SPANIARDS ENTER TLASCALA—DESCRIPTION OF THE CAPITAL—ATTEMPTED CONVERSION1—AZTEC EMBASSY—INVITED TO CHOLULA
1519
THE city of Tlascala, the capital of the republic of the same name, lay at the distance of about six leagues from the Spanish camp. The road led into a hilly region, exhibiting in every arable2 patch of ground the evidence of laborious4 cultivation5. Over a deep barranca, or ravine, they crossed on a bridge of stone, which, according to tradition,—a slippery authority,—is the same still standing6, and was constructed originally for the passage of the army.[169] They passed some considerable towns on their route, where they experienced a full measure of Indian hospitality. As they advanced, the approach to a populous7 city was intimated by the crowds who flocked out to see{164} and welcome the strangers; men and women in their picturesque8 dresses, with bunches and wreaths of roses, which they gave to the Spaniards, or fastened to the necks and caparisons of their horses, in the same manner as at Cempoalla. Priests, with their white robes, and long matted tresses floating over them, mingled9 in the crowd, scattering10 volumes of incense11 from their burning censers. In this way, the multitudinous and motley procession defiled12 through the gates of the ancient capital of Tlascala. It was the twenty-third of September, 1519, the anniversary of which is still celebrated13 by the inhabitants as a day of jubilee14.[170]
The press was now so great that it was with difficulty the police of the city could clear a passage for the army; while the azoteas, or flat terraced roofs of the buildings, were covered with spectators, eager to catch a glimpse of the wonderful strangers. The houses were hung with festoons of flowers, and arches of verdant15 boughs16, intertwined with roses and honeysuckle, were thrown across the streets. The whole population abandoned itself to rejoicing; and the air was rent with songs and shouts of triumph, mingled with the wild music of the national instruments, that might have excited apprehensions18 in the breasts of the soldiery had they not gathered their peaceful import from the{165} assurance of Marina and the joyous19 countenances21 of the natives.
With these accompaniments, the procession moved along the principal streets to the mansion22 of Xicotencatl, the aged23 father of the Tlascalan general, and one of the four rulers of the republic. Cortés dismounted from his horse to receive the old chieftain’s embrace. He was nearly blind, and satisfied, as far as he could, a natural curiosity respecting the person of the Spanish general, by passing his hand over his features. He then led the way to a spacious24 hall in his palace, where a banquet was served to the army. In the evening they were shown to their quarters, in the buildings and open ground surrounding one of the principal teocallis; while the Mexican ambassadors, at the desire of Cortés, had apartments assigned them next to his own, that he might the better watch over their safety in this city of their enemies.[171]
Tlascala was one of the most important and populous towns on the table-land. Cortés, in his letter to the emperor, compares it to Granada,{*} affirming that it was larger, stronger, and more populous than the Moorish25 capital at the time of the conquest, and quite as well built.[172] But, not{166}withstanding we are assured by a most respectable writer at the close of the last century that its remains26 justify27 the assertion,[173] we shall be slow to believe that its edifices28 could have rivalled those monuments of Oriental magnificence, whose light, aerial forms still survive after the lapse29 of ages, the admiration30 of every traveller of sensibility and taste. The truth is, that Cortés, like Columbus, saw objects through the warm medium of his own fond imagination, giving them a higher tone of coloring and larger dimensions than were strictly31 warranted by the fact. It was natural that the man who had made such rare discoveries should unconsciously magnify their merits to his own eyes and to those of others.
{*} [So Coronado compared Zu?i and Granada. What both meant was probably that the cities, if properly defended, would be as hard to capture as Granada.—M.]
