1519
DESIROUS to keep up the terror of the Castilian name by leaving the enemy no respite1, Cortés, on the same day that he despatched the embassy to Tlascala, put himself at the head of a small corps2 of cavalry3 and light troops to scour4 the neighboring country. He was at that time so ill from fever, aided by medical treatment,[154] that he could hardly keep his seat in the saddle. It was a rough country, and the sharp winds from the frosty summits of the mountains pierced the scanty5 covering of the troops and chilled both men and horses. Four or five of the animals gave out, and the general, alarmed for their safety, sent them back to the camp. The soldiers, discouraged by this ill omen7, would have persuaded him to return. But he made answer, “We fight under the banner{148} of the Cross; God is stronger than nature,”[155] and continued his march.
It led through the same kind of checkered8 scenery of rugged9 hill and cultivated plain as that already described, well covered with towns and villages, some of them the frontier posts occupied by the Otomies. Practising the Roman maxim11 of lenity to the submissive foe12, he took full vengeance13 on those who resisted, and, as resistance too often occurred, marked his path with fire and desolation. After a short absence, he returned in safety, laden14 with the plunder15 of a successful foray. It would have been more honorable to him had it been conducted with less rigor16. The excesses are imputed17 by Bernal Diaz to the Indian allies, whom in the heat of victory it was found impossible to restrain.[156] On whose head soever they fall, they seem to have given little uneasiness to the general, who declares in his letter to the emperor Charles the Fifth, “As we fought under the standard of the Cross,[157] for{149} the true Faith, and the service of your Highness, Heaven crowned our arms with such success that, while multitudes of the infidel were slain18, little loss was suffered by the Castilians.”[158] The Spanish Conquerors19, to judge from their writings, unconscious of any worldly motive20 lurking21 in the bottom of their hearts, regarded themselves as soldiers of the Church, fighting the great battle of Christianity, and in the same edifying23 and comfortable light are regarded by most of the national historians of a later day.[159]
On his return to the camp, Cortés found a new cause of disquietude, in discontents which had broken out among the soldiery. Their patience was exhausted24 by a life of fatigue25 and peril26 to which there seemed to be no end. The battles they had won against such tremendous odds27 had not advanced them a jot28. The idea of their reaching Mexico, says the old soldier so often quoted, “was treated as a jest by the whole army;”[160] and the indefinite prospect29 of hostilities30 with the ferocious31{150} people among whom they were now cast threw a deep gloom over their spirits.
Among the malecontents were a number of noisy, vaporing32 persons, such as are found in every camp, who, like empty bubbles, are sure to rise to the surface and make themselves seen in seasons of agitation33. They were, for the most part, of the old faction34 of Velasquez, and had estates in Cuba, to which they turned many a wistful glance as they receded35 more and more from the coast. They now waited on the general, not in a mutinous36 spirit of resistance (for they remembered the lesson in Villa10 Rica), but with the design of frank expostulation, as with a brother adventurer in a common cause.[161] The tone of familiarity thus assumed was eminently37 characteristic of the footing of equality on which the parties in the expedition stood with one another.
Their sufferings, they told him, were too great to be endured. All the men had received one, most of them two or three wounds. More than fifty had perished, in one way or another, since leaving Vera Cruz. There was no beast of burden but led a life preferable to theirs. For, when the night came, the former could rest from his labors38; but they, fighting or watching, had no rest, day nor night. As to conquering Mexico, the very thought of it{151} was madness. If they had encountered such opposition39 from the petty republic of Tlascala, what might they not expect from the great Mexican empire? There was now a temporary suspension of hostilities. They should avail themselves of it to retrace40 their steps to Vera Cruz. It is true, the fleet there was destroyed; and by this act, unparalleled for rashness even in Roman annals, the general had become responsible for the fate of the whole army. Still there was one vessel41 left. That might be despatched to Cuba for reinforcements and supplies; and, when these arrived, they would be enabled to resume operations with some prospect of success.
Cortés listened to this singular expostulation with perfect composure. He knew his men, and, instead of rebuke42 or harsher measures, replied in the same frank and soldier-like vein43 which they had affected44.
