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97
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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98
cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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99
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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100
liar
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| n.说谎的人 | |
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101
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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102
vagrant
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| n.流浪者，游民；adj.流浪的，漂泊不定的 | |
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103
attachments
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| n.（用电子邮件发送的）附件( attachment的名词复数 )；附着；连接；附属物 | |
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104
gaping
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| adj.口的；张口的；敞口的；多洞穴的v.目瞪口呆地凝视( gape的现在分词 )；张开，张大 | |
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105
registrar
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| n.记录员，登记员；(大学的)注册主任 | |
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106
devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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107
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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108
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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109
censures
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的第三人称单数 ) | |
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110
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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111
vouchsafes
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| v.给予，赐予( vouchsafe的第三人称单数 )；允诺 | |
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112
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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113
knave
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| n.流氓；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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114
equivocation
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| n.模棱两可的话，含糊话 | |
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115
undo
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| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
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116
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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117
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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118
condescend
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| v.俯就，屈尊；堕落，丢丑 | |
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119
consensus
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| n.(意见等的)一致，一致同意，共识 | |
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120
painstaking
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| adj.苦干的；艰苦的，费力的，刻苦的 | |
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121
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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122
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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123
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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124
debit
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| n.借方，借项，记人借方的款项 | |
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125
strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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126
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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127
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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128
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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129
forefathers
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| n.祖先，先人；祖先，祖宗( forefather的名词复数 )；列祖列宗；前人 | |
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130
conceals
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的第三人称单数 ) | |
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131
invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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132
disclaims
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| v.否认( disclaim的第三人称单数 ) | |
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133
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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134
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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135
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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136
smack
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| vt.拍，打，掴；咂嘴；vi.含有…意味；n.拍 | |
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137
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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138
festive
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| adj.欢宴的，节日的 | |
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139
taint
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| n.污点；感染；腐坏；v.使感染；污染 | |
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140
insanity
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| n.疯狂，精神错乱；极端的愚蠢，荒唐 | |
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141
necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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143
afflicted
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| 使受痛苦，折磨( afflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144
cerebral
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| adj.脑的，大脑的；有智力的，理智型的 | |
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145
malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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146
profligacy
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| n.放荡，不检点，肆意挥霍 | |
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147
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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148
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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149
heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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150
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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151
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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152
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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153
orphans
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| 孤儿( orphan的名词复数 ) | |
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154
desolated
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| adj.荒凉的，荒废的 | |
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155
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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156
kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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