The houses were built, for the most part, of mud or earth; the better sort of stone and lime, or bricks dried in the sun. They were unprovided with doors or windows, but in the apertures32 for the former hung mats fringed with pieces of copper33 or something which, by its tinkling34 sound, would give notice of any one’s entrance. The streets were narrow and dark. The population must have been considerable,{*} if, as Cortés asserts, thirty thousand souls were often gathered in the market on a public{167} day. These meetings were a sort of fairs, held, as usual in all the great towns, every fifth day, and attended by the inhabitants of the adjacent country, who brought there for sale every description of domestic produce and manufacture with which they were acquainted. They peculiarly excelled in pottery35, which was considered as equal to the best in Europe.[174] It is a further proof of civilized36 habits that the Spaniards found barbers’ shops, and baths both of vapor37 and hot water, familiarly used by the inhabitants. A still higher proof of refinement38 may be discerned in a vigilant39 police which repressed everything like disorder40 among the people.[175]
{*} [About the same as that of Cholula, which Bandelier estimated at 30,000.—M.]
The city was divided into four quarters, which might rather be called so many separate towns, since they were built at different times, and separated from each other by high stone walls, defining their respective limits. Over each of these districts ruled one of the four great chiefs of the republic, occupying his own spacious mansion{*} and surrounded by his own immediate41 vassals42. Strange arrangement,—and more strange that it should have been compatible with social order and tranquillity43! The ancient capital, through one quarter of which flowed the rapid current of the Zahuatl,{168} stretched along the summits and sides of hills, at whose base are now gathered the miserable44 remains of its once flourishing population.[176] Far beyond, to the southeast, extended the bold sierra of Tlascala, and the huge Malinche, crowned with the usual silver diadem45 of the highest Andes, having its shaggy sides clothed with dark-green forests of firs, gigantic sycamores, and oaks whose towering stems rose to the height of forty or fifty feet, unencumbered by a branch. The clouds, which sailed over from the distant Atlantic, gathered round the lofty peaks of the sierra, and, settling into torrents46, poured over the plains in the neighborhood of the city, converting them, at such seasons, into swamps. Thunder-storms, more frequent and terrible here than in other parts of the table-land, swept down the sides of the mountains and shook the frail47 tenements48 of the capital to their foundations. But, although the bleak49 winds of the sierra gave an austerity to the climate, unlike the sunny skies and genial50 temperature of the lower regions, it was far more favorable to the development of both the physical and moral energies. A bold and hardy51 peasantry was nurtured52 among the recesses53 of the hills, fit equally to cultivate the land in peace and to defend it in war. Unlike the spoiled child of Nature, who derives54 such facilities of subsistence from her too prodigal55 hand as supersede56 the necessity of exertion57 on his own part, the{169} Tlascalan earned his bread—from a soil not ungrateful, it is true—by the sweat of his brow. He led a life of temperance and toil58. Cut off by his long wars with the Aztecs from commercial intercourse59, he was driven chiefly to agricultural labor3, the occupation most propitious60 to purity of morals and sinewy61 strength of constitution. His honest breast glowed with the patriotism62, or local attachment63 to the soil, which is the fruit of its diligent64 culture; while he was elevated by a proud consciousness of independence, the natural birthright of the child of the mountains. Such was the race with whom Cortés was now associated for the achievement of his great work.
Some days were given by the Spaniards to festivity, in which they were successively entertained at the hospitable66 boards of the four great nobles, in their several quarters of the city. Amidst these friendly demonstrations67, however, the general never relaxed for a moment his habitual68 vigilance, or the strict discipline of the camp; and he was careful to provide for the security of the citizens by prohibiting, under severe penalties, any soldier from leaving his quarters without express permission. Indeed, the severity of his discipline provoked the remonstrance69 of more than one of his officers, as a superfluous70 caution; and the Tlascalan chiefs took some exception at it, as inferring an unreasonable71 distrust of them. But, when Cortés explained it, as in obedience72 to an established military system, they testified their admiration, and the ambitious young general of the republic{170} proposed to introduce it, if possible, into his own ranks.[177]
The Spanish commander, having assured himself of the loyalty73 of his new allies, next proposed to accomplish one of the great objects of his mission, their conversion to Christianity. By the advice of Father Olmedo, always opposed to precipitate75 measures, he had deferred76 this till a suitable opportunity presented itself for opening the subject. Such a one occurred when the chiefs of the state proposed to strengthen the alliance with the Spaniards by the intermarriage of their daughters with Cortés and his officers. He told them this could not be while they continued in the darkness of infidelity. Then, with the aid of the good friar, he expounded77 as well as he could the doctrines78 of the Faith, and, exhibiting the image of the Virgin79 with the infant Redeemer, told them that there was the God in whose worship alone they would find salvation80, while that of their own false idols82 would sink them in eternal perdition.