There was much truth, he allowed, in what they said. The sufferings of the Spaniards had been great; greater than those recorded of any heroes in Greek or Roman story. So much the greater would be their glory. He had often been filled with admiration45 as he had seen his little host encircled by myriads46 of barbarians47, and felt that no people but Spaniards could have triumphed over such formidable odds. Nor could they, unless the arm of the Almighty48 had been over them. And they might reasonably look for his protection hereafter; for was it not in his cause they were fighting? They had encountered dangers and difficulties, it was true. But they had not come here{152} expecting a life of idle dalliance and pleasure. Glory, as he had told them at the outset, was to be won only by toil49 and danger. They would do him the justice to acknowledge that he had never shrunk from his share of both. This was a truth, adds the honest chronicler who heard and reports the dialogue, which no one could deny. But, if they had met with hardships, he continued, they had been everywhere victorious50. Even now they were enjoying the fruits of this, in the plenty which reigned51 in the camp. And they would soon see the Tlascalans, humbled52 by their late reverses, suing for peace on any terms. To go back now was impossible. The very stones would rise up against them. The Tlascalans would hunt them in triumph down to the water’s edge. And how would the Mexicans exult53 at this miserable54 issue of their vain-glorious vaunts! Their former friends would become their enemies; and the Totonacs, to avert55 the vengeance of the Aztecs, from which the Spaniards could no longer shield them, would join in the general cry. There was no alternative, then, but to go forward in their career. And he besought56 them to silence their pusillanimous57 scruples58, and, instead of turning their eyes towards Cuba, to fix them on Mexico, the great object of their enterprise.
While this singular conference was going on, many other soldiers had gathered round the spot; and the discontented party, emboldened59 by the presence of their comrades, as well as by the general’s forbearance, replied that they were far from being convinced. Another such victory as the last{153} would be their ruin. They were going to Mexico only to be slaughtered60. Until, at length, the general’s patience being exhausted, he cut the argument short, by quoting a verse from an old song, implying that it was better to die with honor than to live disgraced,—a sentiment which was loudly echoed by the greater part of his audience, who, notwithstanding their occasional murmurs61, had no design to abandon the expedition, still less the commander to whom they were passionately62 devoted63. The malecontents, disconcerted by this rebuke, slunk back to their own quarters, muttering half-smothered execrations on the leader who had projected the enterprise, the Indians who had guided him, and their own countrymen who supported him in it.[162]
Such were the difficulties that lay in the path of Cortés: a wily and ferocious enemy; a climate uncertain, often unhealthy; illness in his own person, much aggravated64 by anxiety as to the manner in which his conduct would be received by his sovereign; last, not least, disaffection among his soldiers, on whose constancy and union he rested for the success of his operations,—the great lever by which he was to overturn the empire of Montezuma.
On the morning following this event, the camp{154} was surprised by the appearance of a small body of Tlascalans, decorated with badges, the white color of which intimated peace. They brought a quantity of provisions, and some trifling65 ornaments66, which, they said, were sent by the Tlascalan general, who was weary of the war and desired an accommodation with the Spaniards. He would soon present himself to arrange this in person. The intelligence diffused67 general joy, and the emissaries received a friendly welcome.
A day or two elapsed, and, while a few of the party left the Spanish quarters, the others, about fifty in number, who remained, excited some distrust in the bosom68 of Marina. She communicated her suspicions to Cortés that they were spies. He caused several of them, in consequence, to be arrested, examined them separately, and ascertained69 that they were employed by Xicotencatl to inform him of the state of the Christian22 camp, preparatory to a meditated70 assault, for which he was mustering71 his forces. Cortés, satisfied of the truth of this, determined72 to make such an example of the delinquents73 as should intimidate74 his enemy from repeating the attempt. He ordered their hands to be cut off, and in that condition sent them back to their countrymen, with the message “that the Tlascalans might come by day or night; they would find the Spaniards ready for them.”[163]{155}
The doleful spectacle of their comrades returning in this mutilated state filled the Indian camp with horror and consternation75. The haughty76 crest77 of their chief was humbled. From that moment he lost his wonted buoyancy and confidence. His soldiers, filled with superstitious78 fear, refused to serve longer against a foe who could read their very thoughts and divine their plans before they were ripe for execution.[164]
The punishment inflicted79 by Cortés may well shock the reader by its brutality80. But it should be considered, in mitigation, that the victims of it were spies, and, as such, by the laws of war, whether among civilized81 or savage82 nations, had incurred83 the penalty of death. The amputation84 of the limbs was a milder punishment, and reserved for inferior offences. If we revolt at the barbarous nature of the sentence, we should reflect that it was no uncommon85 one at that day; not more uncommon, indeed, than whipping and branding with a hot iron were in our own country at the beginning of the present century, or than cropping the ears was in the preceding one. A higher civilization, indeed, rejects such punishments, as pernicious in themselves, and degrading to humanity. But in the sixteenth century they were openly recognized by the laws of the most polished nations in Europe. And it is too much to ask of any man, still less one bred to the iron trade of war, to be in advance of the refinement86 of his age. We{156} may be content if, in circumstances so unfavorable to humanity he does not fall below it.
