INTO THE CAPITAL—HOSPITABLE
RECEPTION—VISIT TO THE EMPEROR
1519
With the first faint streak1 of dawn, the Spanish general was up, mustering2 his followers3. They gathered, with beating hearts, under their respective banners, as the trumpet4 sent forth5 its spirit-stirring sounds across water and woodland, till they died away in distant echoes among the mountains. The sacred flames on the altars of numberless teocallis, dimly seen through the gray mists of morning,[261] indicated the site of the capital, till temple, tower, and palace were fully6 revealed in the glorious illumination which the sun, as he rose above the eastern barrier, poured over the beautiful Valley. It was the eighth of November, 1519, a conspicuous7 day in{247} history, as that on which the Europeans first set foot in the capital of the Western World.
Cortés with his little body of horse formed a sort of advanced guard to the army. Then came the Spanish infantry8, who in a summer’s campaign had acquired the discipline and the weather-beaten aspect of veterans. The baggage occupied the centre; and the rear was closed by the dark files[262] of Tlascalan warriors9. The whole number must have fallen short of seven thousand; of which less than four hundred were Spaniards.[263]
For a short distance, the army kept along the narrow tongue of land that divides the Tezcucan from the Chalcan waters, when it entered on the great dike10, which, with the exception of an angle near the commencement, stretches in a perfectly11 straight line across the salt floods of Tezcuco to the gates of the capital. It was the same causeway, or rather the basis of that, which still forms the great southern avenue of Mexico.[264] The Span{248}iards had occasion more than ever to admire the mechanical science of the Aztecs, in the geometrical precision with which the work was executed, as well as the solidity of its construction. It was composed of huge stones well laid in cement, and wide enough, throughout its whole extent, for ten horsemen to ride abreast12.
They saw, as they passed along, several large towns, resting on piles, and reaching far into the water,—a kind of architecture which found great favor with the Aztecs, being in imitation of that of their metropolis13.[265] The busy population obtained a good subsistence from the manufacture of salt, which they extracted from the waters of the great lake. The duties on the traffic in this article were a considerable source of revenue to the crown.
Everywhere the Conquerors14 beheld15 the evidence of a crowded and thriving population, exceeding all they had yet seen. The temples and principal buildings of the cities were covered with a hard white stucco, which glistened16 like enamel17 in the level beams of the morning. The margin18 of the great basin was more thickly gemmed19 than that of Chalco with towns and hamlets.[266] The water{249} was darkened by swarms20 of canoes filled with Indians,[267] who clambered up the sides of the causeway and gazed with curious astonishment21 on the strangers. And here, also, they beheld those fairy islands of flowers, overshadowed occasionally by trees of considerable size, rising and falling with the gentle undulation of the billows. At the distance of half a league from the capital, they encountered a solid work or curtain of stone, which traversed the dike. It was twelve feet high, was strengthened by towers at the extremities22, and in the centre was a battlemented gateway23, which opened a passage to the troops. It was called the Fort of Xoloc, and became memorable24 in after-times as the position occupied by Cortés in the famous siege of Mexico.
Here they were met by several hundred Aztec chiefs, who came out to announce the approach of Montezuma and to welcome the Spaniards to his capital. They were dressed in the fanciful gala costume of the country, with the maxtlatl, or cotton sash, around their loins, and a broad mantle25 of the same material, or of the brilliant feather-embroidery, flowing gracefully26 down their shoulders. On their necks and arms they displayed collars and{250} bracelets27 of turquoise28 mosaic29, with which delicate plumage was furiously mingled,[268] while their ears, under-lips, and occasionally their noses, were garnished30 with pendants formed of precious stones, or crescents of fine gold. As each cacique made the usual formal salutation of the country separately to the general, the tedious ceremony delayed the march more than an hour. After this, the army experienced no further interruption till it reached a bridge near the gates of the city. It was built of wood, since replaced by one of stone, and was thrown across an opening of the dike, which furnished an outlet31 to the waters when agitated32 by the winds or swollen33 by a sudden influx34 in the rainy season. It was a drawbridge; and the Spaniards, as they crossed it, felt how truly they were committing themselves to the mercy of Montezuma, who, by thus cutting off their communications with the country, might hold them prisoners in his capital.[269]
In the midst of these unpleasant reflections, they beheld the glittering retinue35 of the emperor emerging from the great street which led then, as it still does, through the heart of the city.[270] Amidst a{251} crowd of Indian nobles, preceded by three officers of state bearing golden wands,[271] they saw the royal palanquin blazing with burnished36 gold. It was borne on the shoulders of nobles, and over it a canopy37 of gaudy38 feather-work, powdered with jewels and fringed with silver, was supported by four attendants of the same rank. They were bare-ooted, and walked with a slow, measured pace, and with eyes bent39 on the ground. When the train had come within a convenient distance, it halted, and Montezuma, descending40 from his litter, came forward, leaning on the arms of the lords of Tezcuco and Iztapalapan, his nephew and brother, both of whom, as we have seen, had already been made known to the Spaniards. As the monarch41 advanced under the canopy, the obsequious42 attendants strewed43 the ground with cotton tapestry44, that his imperial feet might not be contaminated by the rude soil. His subjects of high and low degree, who lined the sides of the causeway, bent forward with their eyes fastened on the ground as he passed, and some of the humbler class prostrated46 themselves before him.[272] Such was the{252} homage48 paid to the Indian despot, showing that the slavish forms of Oriental adulation were to be found among the rude inhabitants of the Western World.