It is unnecessary to burden the reader with a recapitulation of his homily, which contained, probably, dogmas quite as incomprehensible to the untutored Indian as any to be found in his own rude mythology83. But, though it failed to convince his audience, they listened with a deferential84 awe85. When he had finished, they replied they had no doubt that the God of the Christians86 must be a good and a great God, and as such they were will{171}ing to give him a place among the divinities of Tlascala. The polytheistic system of the Indians, like that of the ancient Greeks, was of that accommodating kind which could admit within its elastic87 folds the deities88 of any other religion, without violence to itself.[178] But every nation, they continued, must have its own appropriate and tutelary89 deities. Nor could they, in their old age, abjure90 the service of those who had watched over them from youth. It would bring down the vengeance91 of their gods, and of their own nation, who were as warmly attached to their religion as their liberties, and would defend both with the last drop of their blood!
It was clearly inexpedient to press the matter further at present. But the zeal92 of Cortés, as usual, waxing warm by opposition93, had now mounted too high for him to calculate obstacles; nor would he have shrunk, probably, from the crown of martyrdom in so good a cause. But, fortunately, at least for the success of his temporal cause, this crown was not reserved for him.
The good monk94, his ghostly adviser95, seeing the course things were likely to take, with better judgment96 interposed to prevent it. He had no desire, he said, to see the same scenes acted over again as at Cempoalla. He had no relish97 for forced con{172}versions. They could hardly be lasting98. The growth of an hour might well die with the hour. Of what use was it to overturn the altar, if the idol81 remained enthroned in the heart? or to destroy the idol itself, if it were only to make room for another? Better to wait patiently the effect of time and teaching to soften99 the heart and open the understanding, without which there could be no assurance of a sound and permanent conviction. These rational views were enforced by the remonstrances100 of Alvarado, Velasquez de Leon, and those in whom Cortés placed most confidence; till, driven from his original purpose, the military polemic101 consented to relinquish102 the attempt at conversion for the present, and to refrain from a repetition of scenes which, considering the different mettle103 of the population, might have been attended with very different results from those at Cozumel and Cempoalla.[179]
In the course of our narrative104 we have had occasion to witness more than once the good effects of the interposition of Father Olmedo. Indeed, it is scarcely too much to say that his discretion105 in spiritual matters contributed as essentially106 to the success of the expedition as did the sagacity and{173} courage of Cortés in temporal. He was a true disciple107 in the school of Las Casas. His heart was unscathed by that fiery108 fanaticism109 which sears and hardens whatever it touches. It melted with the warm glow of Christian74 charity. He had come out to the New World as a missionary110 among the heathen, and he shrank from no sacrifice but that of the welfare of the poor benighted111 flock to whom he had consecrated112 his days. If he followed the banners of the warrior113, it was to mitigate114 the ferocity of war, and to turn the triumphs of the Cross to a good account for the natives themselves, by the spiritual labors115 of conversion. He afforded the uncommon116 example—not to have been looked for, certainly, in a Spanish monk of the sixteenth century—of enthusiasm controlled by reason, a quickening zeal tempered by the mild spirit of toleration.
But, though Cortés abandoned the ground of conversion for the present, he compelled the Tlascalans to break the fetters117 of the unfortunate victims reserved for sacrifice; an act of humanity unhappily only transient in its effects, since the prisons were filled with fresh victims on his departure.