All thoughts of further resistance being abandoned, the four delegates of the Tlascalan republic were now allowed to proceed on their mission. They were speedily followed by Xicotencatl himself, attended by a numerous train of military retainers. As they drew near the Spanish lines, they were easily recognized by the white and yellow colors of their uniforms, the livery of the house of Titcala. The joy of the army was great at this sure intimation of the close of hostilities; and it was with difficulty that Cortés was enabled to restore the men to tranquillity87 and the assumed indifference88 which it was proper to maintain in presence of an enemy.
The Spaniards gazed with curious eye on the valiant89 chief who had so long kept his enemies at bay, and who now advanced with the firm and fearless step of one who was coming rather to bid defiance90 than to sue for peace. He was rather above the middle size, with broad shoulders, and a muscular frame intimating great activity and strength. His head was large, and his countenance91 marked with the lines of hard service rather than of age, for he was but thirty-five. When he entered the presence of Cortés, he made the usual salutation by touching92 the ground with his hand and carrying it to his head; while the sweet incense93 of aromatic94 gums rolled up in clouds from the censers carried by his slaves.
Far from a pusillanimous attempt to throw the blame on the senate, he assumed the whole respon{157}sibility of the war. He had considered the white men, he said, as enemies, for they came with the allies and vassals95 of Montezuma. He loved his country, and wished to preserve the independence which she had maintained through her long wars with the Aztecs. He had been beaten. They might be the strangers who, it had been so long predicted, would come from the east, to take possession of the country. He hoped they would use their victory with moderation, and not trample96 on the liberties of the republic. He came now in the name of his nation, to tender their obedience97 to the Spaniards, assuring them they would find his countrymen as faithful in peace as they had been firm in war.
Cortés, far from taking umbrage98, was filled with admiration at the lofty spirit which thus disdained99 to stoop beneath misfortunes. The brave man knows how to respect bravery in another. He assumed, however, a severe aspect, as he rebuked100 the chief for having so long persisted in hostilities. Had Xicotencatl believed the word of the Spaniards, and accepted their proffered101 friendship sooner, he would have spared his people much suffering, which they well merited by their obstinacy102. But it was impossible, continued the general, to retrieve103 the past. He was willing to bury it in oblivion, and to receive the Tlascalans as vassals to the emperor, his master. If they proved true, they should find him a sure column of support; if false, he would take such vengeance on them as he had intended to take on their capital had they not speedily given in their submission104. It proved an{158} ominous105 menace for the chief to whom it was addressed.
The cacique then ordered his slaves to bring forward some trifling ornaments of gold and feather-embroidery, designed as presents. They were of little value, he said, with a smile, for the Tlascalans were poor. They had little gold, not even cotton, nor salt. The Aztec emperor had left them nothing but their freedom and their arms. He offered this gift only as a token of his good will. “As such I receive it,” answered Cortés, “and, coming from the Tlascalans, set more value on it than I should from any other source, though it were a house full of gold;”—a politic106 as well as magnanimous reply, for it was by the aid of this good will that he was to win the gold of Mexico.[165]
Thus ended the bloody107 war with the fierce republic of Tlascala, during the course of which the fortunes of the Spaniards more than once had trembled in the balance. Had it been persevered108 in but a little longer, it must have ended in their confusion and ruin, exhausted as they were by wounds, watching, and fatigues109, with the seeds of disaffection rankling110 among themselves. As it was, they came out of the fearful contest with untarnished glory. To the enemy they seemed invulnerable, bearing charmed lives, proof alike against the accidents of fortune and the assaults of man. No wonder that they indulged a similar conceit111 in their own bosoms112, and that the humblest Spaniard{159} should have fancied himself the subject of a special interposition of Providence113, which shielded him in the hour of battle and reserved him for a higher destiny.