Montezuma wore the girdle and ample square cloak, tilmatli, of his nation. It was made of the finest cotton, with the embroidered49 ends gathered in a knot round his neck. His feet were defended by sandals having soles of gold, and the leathern thongs50 which bound them to his ankles were embossed with the same metal. Both the cloak and sandals were sprinkled with pearls and precious stones, among which the emerald and the chalchivitl—a green stone of higher estimation than any other among the Aztecs—were conspicuous. On his head he wore no other ornament51 than a panache52 of plumes53 of the royal green, which floated down his back, the badge of military, rather than of regal, rank.
He was at this time about forty years of age. His person was tall and thin, but not ill made. His hair, which was black and straight, was not very long; to wear it short was considered unbecoming persons of rank. His beard was thin; his complexion54 somewhat paler than is often found in his dusky, or rather copper-colored, race. His features, though serious in their expression, did not wear the look of melancholy55, indeed, of dejection, which characterizes his portrait, and which may well have settled on them at a later period. He{253} moved with dignity, and his whole demeanor56, tempered by an expression of benignity57 not to have been anticipated from the reports circulated of his character, was worthy58 of a great prince. Such is the portrait left to us of the celebrated59 Indian emperor in this his first interview with the white men.[273]
The army halted as he drew near. Cortés, dismounting, threw his reins60 to a page, and, supported by a few of the principal cavaliers, advanced to meet him. The interview must have been one of uncommon61 interest to both. In Montezuma, Cortés beheld the lord of the broad realms he had traversed, whose magnificence and power had been the burden of every tongue. In the Spaniard, on the other hand, the Aztec prince saw the strange being whose history seemed to be so mysteriously connected with his own; the predicted one of his oracles62; whose achievements proclaimed him something more than human. But, whatever may have{254} been the monarch’s feelings, he so far suppressed them as to receive his guest with princely courtesy, and to express his satisfaction at personally seeing him in his capital.[274] Cortés responded by the most profound expression of respect, while he made ample acknowledgments for the substantial proofs which the emperor had given the Spaniards of his munificence63. He then hung round Montezuma’s neck a sparkling chain of colored crystal, accompanying this with a movement as if to embrace him, when he was restrained by the two Aztec lords, shocked at the menaced profanation64 of the sacred person of their master.[275] After the interchange of these civilities, Montezuma appointed his brother to conduct the Spaniards to their residence in the capital, and, again entering his litter, was borne off amidst prostrate47 crowds in the same state in which he had come. The Spaniards quickly followed, and, with colors flying and music playing, soon made their entrance into the southern quarter of Tenochtitlan.[276]
Here, again, they found fresh cause for admiration65 in the grandeur66 of the city and the superior style of its architecture. The dwellings67 of the poorer class were, indeed, chiefly of reeds and mud. But the great avenue through which they were now marching was lined with the houses of the nobles,{255} who were encouraged by the emperor to make the capital their residence. They were built of a red porous68 stone drawn69 from quarries70 in the neighborhood, and, though they rarely rose to a second story, often covered a large space of ground. The flat roofs, azoteas, were protected by stone parapets, so that every house was a fortress71. Sometimes these roofs resembled parterres of flowers, so thickly were they covered with them, but more frequently these were cultivated in broad terraced gardens, laid out between the edifices72.[277] Occasionally a great square or market-place intervened, surrounded by its porticoes73 of stone and stucco; or a pyramidal temple reared its colossal74 bulk, crowned with its tapering75 sanctuaries76, and altars blazing with inextinguishable fires. The great street facing the southern causeway, unlike most others in the place, was wide, and extended some miles in nearly a straight line, as before noticed, through the centre of the city. A spectator standing77 at one end of it, as his eye ranged along the deep vista78 of temples, terraces, and gardens, might clearly discern the other, with the blue mountains in the distance, which, in the transparent79 atmosphere of the table-land, seemed almost in contact with the buildings.