He also obtained permission for the Spaniards to perform the services of their own religion unmolested. A large cross was erected118 in one of the great courts or squares. Mass was celebrated every day in the presence of the army and of crowds of natives, who, if they did not comprehend its full import, were so far edified119 that they learned to reverence120 the religion of their conquerors121. The{174} direct interposition of Heaven, however, wrought122 more for their conversion than the best homily of priest or soldier. Scarcely had the Spaniards left the city—the tale is told on very respectable authority—when a thin, transparent123 cloud descended124 and settled like a column on the cross, and, wrapping it round in its luminous125 folds, continued to emit a soft, celestial126 radiance through the night, thus proclaiming the sacred character of the symbol, on which was shed the halo of divinity![180]
The principle of toleration in religious matters being established, the Spanish general consented to receive the daughters of the caciques. Five or six of the most beautiful of the Indian maidens127 were assigned to as many of his principal officers, after they had been cleansed128 from the stains of infidelity by the waters of baptism. They received, as usual, on this occasion, good Castilian names, in exchange for the barbarous nomenclature of their own vernacular129.[181] Among them, Xicotencatl’s daughter, Do?a Luisa, as she was called after her baptism, was a princess of the highest estimation and authority in Tlascala. She was given by her father to Alvarado, and their posterity130 intermarried with the noblest families of Castile. The frank and joyous manners of this cavalier made him a great favorite with the Tlas{175}calans; and his bright, open countenance20, fair complexion131, and golden locks gave him the name of Tonatiuh, the “Sun.” The Indians often pleased their fancies by fastening a sobriquet132, or some characteristic epithet133, on the Spaniards. As Cortés was always attended, on public occasions, by Do?a Marina, or Malinche, as she was called by the natives, they distinguished134 him by the same name. By these epithets135, originally bestowed136 in Tlascala, the two Spanish captains were popularly designated among the Indian nations.[182]
While these events were passing, another embassy arrived from the court of Mexico. It was charged, as usual, with a costly137 donative of embossed gold plate, and rich embroidered138 stuffs of cotton and feather-work. The terms of the message might well argue a vacillating and timid temper in the monarch139, did they not mask a deeper policy. He now invited the Spaniards to his capital, with the assurance of a cordial welcome. He besought140 them to enter into no alliance with the base and barbarous Tlascalans; and he invited them to take the route of the friendly city of Cholula, where arrangements, according to his orders, were made for their reception.[183]{176}
The Tlascalans viewed with deep regret the general’s proposed visit to Mexico. Their reports fully141 confirmed all he had before heard of the power and ambition of Montezuma. His armies, they said, were spread over every part of the continent. His capital was a place of great strength, and as, from its insular142 position, all communication could be easily cut off with the adjacent country, the Spaniards, once entrapped143 there, would be at his mercy. His policy, they represented, was as insidious144 as his ambition was boundless145. “Trust not his fair words,” they said, “his courtesies, and his gifts. His professions are hollow, and his friendships false.” When Cortés remarked that he hoped to bring about a better understanding between the emperor and them, they replied it would be impossible; however smooth his words, he would hate them at heart.
They warmly protested, also, against the general’s taking the route of Cholula. The inhabitants, not brave in the open field, were more dangerous from their perfidy146 and craft. They were Montezuma’s tools, and would do his bidding. The Tlascalans seemed to combine with this distrust a superstitious147 dread148 of the ancient city, the headquarters of the religion of Anahuac. It was here that the god Quetzalcoatl held the pristine149 seat of his empire. His temple was celebrated{177} throughout the land, and the priests were confidently believed to have the power, as they themselves boasted, of opening an inundation150 from the foundations of his shrine151, which should bury their enemies in the deluge152. The Tlascalans further reminded Cortés that, while so many other and distant places had sent to him at Tlascala to testify their good will and offer their allegiance to his sovereigns, Cholula, only six leagues distant, had done neither. The last suggestion struck the general more forcibly than any of the preceding. He instantly despatched a summons to the city, requiring a formal tender of its submission153.
