1519
WITH the first streak4 of morning light, Cortés was seen on horseback, directing the movements of his little band. The strength of his forces he drew up in the great square or court, surrounded partly by buildings, as before noticed, and in part by a high wall. There were three gates of entrance, at each of which he placed a strong guard. The rest of his troops, with his great guns, he posted without the enclosure, in such a manner as to command the avenues and secure those within from interruption in their bloody5 work. Orders had been sent the night before to the Tlascalan chiefs to hold themselves ready, at a concerted signal, to march into the city and join the Spaniards.
The arrangements were hardly completed, before the Cholulan caciques appeared, leading a body of levies6, tamanes, even more numerous than had been demanded. They were marched at once into the square, commanded, as we have seen, by the Spanish infantry7, which was drawn8 up under the walls. Cortés then took some of the caciques{201} aside. With a stern air, he bluntly charged them with the conspiracy9, showing that he was well acquainted with all the particulars. He had visited their city, he said, at the invitation of their emperor; had come as a friend; had respected the inhabitants and their property; and, to avoid all cause of umbrage10, had left a great part of his forces without the walls. They had received him with a show of kindness and hospitality, and, reposing11 on this, he had been decoyed into the snare12, and found this kindness only a mask to cover the blackest perfidy13.
The Cholulans were thunderstruck at the accusation14. An undefined awe15 crept over them as they gazed on the mysterious strangers and felt themselves in the presence of beings who seemed to have the power of reading the thoughts scarcely formed in their bosoms16. There was no use in prevarication17 or denial before such judges. They confessed the whole, and endeavored to excuse themselves by throwing the blame on Montezuma. Cortés, assuming an air of higher indignation at this, assured them that the pretence18 should not serve, since, even if well founded, it would be no justification19; and he would now make such an example of them for their treachery that the report of it should ring throughout the wide borders of Anahuac!
The fatal signal, the discharge of an arquebuse, was then given. In an instant every musket20 and cross-bow was levelled at the unfortunate Cholulans in the courtyard, and a frightful21 volley poured into them as they stood crowded together like a{202} herd22 of deer in the centre. They were taken by surprise, for they had not heard the preceding dialogue with the chiefs. They made scarcely any resistance to the Spaniards, who followed up the discharge of their pieces by rushing on them with their swords; and, as the half-naked bodies of the natives afforded no protection, they hewed23 them down with as much ease as the reaper24 mows25 down the ripe corn in harvest-time. Some endeavored to scale the walls, but only afforded a surer mark to the arquebusiers and archers26. Others threw themselves into the gateways27, but were received on the long pikes of the soldiers who guarded them. Some few had better luck in hiding themselves under the heaps of slain28 with which the ground was soon loaded.
While this work of death was going on, the countrymen of the slaughtered30 Indians, drawn together by the noise of the massacre, had commenced a furious assault on the Spaniards from without. But Cortés had placed his battery of heavy guns in a position that commanded the avenues, and swept off the files of the assailants as they rushed on. In the intervals31 between the discharges, which, in the imperfect state of the science in that day, were much longer than in ours, he forced back the press by charging with the horse into the midst. The steeds, the guns, the weapons of the Spaniards were all new to the Cholulans. Notwithstanding the novelty of the terrific spectacle, the flash of fire-arms mingling33 with the deafening34 roar of the artillery35 as its thunders reverberated36 among the buildings, the despairing{203} Indians pushed on to take the places of their fallen comrades.