While the Tlascalans were still in the camp, an embassy was announced from Montezuma. Tidings of the exploits of the Spaniards had spread far and wide over the plateau. The emperor, in particular, had watched every step of their progress, as they climbed the steeps of the Cordilleras and advanced over the broad table-land on their summit. He had seen them, with great satisfaction, take the road to Tlascala, trusting that, if they were mortal men, they would find their graves there. Great was his dismay when courier after courier brought him intelligence of their successes, and that the most redoubtable114 warriors115 on the plateau had been scattered116 like chaff117 by the swords of this handful of strangers.
His superstitious fears returned in full force. He saw in the Spaniards “the men of destiny,” who were to take possession of his sceptre. In his alarm and uncertainty118, he sent a new embassy to the Christian camp. It consisted of five great nobles of his court, attended by a train of two hundred slaves. They brought with them a present, as usual, dictated119 partly by fear and in part by the natural munificence120 of his disposition121. It consisted of three thousand ounces of gold, in grains, or in various manufactured articles, with several hundred mantles122 and dresses of embroidered123 cotton and the picturesque124 feather-work. As they laid these at the feet of Cortés, they told him they had{160} come to offer the congratulations of their master on the late victories of the white men. The emperor only regretted that it would not be in his power to receive them in his capital, where the numerous population was so unruly that their safety would be placed in jeopardy125. The mere126 intimation of the Aztec emperor’s wishes, in the most distant way, would have sufficed with the Indian nations. It had very little weight with the Spaniards; and the envoys127, finding this puerile128 expression of them ineffectual, resorted to another argument, offering a tribute in their master’s name to the Castilian sovereign, provided the Spaniards would relinquish129 their visit to his capital. This was a greater error: it was displaying the rich casket with one hand which he was unable to defend with the other. Yet the author of this pusillanimous policy, the unhappy victim of superstition130, was a monarch131 renowned132 among the Indian nations for his intrepidity133 and enterprise,—the terror of Anahuac!
Cortés, while he urged his own sovereign’s commands as a reason for disregarding the wishes of Montezuma, uttered expressions of the most profound respect for the Aztec prince, and declared that if he had not the means of requiting134 his munificence, as he could wish, at present, he trusted to repay him, at some future day, with good works![166]
The Mexican ambassadors were not much gratified with finding the war at an end, and a recon{161}ciliation established between their mortal enemies and the Spaniards. The mutual135 disgust of the two parties with each other was too strong to be repressed even in the presence of the general, who saw with satisfaction the evidences of a jealousy136 which, undermining the strength of the Indian emperor, was to prove the surest source of his own success.[167]
Two of the Aztec envoys returned to Mexico, to acquaint their sovereign with the state of affairs in the Spanish camp. The others remained with the army, Cortés being willing that they should be personal spectators of the deference138 shown him by the Tlascalans. Still he did not hasten his departure for their capital. Not that he placed reliance on the injurious intimations of the Mexicans respecting their good faith. Yet he was willing to put this to some longer trial, and at the same time to re-establish his own health more thoroughly139 before his visit. Meanwhile, messengers daily arrived from the city, pressing his journey, and were finally followed by some of the aged6 rulers of the republic, attended by a numerous retinue140, impatient of his long delay. They brought with them a body of five hundred tamanes, or men of burden, to drag his cannon141 and relieve his own forces from{162} this fatiguing142 part of their duty. It was impossible to defer137 his departure longer; and after mass, and a solemn thanksgiving to the great Being who had crowned their arms with triumph, the Spaniards bade adieu to the quarters which they had occupied for nearly three weeks on the hill of Tzompach. The strong tower, or teocalli, which commanded it, was called, in commemoration of their residence, “the tower of victory;” and the few stones which still survive of its ruins point out to the eye of the traveller a spot ever memorable143 in history for the courage and constancy of the early Conquerors.
