1519
THE ancient city of Cholula, capital of the republic of that name, lay nearly six leagues south of Tlascala, and about twenty east, or rather southeast, of Mexico. It was said by Cortés to contain twenty thousand houses within the walls, and as many more in the environs;[187] though now dwindled2 to a population of less than sixteen thousand souls.[188] Whatever was its real number of inhabitants, it was unquestionably, at the time of the Conquest, one of the most populous3 and flourishing cities in New Spain.
It was of great antiquity4, and was founded by the primitive5 races who overspread the land before the Aztecs.[189] We have few particulars of its form{181} of government, which seems to have been cast on a republican model similar to that of Tlascala.{*} This answered so well that the state maintained its independence down to a very late period, when, if not reduced to vassalage6 by the Aztecs, it was so far under their control as to enjoy few of the benefits of a separate political existence. Their connection with Mexico brought the Cholulans into frequent collision with their neighbors and kindred the Tlascalans. But, although far superior to them in refinement7 and the various arts of civilization, they were no match in war for the bold mountaineers, the Swiss of Anahuac. The Cholulan capital was the great commercial emporium of the plateau. The inhabitants excelled in various mechanical arts, especially that of working in metals, the manufacture of cotton and agave cloths, and of a delicate kind of pottery8, rivalling, it was said, that of Florence in beauty.[190] But such{182} attention to the arts of a polished and peaceful community naturally indisposed them to war, and disqualified them for coping with those who made war the great business of life. The Cholulans were accused of effeminacy, and were less distinguished—it is the charge of their rivals—by their courage than their cunning.[191]
{*} [The older authorities agree in stating that Cholula was democratically governed. Bandelier (Studies about Cholula and its Vicinity, in his Report of an Arch?ological Tour in Mexico in 1881) concludes that there were in the community six kins. Torquemada says the tribal9 council consisted of six speakers. The tribe was governed by two chief executives (called Aquiach and Tlalquiach). Their functions were partly warlike, as is evidenced by their appellations10 “eagle” and “tiger,” and partly religious. The tribe occupied one large pueblo11, with a few smaller groups, possibly twenty, scattered12 about it, of which perhaps two deserved the title of villages. The population of the pueblo may have been 30,000 in 1519. The estimate of houses which Cortés gives is too large. Moreover, a large number of houses in each pueblo was always unoccupied.—M.]
But the capital, so conspicuous13 for its refinement and its great antiquity, was even more venerable for the religious traditions which invested it. It was here that the god Quetzalcoatl paused in his passage to the coast, and passed twenty years in teaching the Toltec inhabitants the arts of civilization. He made them acquainted with better forms of government, and a more spiritualized religion, in which the only sacrifices were the fruits and flowers of the season.[192] It is not easy to determine what he taught, since his lessons have been so mingled14 with the licentious15 dogmas of his own priests and the mystic commentaries of the Christian16 missionary17.[193] It is probable that he was one of{183} those rare and gifted beings who, dissipating the darkness of the age by the illumination of their own genius, are deified by a grateful posterity18 and placed among the lights of heaven.
It was in honor of this benevolent19 deity20 that the stupendous mound21{*} was erected22 on which the traveller still gazes with admiration23 as the most colossal24 fabric25 in New Spain, rivalling in dimensions, and somewhat resembling in form, the pyramidal structures of ancient Egypt. The date of its erection is unknown; for it was found there when the Aztecs entered on the plateau. It had the form common to the Mexican teocallis, that of a truncated26 pyramid, facing with its four sides the cardinal27 points, and divided into the same number of terraces. Its original outlines, however, have been effaced28 by the action of time and of the elements, while the exuberant29 growth of shrubs30 and wild flowers, which have mantled31 over its surface,{184} give it the appearance of one of those symmetrical elevations33 thrown up by the caprice of nature rather than by the industry of man. It is doubtful indeed, whether the interior be not a natural hill; though it seems not improbable that it is an artificial composition of stone and earth, deeply incrusted, as is certain, in every part, with alternate strata34 of brick and clay.[194]
In the teacher himself they recognize no less a person than St. Thomas the Apostle! See the Dissertation35 of the irrefragable Dr. Mier, with an edifying36 commentary by Se?or Bustamante, ap. Sahagun. (Hist. de Nueva-Espa?a, tom. i., Suplemento.) The reader will find further particulars of this matter in the essay on the Origin of the Mexican Civilization, at the end of the first book of this history.