While this fierce struggle was going forward, the Tlascalans, hearing the concerted signal, had advanced with quick pace into the city. They had bound, by order of Cortés, wreaths of sedge round their heads, that they might the more surely be distinguished37 from the Cholulans.[210] Coming up in the very heat of the engagement, they fell on the defenceless rear of the townsmen, who, trampled38 down under the heels of the Castilian cavalry39 on one side, and galled40 by their vindictive41 enemies on the other, could no longer maintain their ground. They gave way, some taking refuge in the nearest buildings, which, being partly of wood, were speedily set on fire. Others fled to the temples. One strong party, with a number of priests at its head, got possession of the great teocalli. There was a vulgar tradition, already alluded42 to, that on removal of part of the walls the god would send forth43 an inundation44 to overwhelm his enemies. The superstitious45 Cholulans with great difficulty succeeded in wrenching46 away some of the stones in the walls of the edifice47. But dust, not water, followed. Their false god deserted48 them in the hour of need. In despair they flung themselves into the wooden turrets49 that crowned the temple, and poured down stones, javelins50, and burning{204} arrows on the Spaniards, as they climbed the great staircase which, by a flight of one hundred and twenty steps, sealed the face of the pyramid. But the fiery51 shower fell harmless on the steel bonnets52 of the Christians53, while they availed themselves of the burning shafts55 to set fire to the wooden citadel56, which was speedily wrapt in flames. Still the garrison57 held out, and though quarter, it is said, was offered, only one Cholulan availed himself of it. The rest threw themselves headlong from the parapet, or perished miserably58 in the flames.[211]
All was now confusion and uproar59 in the fair city which had so lately reposed60 in security and peace. The groans61 of the dying, the frantic62 supplications of the vanquished63 for mercy, were mingled64 with the loud battle-cries of the Spaniards as they rode down their enemy, and with the shrill65 whistle of the Tlascalans, who gave full scope to the long-cherished rancor66 of ancient rivalry67. The tumult68 was still further swelled70 by the incessant71 rattle72 of musketry, and the crash of falling timbers, which sent up a volume of flame that outshone the ruddy light of morning, making altogether a hideous73 confusion of sights and sounds that converted the Holy City into a Pandemonium74. As resistance slackened, the victors broke into the houses and sacred places, plundering76 them of whatever valuables they contained, plate, jewels, which were found in some quantity, wearing-apparel and{205} provisions, the two last coveted77 even more than the former by the simple Tlascalans, thus facilitating a division of the spoil much to the satisfaction of their Christian54 confederates. Amidst this universal license78, it is worthy79 of remark, the commands of Cortés were so far respected that no violence was offered to women or children, though these, as well as numbers of the men, were made prisoners to be swept into slavery by the Tlascalans.[212] These scenes of violence had lasted some hours, when Cortés, moved by the entreaties80 of some Cholulan chiefs who had been reserved from the massacre, backed by the prayers of the Mexican envoys, consented out of regard, as he said, to the latter, the representatives of Montezuma, to call off the soldiers, and put a stop, as well as he could, to further outrage81.{*} Two of the caciques were, also, permitted to go to their countrymen with assurances of pardon and protection to all who would return to their obedience82.
{*} [Andrés de Tápia, who participated in the massacre, says that the work of destroying the city (“el trabajar por destruir la cibdad”) went on for two days, before Cortés gave orders for it to cease, and that it was not till two or three days later that the inhabitants, many of whom had fled to the mountains and neighboring territory, obtained pardon and leave to return. Col. de Doc. para la Hist. de México, publicada por Joaquin García Icazbalceta, tom. ii.—K.]
These measures had their effect. By the joint83 efforts of Cortés and the caciques, the tumult was with much difficulty appeased84. The assailants, Spaniards and Indians, gathered under their re{206}spective banners, and the Cholulans, relying on the assurance of their chiefs, gradually returned to their homes.