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1 respite | |
n.休息,中止,暂缓 | |
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2 corps | |
n.(通信等兵种的)部队;(同类作的)一组 | |
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3 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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4 scour | |
v.搜索;擦,洗,腹泻,冲刷 | |
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5 scanty | |
adj.缺乏的,仅有的,节省的,狭小的,不够的 | |
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6 aged | |
adj.年老的,陈年的 | |
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7 omen | |
n.征兆,预兆;vt.预示 | |
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8 checkered | |
adj.有方格图案的 | |
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9 rugged | |
adj.高低不平的,粗糙的,粗壮的,强健的 | |
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10 villa | |
n.别墅,城郊小屋 | |
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11 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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12 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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13 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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14 laden | |
adj.装满了的;充满了的;负了重担的;苦恼的 | |
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15 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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16 rigor | |
n.严酷,严格,严厉 | |
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17 imputed | |
v.把(错误等)归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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18 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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19 conquerors | |
征服者,占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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20 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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21 lurking | |
潜在 | |
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22 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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23 edifying | |
adj.有教训意味的,教训性的,有益的v.开导,启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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24 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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25 fatigue | |
n.疲劳,劳累 | |
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26 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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27 odds | |
n.让步,机率,可能性,比率;胜败优劣之别 | |
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28 jot | |
n.少量;vi.草草记下;vt.匆匆写下 | |
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29 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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30 hostilities | |
n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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31 ferocious | |
adj.凶猛的,残暴的,极度的,十分强烈的 | |
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32 vaporing | |
n.说大话,吹牛adj.蒸发的,自夸的v.自夸,(使)蒸发( vapor的现在分词 ) | |
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33 agitation | |
n.搅动;搅拌;鼓动,煽动 | |
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34 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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35 receded | |
v.逐渐远离( recede的过去式和过去分词 );向后倾斜;自原处后退或避开别人的注视;尤指问题 | |
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36 mutinous | |
adj.叛变的,反抗的;adv.反抗地,叛变地;n.反抗,叛变 | |
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37 eminently | |
adv.突出地;显著地;不寻常地 | |
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38 labors | |
v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 );苦干;详细分析;(指引擎)缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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39 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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40 retrace | |
v.折回;追溯,探源 | |
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41 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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42 rebuke | |
v.指责,非难,斥责 [反]praise | |
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43 vein | |
n.血管,静脉;叶脉,纹理;情绪;vt.使成脉络 | |
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44 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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45 admiration | |
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46 myriads | |
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47 barbarians | |
n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 );外国人;粗野的人;无教养的人 | |
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48 almighty | |
adj.全能的,万能的;很大的,很强的 | |
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49 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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50 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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51 reigned | |
vi.当政,统治(reign的过去式形式) | |
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52 humbled | |
adj. 卑下的,谦逊的,粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下,贬低 | |
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53 exult | |
v.狂喜,欢腾;欢欣鼓舞 | |
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54 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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55 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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56 besought | |
v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的过去式和过去分词 );(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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57 pusillanimous | |
adj.懦弱的,胆怯的 | |
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58 scruples | |
n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 );顾虑,顾忌v.感到于心不安,有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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59 emboldened | |
v.鼓励,使有胆量( embolden的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60 slaughtered | |
v.屠杀,杀戮,屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61 murmurs | |
n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 );低语声;怨言;嘀咕 | |
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62 passionately | |
ad.热烈地,激烈地 | |
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63 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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64 aggravated | |
使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 ); 使更严重; 激怒; 使恼火 | |
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65 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
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66 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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67 diffused | |
散布的,普及的,扩散的 | |
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68 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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69 ascertained | |
v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70 meditated | |