Among the embassies from different quarters which had waited on the Spanish commander, while at Tlascala, was one from Ixtlilxochitl, son of the great Nezahualpilli, and an unsuccessful competitor with his elder brother—as noticed in a former part of our narrative—for the crown of Tezcuco.[184] Though defeated in his pretensions154, he had obtained a part of the kingdom, over which he ruled with a deadly feeling of animosity towards his rival, and to Montezuma, who had sustained him. He now offered his services to Cortés, asking his aid, in return, to place him on the throne of his ancestors. The politic155 general returned such an answer to the aspiring156 young prince as might encourage his expectations and attach him to his interests. It was his aim to strengthen his cause by attracting to himself every particle of disaffection that was floating through the land.{178}
It was not long before deputies arrived from Cholula, profuse157 in their expressions of good will, and inviting158 the presence of the Spaniards in their capital. The messengers were of low degree, far beneath the usual rank of ambassadors. This was pointed159 out by the Tlascalans; and Cortés regarded it as a fresh indignity160. He sent in consequence a new summons, declaring if they did not instantly send him a deputation of their principal men he would deal with them as rebels to his own sovereign, the rightful lord of these realms![185] The menace had the desired effect. The Cholulans were not inclined to contest, at least for the present, his magnificent pretensions. Another embassy appeared in the camp, consisting of some of the highest nobles; who repeated the invitation for the Spaniards to visit their city, and excused their own tardy161 appearance by apprehensions for their personal safety in the capital of their enemies. The explanation was plausible162, and was admitted by Cortés.
The Tlascalans were now more than ever opposed to his projected visit. A strong Aztec force, they had ascertained163, lay in the neighborhood of Cholula, and the people were actively164 placing their city in a posture165 of defence. They suspected{179} some insidious scheme concerted by Montezuma to destroy the Spaniards.
These suggestions disturbed the mind of Cortés, but did not turn him from his purpose. He felt a natural curiosity to see the venerable city so celebrated in the history of the Indian nations. He had, besides, gone too far to recede,—too far, at least, to do so without a show of apprehension17 implying a distrust in his own resources which could not fail to have a bad effect on his enemies, his allies, and his own men. After a brief consultation166 with his officers, he decided167 on the route to Cholula.[186]
It was now three weeks since the Spaniards had taken up their residence within the hospitable walls of Tlascala, and nearly six since they entered her territory. They had been met on the threshold as enemies, with the most determined168 hostility169. They were now to part with the same people as friends and allies; fast friends, who were to stand by them, side by side, through the whole of their arduous170 struggle. The result of their visit, therefore, was of the last importance; since on the co-operation of these brave and warlike republicans greatly depended the ultimate success of the expedition.