The first act of Cortés was to prevail on the Tlascalan chiefs to liberate85 their captives.[213] Such was their deference86 to the Spanish commander that they acquiesced87, though not without murmurs88, contenting themselves, as best they could, with the rich spoil rifled from the Cholulans, consisting of various luxuries long since unknown in Tlascala. His next care was to cleanse89 the city from its loathsome90 impurities91, particularly from the dead bodies which lay festering in heaps in the streets and great square. The general, in his letter to Charles the Fifth, admits three thousand slain, most accounts say six, and some swell69 the amount yet higher. As the eldest92 and principal cacique was among the number, Cortés assisted the Cholulans in installing a successor in his place.[214] By these pacific measures confidence was gradually restored. The people in the environs, reassured93, flocked into the capital to supply the place of the diminished population. The markets were again opened; and the usual avocations95 of an orderly, industrious96 community were resumed. Still, the long piles of black and smouldering ruins proclaimed the hurricane which had so lately swept over the city, and the walls surrounding the scene{207} of slaughter29 in the great square, which were standing32 more than fifty years after the event, told the sad tale of the Massacre of Cholula.[215]
This passage in their history is one of those that have left a dark stain on the memory of the Conquerors97. Nor can we contemplate99 at this day, without a shudder100, the condition of this fair and flourishing capital thus invaded in its privacy and delivered over to the excesses of a rude and ruth{208}less soldiery. But, to judge the action fairly, we must transport ourselves to the age when it happened. The difficulty that meets us in the outset is, to find a justification of the right of conquest, at all. But it should be remembered that religious infidelity, at this period, and till a much later, was regarded—no matter whether founded on ignorance or education, whether hereditary102 or acquired, heretical or pagan—as a sin to be punished with fire and fagot in this world, and eternal suffering in the next. This doctrine103, monstrous104 as it is, was the creed105 of the Romish, in other words, of the Christian Church,—the basis of the Inquisition, and of those other species of religious persecutions which have stained the annals, at some time or other, of nearly every nation in Christendom.[216] Under this code, the territory of the heathen, wherever found, was regarded as a sort of religious{209} waif, which, in default of a legal proprietor106, was claimed and taken possession of by the Holy See, and as such was freely given away by the head of the Church, to any temporal potentate107 whom he pleased, that would assume the burden of conquest.[217] Thus, Alexander the Sixth generously granted a large portion of the Western hemisphere to the Spaniards, and of the Eastern to the Portuguese108. These lofty pretensions109 of the successors of the humble110 fisherman of Galilee, far from being nominal111, were acknowledged and appealed to as conclusive112 in controversies113 between nations.[218]
With the right of conquest, thus conferred, came also the obligation, on which it may be said to have been founded, to retrieve114 the nations sitting in darkness from eternal perdition. This obligation was acknowledged by the best and the bravest, the gownsman in his closet, the missionary115, and the warrior116 in the crusade. However much it may{210} have been debased by temporal motives117 and mixed up with worldly considerations of ambition and avarice118, it was still active in the mind of the Christian conqueror98. We have seen how far paramount119 it was to every calculation of personal interest in the breast of Cortés. The concession120 of the Pope, then, founded on, and enforcing, the imperative121 duty of conversion122,[219] was the assumed basis—and, in the apprehension123 of that age, a sound one—of the right of conquest.[220]{211}
This right could not, indeed, be construed124 to authorize125 any unnecessary act of violence to the natives. The present expedition, up to the period of its history at which we are now arrived, had probably been stained with fewer of such acts than almost any similar enterprise of the Spanish discoverers in the New World. Throughout the campaigns, Cortés had prohibited all wanton injuries to the natives in person or property, and had punished the perpetrators of them with exemplary severity. He had been faithful to his friends, and, with perhaps a single exception, not unmerciful to his foes126. Whether from policy or principle, it should be recorded to his credit; though, like every sagacious mind, he may have felt that principle and policy go together.
He had entered Cholula as a friend, at the invitation of the Indian emperor, who had a real, if not avowed127, control over the state. He had been received as a friend, with every demonstration128 of good will; when, without any offence of his own or his followers129, he found they were to be the victims of an insidious130 plot,—that they were standing on a mine which might be sprung at any moment and bury them all in its ruins. His safety, as he{212} truly considered, left no alternative but to anticipate the blow of his enemies. Yet who can doubt that the punishment thus inflicted131 was excessive,—that the same end might have been attained132 by directing the blow against the guilty chiefs, instead of letting it fall on the ignorant rabble133 who but obeyed the commands of their masters? But when was it ever seen that fear, armed with power, was scrupulous134 in the exercise of it? or that the passions of a fierce soldiery, inflamed135 by conscious injuries, could be regulated in the moment of explosion?