But what most impressed the Spaniards was the throngs80 of people who swarmed81 through the streets and on the canals, filling every door-way and window and clustering on the roofs of the buildings. “I well remember the spectacle,” exclaims{256} Bernal Diaz: “it seems now, after so many years, as present to my mind as if it were but yesterday.”[278] But what must have been the sensation of the Aztecs themselves, as they looked on the portentous82 pageant83! as they heard, now for the first time, the well-cemented pavement ring under the iron tramp of the horses,—the strange animals which fear had clothed in such supernatural terrors; as they gazed on the children of the East, revealing their celestial84 origin in their fair complexions85; saw the bright falchions and bonnets86 of steel, a metal to them unknown, glancing like meteors in the sun, while sounds of unearthly music—at least, such as their rude instruments had never wakened—floated in the air! But every other emotion was lost in that of deadly hatred88, when they beheld their detested89 enemy the Tlascalan stalking, in defiance90, as it were, through their streets, and staring around with looks of ferocity and wonder, like some wild animal of the forest who had strayed by chance from his native fastnesses into the haunts of civilization.[279]
As they passed down the spacious91 street, the troops repeatedly traversed bridges suspended{257} above canals, along which they saw the Indian barks gliding92 swiftly with their little cargoes93 of fruits and vegetables for the markets of Tenochtitlan.[280] At length they halted before a broad area near the centre of the city, where rose the huge pyramidal pile dedicated94 to the patron war-god of the Aztecs, second only, in size as well as sanctity, to the temple of Cholula, and covering the same ground now in part occupied by the great cathedral of Mexico.[281]
Facing the western gate of the enclosure of the temple, stood a low range of stone buildings, spreading over a wide extent of ground, the palace of Axayacatl, Montezuma’s father, built by that monarch about fifty years before.[282] It was appropriated as the barracks of the Spaniards. The emperor himself was in the court-yard, waiting to receive them. Approaching Cortés, he{258} took from a vase of flowers, borne by one of his slaves, a massy collar, in which the shell of a species of crawfish, much prized by the Indians, was set in gold and connected by heavy links of the same metal. From this chain depended eight ornaments95, also of gold, made in resemblance of the same shell-fish, a span in length each, and of delicate workmanship;[283] for the Aztec goldsmiths were confessed to have shown skill in their craft not inferior to their brethren of Europe.[284] Montezuma, as he hung the gorgeous collar round the general’s neck, said, “This palace belongs to you, Malinche”[285] (the epithet96 by which he always addressed him), “and your brethren. Rest after your fatigues97, for you have much need to do so, and in a little while I will visit you again.” So saying, he withdrew with his attendants, evincing in this act a delicate consideration not to have been expected in a barbarian98.
Cortés’ first care was to inspect his new quarters. The building, though spacious, was low, consisting of one floor, except, indeed, in the centre, where it rose to an additional story. The{259} apartments were of great size, and afforded accommodations, according to the testimony99 of the Conquerors themselves, for the whole army![286] The hardy100 mountaineers of Tlascala were, probably, not very fastidious, and might easily find a shelter in the out-buildings, or under temporary awnings101 in the ample court-yards. The best apartments were hung with gay cotton draperies, the floors covered with mats or rushes. There were, also, low stools made of single pieces of wood elaborately carved, and in most of the apartments beds made of the palm-leaf, woven into a thick mat, with coverlets, and sometimes canopies102, of cotton. These mats were the only beds used by the natives, whether of high or low degree.[287]
After a rapid survey of this gigantic pile, the general assigned his troops their respective quarters, and took as vigilant103 precautions for security as if he had anticipated a siege instead of a friendly entertainment. The place was encompassed104 by a stone wall of considerable thickness, with towers or heavy buttresses105 at intervals106, affording a good means of defence. He planted his cannon107 so as to command the approaches, stationed his sentinels along the works, and, in short, enforced in every respect as strict military discipline as had been observed in any part of the march. He well knew the importance to his little band, at least for the present, of conciliating the{260} good will of the citizens; and, to avoid all possibility of collision, he prohibited any soldier from leaving his quarters without orders, under pain of death. Having taken these precautions, he allowed his men to partake of the bountiful collation108 which had been prepared for them.