{*} [The most careful measurements of the great mound, or “pyramid,” were those made by Bandelier in 1881. He found the base to be a trapeze. North line, 1000 feet; east line, 1026 feet; south line, 833 feet; west line, 1000 feet; total, 3859 feet. This would give an approximate area of over twenty acres for the base. Measuring the height of the mound from each of its four sides, he found the average altitude to be 169 feet. There is not a trace of aboriginal37 work upon the summit. The structure was built long before the Nahuatl period. It was not erected at one time, but grew as necessity ordered. It was a place of refuge and its top was used as a place of worship.—M.]
The perpendicular38 height of the pyramid is one hundred and seventy-seven feet. Its base is one thousand four hundred and twenty-three feet long, twice as long as that of the great pyramid of Cheops. It may give some idea of its dimensions to state that its base, which is square, covers about forty-four acres, and the platform on its truncated summit embraces more than one. It reminds us of those colossal monuments of brickwork which are still seen in ruins on the banks of the Euphrates, and, in much higher preservation39, on those of the Nile.[195]
On the summit stood a sumptuous40 temple, in{185} which was the image of the mystic deity, “god of the air,” with ebon features, unlike the fair complexion41 which he bore upon earth, wearing a mitre on his head waving with plumes42 of fire, with a resplendent collar of gold round his neck, pendants of mosaic43 turquoise44 in his ears, a jewelled sceptre in one hand, and a shield curiously45 painted, the emblem46 of his rule over the winds, in the other.[196] The sanctity of the place, hallowed by hoary47 tradition, and the magnificence of the temple and its services, made it an object of veneration48 throughout the land, and pilgrims from the farthest corners of Anahuac came to offer up their devotions at the shrine49 of Quetzalcoatl.[197] The number of these was so great as to give an air of mendicity to the motley population of the city; and Cortés, struck with the novelty, tells us that he saw multitudes of beggars, such as are to be found in the enlightened capitals of Europe;[198]—a whimsical criterion of civilization, which must place our own prosperous land somewhat low in the scale.
Cholula was not the resort only of the indigent50 devotee. Many of the kindred races had temples of their own in the city, in the same manner as some Christian nations have in Rome, and each temple{186} was provided with its own peculiar51 ministers for the service of the deity to whom it was consecrated52. In no city was there seen such a concourse of priests, so many processions, such pomp of ceremonial, sacrifice, and religious festivals. Cholula was, in short, what Mecca is among Mahometans, or Jerusalem among Christians53; it was the Holy City of Anahuac.[199]{*}
{*} [Cholula was not a “Holy City” or pilgrim resort for other tribes. “It suffices to recall the state of intertribal warfare54 which prevailed in aboriginal Mexico to establish the utter fallacy of this pretension55.... Even the pre?minence which Quetzalcohuatl, the chief idol56 of Cholula, is said to have enjoyed over the whole of Central Mexico is vigorously denied by the Indians of Tlascala and of the Mexican valley itself.” Cholula was a great mart of trade and crowds flocked to it because of that fact. Outside Indians were accustomed to bring presents to its chief idol. See Bandelier, Arch. Tour, pp. 168, 169.—M.]
The religious rites57 were not performed, however, in the pure spirit originally prescribed by its tutelary58 deity. His altars, as well as those of the numerous Aztec gods, were stained with human blood; and six thousand victims are said to have been annually59 offered up at their sanguinary shrines60![200] The great number of these may be estimated from the declaration of Cortés that he counted four hundred towers in the city;[201] yet no temple had more than two, many only one. High above the rest rose the great “pyramid of Cholula,” with its undying fires flinging their radiance{187} far and wide over the capital, and proclaiming to the nations that there was the mystic worship—alas! how corrupted61 by cruelty and superstition62!—of the good deity who was one day to return and resume his empire over the land.