We shall, perhaps, pronounce more impartially137 on the conduct of the Conquerors if we compare it with that of our own contemporaries under somewhat similar circumstances. The atrocities138 at Cholula were not so bad as those inflicted on the descendants of these very Spaniards, in the late war of the Peninsula, by the most polished nations of our time; by the British at Badajoz, for example,—at Tarragona, and a hundred other places, by the French. The wanton butchery, the ruin of property, and, above all, those outrages140 worse than death, from which the female part of the population were protected at Cholula, show a catalogue of enormities quite as black as those imputed141 to the Spaniards, and without the same apology for resentment142,—with no apology, indeed, but that afforded by a brave and patriotic143 resistance. The consideration of these events, which, from their familiarity, make little impression on our senses, should render us more lenient144 in our judgments145 of the past, showing, as they do, that man in a state of excitement, savage146 or civilized147, is much the same{213} in every age. It may teach us—it is one of the best lessons of history—that, since such are the inevitable148 evils of war, even among the most polished people, those who hold the destinies of nations in their hands, whether rulers or legislators, should submit to every sacrifice, save that of honor, before authorizing149 an appeal to arms. The extreme solicitude150 to avoid these calamities151, by the aid of peaceful congresses and impartial136 mediation152, is, on the whole, the strongest evidence, stronger than that afforded by the progress of science and art, of our boasted advance in civilization.
It is far from my intention to vindicate153 the cruel deeds of the old Conquerors. Let them lie heavy on their heads. They were an iron race, who perilled154 life and fortune in the cause; and, as they made little account of danger and suffering for themselves, they had little sympathy to spare for their unfortunate enemies. But, to judge them fairly, we must not do it by the lights of our own age. We must carry ourselves back to theirs, and take the point of view afforded by the civilization of their time. Thus only can we arrive at impartial criticism in reviewing the generations that are past. We must extend to them the same justice which we shall have occasion to ask from posterity155, when, by the light of a higher civilization, it surveys the dark or doubtful passages in our own history, which hardly arrest the eye of the contemporary.{*}
{*} [The “massacre” at Cholula was a military necessity to one warring as Cortés was. Having discovered the existence of a plot to exterminate156 his forces, he simply struck first. The Cholulans had taken measures to annihilate157 the invaders158, which must have proved successful against ordinary foes. Not only the Spanish historians but the native chroniclers testify to this fact. The Mexican story is told in the Indian paintings still preserved at San Juan Cuauhtlautzinco. The Cholulans did not regard the Spaniards as gods. They went to work to trap them and starve them like ordinary human beings. They cut off their supplies. They shut them up in the great Tecpan. The Tlascalans knew all the while that treachery was planned. They knew also (what the Spaniards did not know, because of their ignorance of Indian governmental institutions) that any oaths the Cholulan chiefs might take would be binding159 upon the tribe only if the tribe had commissioned its representatives to take them. The embassy was only a decoy. The Spaniards thought that the perfuming with incense160 indicated submission161 to themselves. They did not know that prisoners of war, destined162 for sacrifice, were perfumed in the same way. But the slaughter could not have been by any means as great as is ordinarily supposed. In the first place, there were not as many inhabitants in the city as Cortés imagined; and, in the second place, three of the wards163 of the city were not involved either in the plot or the killing164. The great crowd which attended the Spaniards as they passed through the streets was always the same crowd. It made a prodigious165 noise, and the invaders naturally imagined it to betoken166 an immense population. But Bandelier’s estimate of 30,000 inhabitants is probably correct. Cortés, in his first report, writes, with apparent complacency, that “3000 muriéron en dos horas.” This would imply a most astounding168 killing capacity on the part of the less than 500 Spaniards and their allies. The fire-arms of course made awful havoc169, yet we must remember that it was a matter of time to load and fire the muskets170 and cannons171 of that age. No women and children were killed, not only because the soldiers were ordered to spare all women and children, but also because all non-combatants had been sent away some time before. Armed men fought and killed armed men. Moreover, the Tlascalan allies were more eager to plunder75 and to capture prisoners than to kill. Bandelier, recalling the fact that the battle was fought on a space not a quarter of a mile in length, questions whether more than five hundred men fell. His estimate is probably too small. The killing was stopped by Cortés five hours after the first shot was fired. Andrés de Tápia, who wrote some time after the affair, says the pillaging172, etc., went on for two days. Bernal Diaz, writing fifty years afterward173, says it ended the second ?lay. But Cortés, writing the next year, says the place was full of women and children the next day. The “smoking ruins” must be dismissed as a creation of the imagination. Adobe174 and stone walls, and roof timbers covered with a thick coating of earth, do not afford good material for a conflagration175. The 20,000 warriors176 from Mexico mentioned on p. 194 could not have been present. It would have been impossible for so large a body to have been sent from that city, and Cortés would have learned of its approach, through his Tlascalan allies, long before. Bandelier treats the massacre very lucidly177 in his “Gilded Man,” pp. 258-282.—M.]{214}
But, whatever be thought of this transaction in a moral view, as a stroke of policy it was unques{215}tionable. The nations of Anahuac had beheld178, with admiration179 mingled with awe, the little band of Christian warriors steadily180 advancing along the plateau in face of every obstacle, overturning army after army with as much ease, apparently181, as the good ship throws off the angry billows from her bows, or rather like the lava182, which, rolling from their own volcanoes, holds on its course unchecked by obstacles, rock, tree, or building, bearing them along, or crushing and consuming them in its fiery path. The prowess of the Spaniards—“the white gods,” as they were often called[221]—made them to be thought invincible183. But it was not till their arrival at Cholula that the natives learned how terrible was their vengeance184; and they trembled!