They had been long enough in the country to become reconciled to, if not to relish109, the peculiar110 cooking of the Aztecs. The appetite of the soldier is not often dainty, and on the present occasion it cannot be doubted that the Spaniards did full justice to the savory111 productions of the royal kitchen. During the meal they were served by numerous Mexican slaves, who were, indeed, distributed through the palace, anxious to do the bidding of the strangers. After the repast was concluded, and they had taken their siesta112, not less important to a Spaniard than food itself, the presence of the emperor was again announced.
Montezuma was attended by a few of his principal nobles. He was received with much deference113 by Cortés; and, after the parties had taken their seats, a conversation commenced between them, through the aid of Do?a Marina, while the cavaliers and Aztec chieftains stood around in respectful silence.
Montezuma made many inquiries114 concerning the country of the Spaniards, their sovereign, the nature of his government, and especially their own motives116 in visiting Anahuac. Cortés explained these motives by the desire to see so distinguished117 a monarch and to declare to him the true Faith professed118 by the Christians120. With
[Image unavailable.]
AUDIENCE OF CORTéS WITH MONTEZUMA
Goupil & Co., Paris
{261}
rare discretion121, he contented122 himself with dropping this hint, for the present, allowing it to ripen123 in the mind of the emperor, till a future conference. The latter asked whether those white men who in the preceding year had landed on the eastern shores of his empire were their countrymen. He showed himself well informed of the proceedings124 of the Spaniards from their arrival in Tabasco to the present time, information of which had been regularly transmitted in the hieroglyphical125 paintings. He was curious, also, in regard to the rank of his visitors in their own country; inquiring if they were the kinsmen126 of the sovereign. Cortés replied, they were kinsmen of one another, and subjects of their great monarch, who held them all in peculiar estimation. Before his departure, Montezuma made himself acquainted with the names of the principal cavaliers, and the position they occupied in the army.
At the conclusion of the interview, the Aztec prince commanded his attendants to bring forward the presents prepared for his guests. They consisted of cotton dresses, enough to supply every man, it is said, including the allies, with a suit![288] And he did not fail to add the usual ac{262}companiment of gold chains and other ornaments, which he distributed in profusion127 among the Spaniards. He then withdrew with the same ceremony with which he had entered, leaving every one deeply impressed with his munificence and his affability, so unlike what they had been taught to expect by what they now considered an invention of the enemy.[289]
That evening the Spaniards celebrated their arrival in the Mexican capital by a general discharge of artillery128. The thunders of the ordnance129, reverberating130 among the buildings and shaking them to their foundations, the stench of the sulphureous vapor131 that rolled in volumes above the walls of the encampment, reminding the inhabitants of the explosions of the great volcan, filled the hearts of the superstitious132 Aztecs with dismay. It proclaimed to them that their city held in its bosom133 those dread134 beings whose path had been marked with desolation, and who could call down the thunderbolts to consume their enemies! It was doubtless the policy of Cortés to strengthen this superstitious feeling as far as possible, and to impress the natives, at the outset, with a salutary awe135 of the supernatural powers of the Spaniards. [290] {263}
On the following morning, the general requested permission to return the emperor’s visit, by waiting on him in his palace. This was readily granted, and Montezuma sent his officers to conduct the Spaniards to his presence. Cortés dressed himself in his richest habit, and left the quarters attended by Alvarado, Sandoval, Velasquez, and Ordaz, together with five or six of the common file.