Nothing could be more grand than the view which met the eye from the area on the truncated summit of the pyramid. Towards the west stretched that bold barrier of porphyritic rock which nature has reared around the Valley of Mexico, with the huge Popocatepetl and Iztaccihuatl standing63 like two colossal sentinels to guard the entrance to the enchanted64 region. Far away to the east was seen the conical head of Orizaba soaring high into the clouds and nearer, the barren though beautifully-shaped Sierra de la Malinche, throwing its broad shadows over the plains of Tlascala. Three of these are volcanoes higher than the highest mountain-peak in Europe, and shrouded66 in snows which never melt under the fierce sun of the tropics. At the foot of the spectator{*} lay the sacred city of Cholula, with its bright towers and pinnacles67 sparkling in the sun, reposing68 amidst gardens and verdant69 groves70, which then thickly studded the cultivated environs of the capi{188}tal. Such was the magnificent prospect71 which met the gaze of the Conquerors72, and may still, with slight change, meet that of the modern traveller, as from the platform of the great pyramid his eye wanders over the fairest portion of the beautiful plateau of Puebla.[202]
{*} [Bandelier (Gilded73 Man, p. 259) shows that the spectator who stood on the “truncated summit of the pyramid” was standing upon a structure which had long been in ruins, and which was covered with bushes when Cortés passed through the country. On the summit was a “little ancient temple.” There was no trace of a large building, and the pyramid looked so much like a wooded hill that the Conquerors regarded it as a natural elevation32. No pinnacles sparkled in the sun, because the architecture of the natives did not include those features. The houses were for the most part only one story high, and were whitewashed74.—M.]
But it is time to return to Tlascala. On the appointed morning the Spanish army took up its march to Mexico by the way of Cholula. It was followed by crowds of the citizens, filled with admiration at the intrepidity75 of men who, so few in number, would venture to brave the great Montezuma in his capital. Yet an immense body of warriors76 offered to share the dangers of the expedition; but Cortés, while he showed his gratitude77 for their good will, selected only six thousand of the volunteers to bear him company.[203] He was{189} unwilling78 to encumber79 himself with an unwieldy force that might impede80 his movements, and probably did not care to put himself so far in the power of allies whose attachment81 was too recent to afford sufficient guarantee for their fidelity82.
After crossing some rough and hilly ground, the army entered on the wide plain which spreads out for miles around Cholula. At the elevation of more than six thousand feet above the sea, they beheld83 the rich products of various climes growing side by side, fields of towering maize84, the juicy aloe, the chilli or Aztec pepper, and large plantations85 of the cactus86, on which the brilliant cochineal is nourished. Not a rood of land but was under cultivation;[204] and the soil—an uncommon87 thing on the table-land—was irrigated88 by numerous streams and canals, and well shaded by woods, that have disappeared before the rude axe89 of the Spaniards. Towards evening they reached a small stream, on the banks of which Cortés determined90 to take up his quarters for the night, being unwilling to disturb the tranquillity91 of the city by introducing so large a force into it at an unseasonable hour.
Here he was soon joined by a number of Cholulan caciques and their attendants, who came to view and welcome the strangers. When they saw{190} their Tlascalan enemies in the camp, however, they exhibited signs of displeasure, and intimated an apprehension92 that their presence in the town might occasion disorder93. The remonstrance94 seemed reasonable to Cortés, and he accordingly commanded his allies to remain in their present quarters, and to join him as he left the city on the way to Mexico.