None trembled more than the Aztec emperor on his throne among the mountains. He read in these events the dark characters traced by the finger of Destiny.[222] He felt his empire melting away like{216} a morning mist. He might well feel so. Some of the most important cities in the neighborhood of Cholula, intimidated185 by the fate of that capital, new sent their envoys to the Castilian camp, tendering their allegiance, and propitiating186 the favor of the strangers by rich presents of gold and slaves.[223] Montezuma, alarmed at these signs of defection, took counsel again of his impotent deities187; but, although the altars smoked with fresh hecatombs of human victims, he obtained no cheering response. He determined188, therefore, to send another embassy to the Spaniards, disavowing any participation189 in the conspiracy of Cholula.
Meanwhile Cortés was passing his time in that capital. He thought that the impression produced by the late scenes, and by the present restoration of tranquillity, offered a fair opportunity for the good work of conversion. He accordingly urged the citizens to embrace the Cross and abandon the false guardians190 who had abandoned them in their extremity191. But the traditions of centuries rested on the Holy City, shedding a halo of glory around it as “the sanctuary192 of the gods,” the religious capital of Anahuac. It was too much to expect that the people would willingly resign this pre-eminence and descend139 to the level of an ordinary community. Still Cortés might have pressed the matter, however unpalatable, but for the re{217}newed interposition of the wise Olmedo, who persuaded him to postpone193 it till after the reduction of the whole country.[224]
The Spanish general, however, had the satisfaction to break open the cages in which the victims for sacrifice were confined, and to dismiss the trembling inmates194 to liberty and life. He also seized upon the great teocalli, and devoted195 that portion of the building which, being of stone, had escaped the fury of the flames, to the purposes of a Christian church; while a crucifix of stone and lime, of gigantic dimensions, spreading out its arms above the city, proclaimed that the population below was under the protection of the Cross. On the same spot now stands a temple overshadowed by dark cypresses196 of unknown antiquity197, and dedicated198 to Our Lady de los Remedios. An image of the Virgin199 presides over it, said to have been left by the Conqueror himself;[225] and an Indian ecclesiastic200, a descendant of the ancient Cholulans, performs the peaceful services of the Roman Catholic communion on the spot where his ancestors celebrated201 the sanguinary rites167 of the mystic Quetzalcoatl.[226]
During the occurrence of these events, envoys arrived from Mexico. They were charged, as usual, with a rich present of plate and ornaments202 of gold, among others, artificial birds in imitation of turkeys, with plumes203 of the same precious metal. To these were added fifteen hundred cotton dresses of delicate fabric204. The emperor even ex{218}pressed his regret at the catastrophe205 of Cholula, vindicated206 himself from any share in the conspiracy which he said had brought deserved retribution on the heads of its authors, and explained the existence of an Aztec force in the neighborhood by the necessity of repressing some disorders207 there.[227]
One cannot contemplate this pusillanimous208 conduct of Montezuma without mingled feelings of pity and contempt. It is not easy to reconcile his assumed innocence209 of the plot with many circumstances connected with it. But it must be remembered here, and always, that his history is to be collected solely210 from Spanish writers and such of the natives as flourished after the Conquest, when the country had become a colony of Spain. Not an Aztec record of the primitive211 age survives, in a form capable of interpretation212.[228] It is the hard fate of this unfortunate monarch213 to be wholly in{219}debted for his portraiture214 to the pencil of his enemies.