The royal habitation was at no great distance. It stood on the ground, to the southwest of the cathedral, since covered in part by the Casa del Estado, the palace of the dukes of Monteleone, the descendants of Cortés.[291] It was a vast, irregular pile of low stone buildings, like that garrisoned136 by the Spaniards.[292] So spacious was it, indeed, that, as one of the Conquerors assures us, although he had visited it more than once, for the express purpose, he had been too much fatigued137 each time by wandering through the apartments ever to see the whole of it.[293] It was built of the red porous stone of the country, tetzontli, was ornamented{264} with marble, and on the fa?ade over the principal entrance were sculptured the arms or device of Montezuma,{*} an eagle bearing an ocelot in his talons138.[294]
In the courts through which the Spaniards passed, fountains of crystal water were playing, fed from the copious140 reservoir on the distant hill of Chapoltepec, and supplying in their turn more than a hundred baths in the interior of the palace. Crowds of Aztec nobles were sauntering up and down in these squares, and in the outer halls, loitering away their hours in attendance on the court. The apartments were of immense size, though not lofty. The ceilings were of various sorts of odoriferous wood ingeniously carved; the floors covered with mats of the palm-leaf. The walls were hung with cotton richly stained, with the skins of wild animals, or gorgeous draperies of feather-work wrought142 in imitation of birds, insects, and flowers, with the nice art and glowing radiance of colors that might compare with the tapestries144 of Flanders. Clouds of incense145 rolled up from censers and diffused146 intoxicating147 odors through the apartments. The Spaniards might well have fancied themselves in the voluptuous{265} precincts of an Eastern harem, instead of treading the halls of a wild barbaric chief in the Western World.[295]
On reaching the hall of audience, the Mexican officers took off their sandals, and covered their gay attire148 with a mantle of nequen, a coarse stuff made of the fibres of the maguey, worn only by the poorest classes. This act of humiliation149 was imposed on all, except the members of his own family, who approached the sovereign.[296] Thus bare-footed, with downcast eyes and formal obeisance150, they ushered151 the Spaniards into the royal presence.
They found Montezuma seated at the further end of a spacious saloon and surrounded by a few of his favorite chiefs. He received them kindly153, and very soon Cortés, without much ceremony, entered on the subject which was uppermost in his thoughts. He was fully aware of the importance of gaining the royal convert, whose example would have such an influence on the conversion154 of his people. The general, therefore, prepared to display the whole store of his theological sci{266}ence, with the most winning arts of rhetoric155 he could command, while the interpretation156 was conveyed through the silver tones of Marina, as inseparable from him, on these occasions, as his shadow.
He set forth, as clearly as he could, the ideas entertained by the Church in regard to the holy mysteries of the Trinity, the Incarnation, and the Atonement. From this he ascended157 to the origin of things, the creation of the world, the first pair, paradise, and the fall of man. He assured Montezuma that the idols158 he worshipped were Satan under different forms. A sufficient proof of it was the bloody159 sacrifices they imposed, which he contrasted with the pure and simple rite152 of the mass. Their worship would sink him in perdition. It was to snatch his soul, and the souls of his people, from the flames of eternal fire by opening to them a purer faith, that the Christians had come to his land. And he earnestly besought160 him not to neglect the occasion, but to secure his salvation161 by embracing the Cross, the great sign of human redemption.
The eloquence162 of the preacher was wasted on the insensible heart of his royal auditor163. It doubtless lost somewhat of its efficacy, strained through the imperfect interpretation of so recent a neophyte164 as the Indian damsel. But the doctrines165 were too abstruse166 in themselves to be comprehended at a glance by the rude intellect of a barbarian. And Montezuma may have, perhaps, thought it was not more monstrous167 to feed on the flesh of a fellow-creature than on that of the Creator him{267}self.[297] He was, besides, steeped in the superstitions169 of his country from his cradle. He had been educated in the straitest sect143 of her religion, had been himself a priest before his election to the throne, and was now the head both of the religion and the state. Little probability was there that such a man would be open to argument or persuasion170, even from the lips of a more practised polemic171 than the Spanish commander. How could he abjure172 the faith that was intertwined with the dearest affections of his heart and the very elements of his being? How could he be false to the gods who had raised him to such prosperity and honors, and whose shrines173 were intrusted to his especial keeping?