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1
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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2
arable
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| adj.可耕的，适合种植的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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4
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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5
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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6
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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7
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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8
picturesque
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| adj.美丽如画的，（语言）生动的，绘声绘色的 | |
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9
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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10
scattering
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| n.[物]散射；散乱，分散；在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的；分散在不同范围的；广泛扩散的；（选票）数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式)；散布；驱散 | |
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11
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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12
defiled
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| v.玷污( defile的过去式和过去分词 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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jubilee
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| n.周年纪念；欢乐 | |
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verdant
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| adj.翠绿的，青翠的，生疏的，不老练的 | |
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16
boughs
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| 大树枝( bough的名词复数 ) | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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joyous
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| adj.充满快乐的；令人高兴的 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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moorish
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| adj.沼地的，荒野的，生[住]在沼地的 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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lapse
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| n.过失，流逝，失效，抛弃信仰，间隔；vi.堕落，停止，失效，流逝；vt.使失效 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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apertures
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| n.孔( aperture的名词复数 )；隙缝；（照相机的）光圈；孔径 | |
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copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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tinkling
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| n.丁当作响声 | |
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pottery
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| n.陶器，陶器场 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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vapor
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| n.蒸汽，雾气 | |
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refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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39
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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43
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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44
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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diadem
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| n.王冠，冕 | |
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torrents
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| n.倾注；奔流( torrent的名词复数 )；急流；爆发；连续不断 | |
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47
frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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tenements
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| n.房屋，住户，租房子( tenement的名词复数 ) | |
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49
bleak
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| adj.(天气)阴冷的；凄凉的；暗淡的 | |
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50
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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51
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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52
nurtured
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| 养育( nurture的过去式和过去分词 )； 培育； 滋长； 助长 | |
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53
recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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54
derives
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| v.得到( derive的第三人称单数 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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55
prodigal
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| adj.浪费的，挥霍的，放荡的 | |
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56
supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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57
exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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58
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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59
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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60
propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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61
sinewy
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| adj.多腱的，强壮有力的 | |
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62
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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63
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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64
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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65
communal
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| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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66
hospitable
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| adj.好客的；宽容的；有利的，适宜的 | |
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67
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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68
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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69
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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70
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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71
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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72
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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73
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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74
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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75
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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76
deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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77
expounded
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| 论述，详细讲解( expound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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79
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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80
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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81
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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82
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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83
mythology
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| n.神话，神话学，神话集 | |
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84
deferential
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| adj. 敬意的，恭敬的 | |
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85
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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86
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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87
elastic
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| n.橡皮圈，松紧带；adj.有弹性的；灵活的 | |
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88
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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89
tutelary
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| adj.保护的；守护的 | |
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90
abjure
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| v.发誓放弃 | |
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91
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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92
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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93
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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94
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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95
adviser
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| n.劝告者，顾问 | |
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96
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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97
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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98
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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99
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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100
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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101
polemic
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| n.争论，论战 | |
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102
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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103
mettle
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| n.勇气，精神 | |
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104
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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105
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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106
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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107
disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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108
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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109
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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110
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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111
benighted
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| adj.蒙昧的 | |
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112
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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113
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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114
mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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115
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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116
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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117
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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118
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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119
edified
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| v.开导，启发( edify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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120
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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121
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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122
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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123
transparent
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| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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124
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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125
luminous
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| adj.发光的，发亮的；光明的；明白易懂的；有启发的 | |
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126
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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127
maidens
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| 处女( maiden的名词复数 )； 少女； 未婚女子； （板球运动）未得分的一轮投球 | |
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128
cleansed
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| 弄干净，清洗( cleanse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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129
vernacular
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| adj.地方的，用地方语写成的；n.白话；行话；本国语；动植物的俗名 | |
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130
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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131
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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132
sobriquet
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| n.绰号 | |
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133
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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134
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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135
epithets
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| n.（表示性质、特征等的）词语( epithet的名词复数 ) | |
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136
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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137
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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138
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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139
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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140
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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141
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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142
insular
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| adj.岛屿的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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143
entrapped
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| v.使陷入圈套，使入陷阱( entrap的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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144
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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145
boundless
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| adj.无限的；无边无际的；巨大的 | |
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146
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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147
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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148
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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149
pristine
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| adj.原来的，古时的，原始的，纯净的，无垢的 | |
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150
inundation
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| n.the act or fact of overflowing | |
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151
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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152
deluge
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| n./vt.洪水，暴雨，使泛滥 | |
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153
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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154
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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155
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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156
aspiring
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| adj.有志气的；有抱负的；高耸的v.渴望；追求 | |
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157
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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158
inviting
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| adj.诱人的，引人注目的 | |
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159
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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160
indignity
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| n.侮辱，伤害尊严，轻蔑 | |
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161
tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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162
plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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163
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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164
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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165
posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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166
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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167
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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168
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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169
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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170
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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