On the following morning he made his entrance at the head of his army into Cholula, attended by no other Indians than those from Cempoalla, and a handful of Tlascalans, to take charge of the baggage. His allies, at parting, gave him many cautions respecting the people he was to visit, who, while they affected95 to despise them as a nation of traders, employed the dangerous arms of perfidy96 and cunning. As the troops drew near the city, the road was lined with swarms97 of people of both sexes and every age, old men tottering98 with infirmity, women with children in their arms, all eager to catch a glimpse of the strangers, whose persons, weapons, and horses were objects of intense curiosity to eyes which had not hitherto ever encountered them in battle. The Spaniards, in turn, were filled with admiration at the aspect of the Cholulans, much superior in dress and general appearance to the nations they had hitherto seen. They were particularly struck with the costume of the higher classes, who wore fine embroidered99 mantles100, resembling the graceful101 albornoz, or Moorish102 cloak, in their texture103 and fashion.[205] They showed{191} the same delicate taste for flowers as the other tribes of the plateau, decorating their persons with them, and tossing garlands and bunches among the soldiers. An immense number of priests mingled with the crowd, swinging their aromatic104 censers, while music from various kinds of instruments gave a lively welcome to the visitors, and made the whole scene one of gay, bewildering enchantment105. If it did not have the air of a triumphal procession so much as at Tlascala, where the melody of instruments was drowned by the shouts of the multitude, it gave a quiet assurance of hospitality and friendly feeling not less grateful.
The Spaniards were also struck with the cleanliness of the city, the width and great regularity106 of the streets, which seemed to have been laid out on a settled plan, with the solidity of the houses, and the number and size of the pyramidal temples.{*} In the court of one of these, and its surrounding buildings, they were quartered.[206]
{*} [“According to tradition Cortés was lodged107 in the present southwestern quarter of the city, which is now called Santa Maria Tecpan, the Tecpan being the communal108 house where strange visitors were received. In the middle of the quarter there still stands, in the Calle-de-Herreros, an ancient portal, with the inscription109 in the Nahuatl language and Latin letters, ‘Here stood the Tecpan, where now is the house of Antonio de la Cruz.’” Bandelier, Gilded Man, p. 272.—M.]{192}
They were soon visited by the principal lords of the place, who seemed solicitous110 to provide them with accommodations. Their table was plentifully111 supplied, and, in short, they experienced such attentions as were calculated to dissipate their suspicions, and made them impute112 those of their Tlascalan friends to prejudice and old national hostility113.
In a few days the scene changed. Messengers arrived from Montezuma, who, after a short and unpleasant intimation to Cortés that his approach occasioned much disquietude to their master, conferred separately with the Mexican ambassadors still in the Castilian camp, and then departed, taking one of the latter along with them. From this time the deportment of their Cholulan hosts underwent a visible alteration114. They did not visit the quarters as before, and, when invited to do so, excused themselves on pretence115 of illness. The supply of provisions was stinted116, on the ground that they were short of maize. These symptoms of alienation117, independently of temporary embarrassment118, caused serious alarm in the breast of Cortés, for the future. His apprehensions119 were not allayed120 by the reports of the Cempoallans, who told him that in wandering round the city they had{193} seen several streets barricadoed, the azoteas, or flat roofs of the houses, loaded with huge stones and other missiles,{*} as if preparatory to an assault, and in some places they had found holes covered over with branches, and upright stakes planted within, as if to embarrass the movements of the cavalry121.[207] Some Tlascalans coming in, also, from their camp, informed the general that a great sacrifice, mostly of children, had been offered up in a distant quarter of the town, to propitiate122 the favor of the gods, apparently123 for some intended enterprise. They added that they had seen numbers of the citizens leaving the city with their women and children, as if to remove them to a place of safety. These tidings confirmed the worst suspicions of Cortés, who had no doubt that some hostile scheme was in agitation124. If he had felt any, a discovery by Marina, the good angel of the expedition, would have turned these doubts into certainty.
{*} [But there were always heaps of stones and other missiles kept for defence on the flat roofs of the houses in the unwalled cities.—M.]
The amiable125 manners of the Indian girl had won her the regard of the wife of one of the caciques, who repeatedly urged Marina to visit her house, darkly intimating that in this way she would escape the fate that awaited the Spaniards. The interpreter, seeing the importance of obtaining further{194} intelligence at once, pretended to be pleased with the proposal, and affected, at the same time, great discontent with the white men, by whom she was detained in captivity126. Thus throwing the credulous127 Cholulan off her guard, Marina gradually insinuated128 herself into her confidence, so far as to draw from her a full account of the conspiracy.