He listened, however, with silent attention, until the general had concluded his homily. He then replied that he knew the Spaniards had held this discourse174 wherever they had been. He doubted not their God was, as they said, a good being. His gods, also, were good to him. Yet what his visitor said of the creation of the world was like what he had been taught to believe.[298] It was not worth while to discourse further of the matter. His ancestors, he said, were not the origi{268}nal proprietors175 of the land. They had occupied it but a few ages, and had been led there by a great Being, who, after giving them laws and ruling over the nation for a time, had withdrawn176 to the regions where the sun rises. He had declared, on his departure, that he or his descendants would again visit them and resume his empire.[299] The wonderful deeds of the Spaniards, their fair complexions, and the quarter whence they came, all showed they were his descendants. If Montezuma had resisted their visit to his capital, it was because he had heard such accounts of their cruelties,—that they sent the lightning to consume his people, or crushed them to pieces under the hard feet of the ferocious177 animals on which they rode. He was now convinced that these were idle tales; that the Spaniards were kind and generous in their natures; they were mortals, of a different race, indeed, from the Aztecs, wiser, and more valiant,—and for this he honored them.
“You, too,” he added, with a smile, “have been told, perhaps, that I am a god, and dwell in palaces of gold and silver.[300] But you see it is false. My houses, though large, are of stone and wood like those of others; and as to my body,” he said, baring his tawny178 arm, “you see it is flesh and bone{269} like yours. It is true, I have a great empire inherited from my ancestors; lands, and gold, and silver. But your sovereign beyond the waters is, I know, the rightful lord of all. I rule in his name. You, Malinche, are his ambassador; you and your brethren shall share these things with me. Rest now from your labors179. You are here in your own dwellings, and everything shall be provided for your subsistence. I will see that your wishes shall be obeyed in the same way as my own.”[301] As the monarch concluded these words, a few natural tears suffused180 his eyes, while the image of ancient independence, perhaps, flitted across his mind.[302]
Cortés, while he encouraged the idea that his own sovereign was the great Being indicated by Montezuma, endeavored to comfort the monarch by the assurance that his master had no desire to interfere181 with his authority, otherwise than, out of pure concern for his welfare, to effect his conversion and that of his people to Christianity. Before the emperor dismissed his visitors he consulted his munificent183 spirit, as usual, by distributing rich{270} stuffs and trinkets of gold among them, so that the poorest soldier, says Bernal Diaz, one of the party, received at least two heavy collars of the precious metal for his share. The iron hearts of the Spaniards were touched with the emotion displayed by Montezuma, as well as by his princely spirit of liberality. As they passed him, the cavaliers, with bonnet87 in hand, made him the most profound obeisance, and “on the way home,” continues the same chronicler, “we could discourse of nothing but the gentle breeding and courtesy of the Indian monarch, and of the respect we entertained for him.”[303]
Speculations185 of a graver complexion must have pressed on the mind of the general, as he saw around him the evidences of a civilization, and consequently power, for which even the exaggerated reports of the natives—discredited from their apparent exaggeration—had not prepared him. In the pomp and burdensome ceremonial of the court he saw that nice system of subordination and profound reverence186 for the monarch which characterize the semi-civilized empires of Asia. In the appearance of the capital, its massy yet elegant architecture, its luxurious187 social accommodations, its activity in trade, he recognized the proofs of the intellectual progress, mechanical skill, and enlarged resources of an old and opulent community; while the swarms in the streets attested188 the existence of a{271} population capable of turning these resources to the best account.
In the Aztec he beheld a being unlike either the rude republican Tlascalan or the effeminate Cholulan, but combining the courage of the one with the cultivation189 of the other. He was in the heart of a great capital, which seemed like an extensive fortification, with its dikes and its draw-bridges, where every house might be easily converted into a castle. Its insular190 position removed it from the continent, from which, at the mere191 nod of the sovereign, all communication might be cut off, and the whole warlike population be at once precipitated192 on him and his handful of followers. What could superior science avail against such odds193?[304]
As to the subversion194 of Montezuma’s empire, now that he had seen him in his capital, it must have seemed a more doubtful enterprise than ever. The recognition which the Aztec prince had made of the feudal195 supremacy196, if I may so say, of the Spanish sovereign, was not to be taken too literally197. Whatever show of deference he might be disposed to pay the latter under the influence of his present—perhaps temporary—delusion, it was not to be supposed that he would so easily relinquish198 his actual power and possessions, or that his people would consent to it. Indeed, his sensitive appre{272}hensions in regard to this very subject, on the coming of the Spaniards, were sufficient proof of the tenacity199 with which he clung to his authority. It is true that Cortés had a strong lever for future operations in the superstitious reverence felt for himself both by prince and people. It was undoubtedly200 his policy to maintain this sentiment unimpaired in both, as far as possible.[305] But, before settling any plan of operations, it was necessary to make himself personally acquainted with the topography and local advantages of the capital, the character of its population, and the real nature and amount of its resources. With this view, he asked the emperor’s permission to visit the principal public edifices.