深思,沉思,冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 ); 内心策划,考虑 | |
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71 mustering | |
v.集合,召集,集结(尤指部队)( muster的现在分词 );(自他人处)搜集某事物;聚集;激发 | |
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72 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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73 delinquents | |
n.(尤指青少年)有过失的人,违法的人( delinquent的名词复数 ) | |
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74 intimidate | |
vt.恐吓,威胁 | |
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75 consternation | |
n.大为吃惊,惊骇 | |
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76 haughty | |
adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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77 crest | |
n.顶点;饰章;羽冠;vt.达到顶点;vi.形成浪尖 | |
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78 superstitious | |
adj.迷信的 | |
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79 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80 brutality | |
n.野蛮的行为,残忍,野蛮 | |
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81 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
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82 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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83 incurred | |
[医]招致的,遭受的; incur的过去式 | |
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84 amputation | |
n.截肢 | |
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85 uncommon | |
adj.罕见的,非凡的,不平常的 | |
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86 refinement | |
n.文雅;高尚;精美;精制;精炼 | |
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87 tranquillity | |
n. 平静, 安静 | |
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88 indifference | |
n.不感兴趣,不关心,冷淡,不在乎 | |
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89 valiant | |
adj.勇敢的,英勇的;n.勇士,勇敢的人 | |
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90 defiance | |
n.挑战,挑衅,蔑视,违抗 | |
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91 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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92 touching | |
adj.动人的,使人感伤的 | |
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93 incense | |
v.激怒;n.香,焚香时的烟,香气 | |
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94 aromatic | |
adj.芳香的,有香味的 | |
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95 vassals | |
n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 );(封建时代)诸侯;从属者;下属 | |
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96 trample | |
vt.踩,践踏;无视,伤害,侵犯 | |
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97 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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98 umbrage | |
n.不快;树荫 | |
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99 disdained | |
鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 ); 不屑于做,不愿意做 | |
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100 rebuked | |
责难或指责( rebuke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101 proffered | |
v.提供,贡献,提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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102 obstinacy | |
n.顽固;(病痛等)难治 | |
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103 retrieve | |
vt.重新得到,收回;挽回,补救;检索 | |
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104 submission | |
n.服从,投降;温顺,谦虚;提出 | |
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105 ominous | |
adj.不祥的,不吉的,预兆的,预示的 | |
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106 politic | |
adj.有智虑的;精明的;v.从政 | |
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107 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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108 persevered | |
v.坚忍,坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109 fatigues | |
n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 );杂役;厌倦;(士兵穿的)工作服 | |
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110 rankling | |
v.(使)痛苦不已,(使)怨恨不已( rankle的现在分词 ) | |
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111 conceit | |
n.自负,自高自大 | |
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112 bosoms | |
胸部( bosom的名词复数 ); 胸怀; 女衣胸部(或胸襟); 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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113 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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114 redoubtable | |
adj.可敬的;可怕的 | |
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115 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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116 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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117 chaff | |
v.取笑,嘲笑;n.谷壳 | |
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118 uncertainty | |
n.易变,靠不住,不确知,不确定的事物 | |
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119 dictated | |
v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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120 munificence | |
n.宽宏大量,慷慨给与 | |
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121 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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122 mantles | |
vt.&vi.覆盖(mantle的第三人称单数形式) | |
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123 embroidered | |
adj.绣花的 | |
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124 picturesque | |
adj.美丽如画的,(语言)生动的,绘声绘色的 | |
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125 jeopardy | |
n.危险;危难 | |
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126 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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127 envoys | |
使节( envoy的名词复数 ); 公使; 谈判代表; 使节身份 | |
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128 puerile | |
adj.幼稚的,儿童的 | |
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129 relinquish | |
v.放弃,撤回,让与,放手 | |
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130 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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131 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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132 renowned | |
adj.著名的,有名望的,声誉鹊起的 | |
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133 intrepidity | |
n.大胆,刚勇;大胆的行为 | |
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134 requiting | |
v.报答( requite的现在分词 );酬谢;回报;报复 | |
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135 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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136 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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137 defer | |
vt.推迟,拖延;vi.(to)遵从,听从,服从 | |
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138 deference | |
n.尊重,顺从;敬意 | |
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139 thoroughly | |
adv.完全地,彻底地,十足地 | |
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140 retinue | |
n.侍从;随员 | |
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141 cannon | |
n.大炮,火炮;飞机上的机关炮 | |
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142 fatiguing | |
a.使人劳累的 | |
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143 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
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