It originated, she said, with the Aztec emperor, who had sent rich bribes129 to the great caciques, and to her husband among others, to secure them in his views. The Spaniards were to be assaulted as they marched out of the capital, when entangled130 in its streets, in which numerous impediments had been placed to throw the cavalry into disorder. A force of twenty thousand Mexicans was already quartered at no great distance from the city, to support the Cholulans in the assault. It was confidently expected that the Spaniards, thus embarrassed in their movements, would fall an easy prey131 to the superior strength of their enemy. A sufficient number of prisoners was to be reserved to grace the sacrifices of Cholula; the rest were to be led in fetters132 to the capital of Montezuma.
While this conversation was going on, Marina occupied herself with putting up such articles of value and wearing apparel as she proposed to take with her in the evening, when she could escape unnoticed from the Spanish quarters to the house of her Cholulan friend, who assisted her in the operation. Leaving her visitor thus employed, Marina found an opportunity to steal away for a few moments, and, going to the general’s apartment, disclosed to him her discoveries. He immediately{195} caused the cacique’s wife to be seized, and, on examination, she fully65 confirmed the statement of his Indian mistress.
The intelligence thus gathered by Cortés filled him with the deepest alarm. He was fairly taken in the snare133. To fight or to fly seemed equally difficult. He was in a city of enemies, where every house might be converted into a fortress134, and where such embarrassments135 were thrown in the way as might render the man?uvres of his artillery136 and horse nearly impracticable. In addition to the wily Cholulans, he must cope, under all these disadvantages, with the redoubtable137 warriors of Mexico. He was like a traveller who has lost his way in the darkness among precipices138, where any step may dash him to pieces, and where to retreat or to advance is equally perilous139.
He was desirous to obtain still further confirmation140 and particulars of the conspiracy. He accordingly induced two of the priests in the neighborhood, one of them a person of much influence in the place, to visit his quarters. By courteous141 treatment, and liberal largesses of the rich presents he had received from Montezuma,—thus turning his own gifts against the giver,—he drew from them a full confirmation of the previous report. The emperor had been in a state of pitiable vacillation142 since the arrival of the Spaniards. His first orders to the Cholulans were to receive the strangers kindly143. He had recently consulted his oracles144 anew, and obtained for answer that Cholula would be the grave of his enemies; for the gods would be sure to support him in avenging145 the sacrilege of{196}fered to the Holy City. So confident were the Aztecs of success, that numerous manacles, or poles with thongs146 which served as such, were already in the place to secure the prisoners.
Cortés, now feeling himself fully possessed147 of the facts, dismissed the priests, with injunctions of secrecy148, scarcely necessary. He told them it was his purpose to leave the city on the following morning, and requested that they would induce some of the principal caciques to grant him an interview in his quarters. He then summoned a council of his officers, though, as it seems, already determined as to the course he was to take.
The members of the council were differently affected by the startling intelligence, according to their different characters. The more timid, disheartened by the prospect of obstacles which seemed to multiply as they drew nearer the Mexican capital, were for retracing149 their steps and seeking shelter in the friendly city of Tlascala. Others, more persevering150, but prudent151, were for taking the more northerly route, originally recommended by their allies. The greater part supported the general, who was ever of opinion that they had no alternative but to advance. Retreat would be ruin. Half-way measures were scarcely better, and would infer a timidity which must discredit152 them with both friend and foe153. Their true policy was to rely on themselves,—to strike such a blow as should intimidate154 their enemies and show them that the Spaniards were as incapable155 of being circumvented156 by artifice157 as of being crushed by weight of numbers and courage in the open field.{197}
When the caciques, persuaded by the priests, appeared before Cortés, he contented158 himself with gently rebuking159 their want of hospitality, and assured them the Spaniards would be no longer a burden to their city, as he proposed to leave it early on the following morning. He requested, moreover, that they would furnish a reinforcement of two thousand men to transport his artillery and baggage. The chiefs, after some consultation160, acquiesced161 in a demand which might in some measure favor their own designs.