More than a fortnight had elapsed since the entrance of the Spaniards into Cholula, and Cortés now resolved without loss of time to resume his march towards the capital. His rigorous reprisals215 had so far intimidated the Cholulans that he felt assured he should no longer leave an active enemy in his rear, to annoy him in case of retreat. He had the satisfaction, before his departure, to heal the feud—in outward appearance, at least—that had so long subsisted216 between the Holy City and Tlascala, and which, under the revolution which so soon changed the destinies of the country, never revived.
It was with some disquietude that he now received an application from his Cempoallan allies to be allowed to withdraw from the expedition and return to their own homes. They had incurred217 too deeply the resentment of the Aztec emperor, by their insults to his collectors, and by their co-operation with the Spaniards, to care to trust themselves in his capital. It was in vain Cortés endeavored to reassure94 them by promised of his protection. Their habitual218 distrust and dread219 of “the great Montezuma” were not to be overcome. The general learned their determination with regret, for they had been of infinite service to the cause by their stanch220 fidelity101 and courage. All this made it the more difficult for him to resist their reasonable demand. Liberally recompensing their services, therefore, from the rich wardrobe and treasures of the emperor, he took leave of his faithful{220} followers, before his own departure from Cholula. He availed himself of their return to send letters to Juan de Escalante, his lieutenant221 at Vera Cruz, acquainting him with the successful progress of the expedition. He enjoined222 on that officer to strengthen the fortifications of the place, so as the better to resist any hostile interference from Cuba,—an event for which Cortés was ever on the watch,—and to keep down revolt among the natives. He especially commended the Totonacs to his protection, as allies whose fidelity to the Spaniards exposed them, in no slight degree, to the vengeance of the Aztecs.
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massacre
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| n.残杀，大屠杀；v.残杀，集体屠杀 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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streak
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| n.条理，斑纹，倾向，少许，痕迹；v.加条纹，变成条纹，奔驰，快速移动 | |
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5
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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umbrage
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| n.不快；树荫 | |
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reposing
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的现在分词 ) | |
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snare
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| n.陷阱，诱惑，圈套；（去除息肉或者肿瘤的）勒除器；响弦，小军鼓；vt.以陷阱捕获，诱惑 | |
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perfidy
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| n.背信弃义，不忠贞 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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prevarication
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| n.支吾；搪塞；说谎；有枝有叶 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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hewed
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| v.（用斧、刀等）砍、劈( hew的过去式和过去分词 )；砍成；劈出；开辟 | |
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reaper
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| n.收割者，收割机 | |
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mows
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| v.刈，割( mow的第三人称单数 ) | |
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archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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gateways
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| n.网关( gateway的名词复数 )；门径；方法；大门口 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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mingling
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| adj.混合的 | |
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34
deafening
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| adj. 振耳欲聋的, 极喧闹的 动词deafen的现在分词形式 | |
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35
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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36
reverberated
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| 回响，回荡( reverberate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使反响，使回荡，使反射 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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38
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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39
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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40
galled
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| v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 )；擦伤；烦扰；侮辱 | |
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41
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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42
alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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44
inundation
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| n.the act or fact of overflowing | |
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45
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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46
wrenching
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| n.修截苗根，苗木铲根（铲根时苗木不起土或部分起土）v.（猛力地）扭( wrench的现在分词 )；扭伤；使感到痛苦；使悲痛 | |
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47
edifice
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| n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿，教室) | |
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48
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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49
turrets
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| （六角）转台( turret的名词复数 )； （战舰和坦克等上的）转动炮塔； （摄影机等上的）镜头转台； （旧时攻城用的）塔车 | |
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50
javelins
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| n.标枪( javelin的名词复数 ) | |
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51
fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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52
bonnets
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| n.童帽( bonnet的名词复数 )；（烟囱等的）覆盖物；（苏格兰男子的）无边呢帽；（女子戴的）任何一种帽子 | |
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53
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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54
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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55
shafts
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| n.轴( shaft的名词复数 )；（箭、高尔夫球棒等的）杆；通风井；一阵（疼痛、害怕等） | |
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56
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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57
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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58
miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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59
uproar
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| n.骚动，喧嚣，鼎沸 | |
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60
reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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62
frantic
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| adj.狂乱的，错乱的，激昂的 | |
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63
vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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64
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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65
shrill
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| adj.尖声的；刺耳的；v尖叫 | |
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66
rancor
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| n.深仇，积怨 | |
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67
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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68
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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69
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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70
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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71
incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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72
rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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73
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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74
pandemonium
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| n.喧嚣，大混乱 | |
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75
plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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76
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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77
coveted
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| adj.令人垂涎的；垂涎的，梦寐以求的v.贪求，觊觎(covet的过去分词)；垂涎；贪图 | |
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78
license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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79
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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80
entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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81
outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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82
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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83
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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84
appeased
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| 安抚，抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 )； 绥靖（满足另一国的要求以避免战争） | |
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85
liberate
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| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
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86
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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87
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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89
cleanse
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| vt.使清洁，使纯洁，清洗 | |
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90
loathsome
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| adj.讨厌的，令人厌恶的 | |
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91
impurities
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| 不纯( impurity的名词复数 )； 不洁； 淫秽； 杂质 | |
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92
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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93
reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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94
reassure
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| v.使放心，使消除疑虑 | |
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95
avocations
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| n.业余爱好，嗜好( avocation的名词复数 )；职业 | |
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96
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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97
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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98
conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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99
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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100
shudder
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| v.战粟，震动，剧烈地摇晃；n.战粟，抖动 | |
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101
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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102
hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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103
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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104
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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105
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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106
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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107
potentate
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| n.统治者；君主 | |
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108