On their departure, the general summoned the Aztec ambassadors before him. He briefly162 acquainted them with his detection of the treacherous163 plot to destroy his army, the contrivance of which, he said, was imputed164 to their master, Montezuma. It grieved him much, he added, to find the emperor implicated165 in so nefarious166 a scheme, and that the Spaniards must now march as enemies against the prince whom they had hoped to visit as a friend.
The ambassadors, with earnest protestations, asserted their entire ignorance of the conspiracy, and their belief that Montezuma was equally innocent of a crime which they charged wholly on the Cholulans. It was clearly the policy of Cortés to keep on good terms with the Indian monarch167, to profit as long as possible by his good offices, and to avail himself of his fancied security—such feelings of security as the general could inspire him with—to cover his own future operations. He affected to give credit, therefore, to the assertion of the envoys168, and declared his unwillingness169 to be{198}lieve that a monarch who had rendered the Spaniards so many friendly offices would now consummate170 the whole by a deed of such unparalleled baseness. The discovery of their twofold duplicity, he added, sharpened his resentment171 against the Cholulans, on whom he would take such vengeance172 as should amply requite173 the injuries done both to Montezuma and the Spaniards. He then dismissed the ambassadors, taking care, notwithstanding this show of confidence, to place a strong guard over them, to prevent communication with the citizens.[208]
That night was one of deep anxiety to the army. The ground they stood on seemed loosening beneath their feet, and any moment might be the one marked for their destruction. Their vigilant174 general took all possible precautions for their safety, increasing the number of the sentinels, and posting his guns in such a manner as to protect the approaches to the camp. His eyes, it may well be believed, did not close during the night. Indeed, every Spaniard lay down in his arms, and every horse stood saddled and bridled175, ready for instant service. But no assault was meditated176 by the Indians, and the stillness of the hour was undisturbed except by the occasional sounds, heard in a populous city, even when buried in slumber177, and by the hoarse178 cries of the priests from the turrets179 of the{199} teocallis, proclaiming through their trumpets180 the watches of the night.
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1
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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vassalage
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| n.家臣身份，隶属 | |
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refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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pottery
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| n.陶器，陶器场 | |
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tribal
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| adj.部族的，种族的 | |
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appellations
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pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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licentious
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| adj.放纵的，淫乱的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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mound
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| n.土墩，堤，小山；v.筑堤，用土堆防卫 | |
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ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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colossal
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fabric
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truncated
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| adj.切去顶端的，缩短了的，被删节的v.截面的( truncate的过去式和过去分词 )；截头的；缩短了的；截去顶端或末端 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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exuberant
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| adj.充满活力的；（植物）繁茂的 | |
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shrubs
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mantled
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elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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elevations
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| （水平或数量）提高( elevation的名词复数 )； 高地； 海拔； 提升 | |
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34
strata
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| n.地层（复数）；社会阶层 | |
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35
dissertation
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| n.（博士学位）论文，学术演讲，专题论文 | |
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36
edifying
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| adj.有教训意味的，教训性的，有益的v.开导，启发( edify的现在分词 ) | |
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37
aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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perpendicular
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| adj.垂直的，直立的；n.垂直线，垂直的位置 | |
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39
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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40
sumptuous
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| adj.豪华的，奢侈的，华丽的 | |
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41
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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42
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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43
mosaic
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| n./adj.镶嵌细工的，镶嵌工艺品的，嵌花式的 | |
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44
turquoise
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| n.绿宝石；adj.蓝绿色的 | |
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45
curiously
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| adv.有求知欲地；好问地；奇特地 | |
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46
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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47
hoary
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| adj.古老的；鬓发斑白的 | |
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48
veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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49
shrine
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| n.圣地，神龛，庙；v.将...置于神龛内，把...奉为神圣 | |
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50
indigent
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的 | |
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51
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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52
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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53
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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54
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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55
pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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56
idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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57
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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58
tutelary
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| adj.保护的；守护的 | |
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59
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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60
shrines
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| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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61
corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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62
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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63
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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64
enchanted
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| adj. 被施魔法的，陶醉的，入迷的 动词enchant的过去式和过去分词 | |
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65
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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66
shrouded
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| v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 )；保密 | |
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67
pinnacles
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| 顶峰( pinnacle的名词复数 )； 顶点； 尖顶； 小尖塔 | |
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68
reposing
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的现在分词 ) | |
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69
verdant
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| adj.翠绿的，青翠的，生疏的，不老练的 | |
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70
groves
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| 树丛，小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
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71
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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72
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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73
gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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74
whitewashed
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| 粉饰，美化，掩饰( whitewash的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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75
intrepidity
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| n.大胆，刚勇；大胆的行为 | |
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76
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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77
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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78
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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79
encumber
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| v.阻碍行动，妨碍，堆满 | |
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80
impede
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，阻止 | |
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81
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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82
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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83
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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84
maize
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| n.玉米 | |
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85
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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86
cactus
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| n.仙人掌 | |
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87
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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88
irrigated
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| [医]冲洗的 | |
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89
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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90
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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91
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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92
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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93
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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94
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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95
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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96
perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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97
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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98
tottering
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| adj.蹒跚的，动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 )；踉跄；蹒跚；摇摇欲坠 | |
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99
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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100
mantles
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| vt.&vi.覆盖（mantle的第三人称单数形式） | |
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101
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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102
moorish
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| adj.沼地的，荒野的，生[住]在沼地的 | |
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103
texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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104
aromatic
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| adj.芳香的，有香味的 | |
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105
enchantment
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| n.迷惑，妖术，魅力 | |
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106
regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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107
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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108
communal
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| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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109
inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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110
solicitous
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| adj.热切的，挂念的 | |
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111
plentifully
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| adv. 许多地，丰饶地 | |
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112
impute
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| v.归咎于 | |
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113
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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114
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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115
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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116
stinted
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| v.限制，节省（stint的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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117
alienation
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| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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118
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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119
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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120
allayed
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| v.减轻，缓和( allay的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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122
propitiate
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| v.慰解，劝解 | |
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123
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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124
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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125
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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126
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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127
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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128
insinuated
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| v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 )；巧妙或迂回地潜入；（使）缓慢进入；慢慢伸入 | |
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129
bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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130
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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131
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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132
fetters
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| n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 )；束缚v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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133
snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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134
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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135
embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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136
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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137
redoubtable
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| adj.可敬的；可怕的 | |
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138
precipices
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| n.悬崖，峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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139
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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140
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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141
courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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142
vacillation
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| n.动摇；忧柔寡断 | |
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143
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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144
oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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145
avenging
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| adj.报仇的，复仇的v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 )；为…报复 | |
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146
thongs
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| 的东西 | |
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147
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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148
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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149
retracing
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| v.折回( retrace的现在分词 )；回忆；回顾；追溯 | |
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150
persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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151
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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152
discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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153
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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154
intimidate
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| vt.恐吓，威胁 | |
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155
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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156
circumvented
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| v.设法克服或避免（某事物），回避( circumvent的过去式和过去分词 )；绕过，绕行，绕道旅行 | |
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157
artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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158
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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159
rebuking
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| 责难或指责( rebuke的现在分词 ) | |
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160
consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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161
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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162
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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163
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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164
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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165
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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166
nefarious
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| adj.恶毒的，极坏的 | |
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167
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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168
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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169
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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170
consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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171
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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172
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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173
requite
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| v.报酬，报答 | |
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174
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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175
bridled
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| 给…套龙头( bridle的过去式和过去分词 )； 控制； 昂首表示轻蔑（或怨忿等）； 动怒，生气 | |
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176
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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177
slumber
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| n.睡眠，沉睡状态 | |
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178
hoarse
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| adj.嘶哑的，沙哑的 | |
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179
turrets
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| （六角）转台( turret的名词复数 )； （战舰和坦克等上的）转动炮塔； （摄影机等上的）镜头转台； （旧时攻城用的）塔车 | |
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180
trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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