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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109
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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110
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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111
nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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112
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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113
controversies
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| 争论 | |
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114
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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115
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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116
warrior
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| n.勇士，武士，斗士 | |
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117
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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118
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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119
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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120
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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121
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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122
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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123
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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124
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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125
authorize
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| v.授权，委任；批准，认可 | |
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126
foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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127
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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128
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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129
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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130
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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131
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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132
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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133
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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134
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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135
inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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136
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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137
impartially
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| adv.公平地，无私地 | |
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138
atrocities
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| n.邪恶，暴行( atrocity的名词复数 )；滔天大罪 | |
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139
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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140
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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141
imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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143
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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144
lenient
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| adj.宽大的，仁慈的 | |
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145
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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146
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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147
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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148
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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149
authorizing
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| 授权，批准，委托( authorize的现在分词 ) | |
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150
solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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151
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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152
mediation
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| n.调解 | |
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153
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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154
perilled
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| 置…于危险中（peril的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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155
posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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156
exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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157
annihilate
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| v.使无效；毁灭；取消 | |
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158
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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159
binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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160
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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161
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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162
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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163
wards
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| 区( ward的名词复数 )； 病房； 受监护的未成年者； 被人照顾或控制的状态 | |
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164
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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165
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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166
betoken
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| v.预示 | |
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167
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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168
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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169
havoc
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| n.大破坏，浩劫，大混乱，大杂乱 | |
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170
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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171
cannons
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| n.加农炮，大炮，火炮( cannon的名词复数 ) | |
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172
pillaging
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的现在分词 ) | |
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173
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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174
adobe
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| n.泥砖，土坯，美国Adobe公司 | |
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175
conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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176
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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177
lucidly
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| adv.清透地，透明地 | |
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178
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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179
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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180
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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181
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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182
lava
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| n.熔岩，火山岩 | |
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183
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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184
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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185
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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186
propitiating
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| v.劝解，抚慰，使息怒( propitiate的现在分词 ) | |
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187
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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188
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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189
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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190
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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191
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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192
sanctuary
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| n.圣所，圣堂，寺庙；禁猎区，保护区 | |
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193
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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194
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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195
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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196
cypresses
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| n.柏属植物，柏树( cypress的名词复数 ) | |
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197
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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198
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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199
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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200
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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201
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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202
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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203
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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204
fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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205
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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206
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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207
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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208
pusillanimous
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| adj.懦弱的，胆怯的 | |
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209
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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210
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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211
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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212
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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213
monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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214
portraiture
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| n.肖像画法 | |
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215
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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216
subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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217
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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218
habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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219
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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220
stanch
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| v.止住（血等）；adj.坚固的；坚定的 | |
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221
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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222
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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