Antonio de Herrera, the celebrated chronicler of the Indies, was born of a respectable family at Cuella, in Old Spain, in 1549. After passing through the usual course of academic discipline in his own country, he went to Italy, to which land of art and letters the Spanish youth of that time frequently resorted to complete their education. He there became acquainted with Vespasian Gonzaga, brother of the duke of Mantua, and entered into his service. He continued with this prince after he was made Viceroy of Navarre, and was so highly regarded by him, that, on his death-bed, Gonzaga earnestly commended him to the protection of Philip the Second. This penetrating201 monarch soon discerned the excellent qualities of Herrera, and raised him to the post of Historiographer of the Indies,—an office for which Spain is indebted to Philip. Thus provided with a liberal salary, and with every facility for pursuing the historical researches to which his inclination202 led him, Herrera’s days glided203 peacefully away in the steady, but silent, occupations of a man of letters. He continued to hold the office of historian of the colonies through Philip the Second’s reign115, and under his successors, Philip the Third and the Fourth; till in 1625 he died at the advanced{273} age of seventy-six, leaving behind him a high character for intellectual and moral worth.
Herrera wrote several works, chiefly historical. The most important, that on which his reputation rests, is his Historia general de las Indias occidentales. It extends from the year 1492, the time of the discovery of America, to 1554, and is divided into eight decades. Four of them were published in 1601, and the remaining four in 1615, making in all five volumes in folio. The work was subsequently republished in 1730, and has been translated into most of the languages of Europe. The English translator, Stevens, has taken great liberties with his original, in the way of abridgment204 and omission205, but the execution of his work is, on the whole, superior to that of most of the old English versions of the Castilian chroniclers.
Herrera’s vast subject embraces the whole colonial empire of Spain in the New World. The work is thrown into the form of annals, and the multifarious occurrences in the distant regions of which he treats are all marshalled with exclusive reference to their chronology, and made to move together pari passu. By means of this tasteless arrangement the thread of interest is perpetually snapped, the reader is hurried from one scene to another, without the opportunity of completing his survey of any. His patience is exhausted206 and his mind perplexed207 with partial and scattered208 glimpses, instead of gathering209 new light as he advances from the skilful210 development of a continuous and well-digested narrative211. This is the great defect of a plan founded on a slavish adherence212 to chronology. The defect becomes more serious when the work, as in the present instance, is of vast compass and embraces a great variety of details having little relation to each other. In such a work we feel the superiority of a plan like that which Robertson has pursued in his “History of America,” where every subject is allowed to occupy its own independent place, proportioned to its importance, and thus to make a distinct and individual impression on the reader.
Herrera’s position gave him access to the official returns from the colonies, state papers, and whatever documents existed in the public offices for the illustration of the colonial history. Among these sources of information were some manuscripts, with which it is not now easy to meet; as, for example, the memorial of Alonso de Ojeda, one of the followers of Cortés, which has eluded213 my researches both in Spain and Mexico. Other writings, as those of Father Sahagun, of much importance in the history of Indian civilization, were unknown to the historian. Of such manuscripts as fell into his hands, Herrera made the freest use. From the writings of Las Casas, in particular, he borrowed without ceremony. The bishop214 had left orders that his “History of the Indies” should not be published till at least forty years after his death. Before that period had elapsed Herrera had entered on his labors, and, as he had access to the papers of Las Casas, he availed himself of it to transfer whole pages, nay215, chapters, of his narrative in the most unscrupulous{274} manner to his own work. In doing this, he made a decided216 improvement on the manner of his original, reduced his cumbrous and entangled217 sentences to pure Castilian, omitted his turgid declamation218 and his unreasonable219 invectives. But, at the same time, he also excluded the passages that bore hardest on the conduct of his countrymen, and those bursts of indignant eloquence which showed a moral sensibility in the Bishop of Chiapa that raised him so far above his age. By this sort of metempsychosis, if one may so speak, by which the letter and not the spirit of the good missionary220 was transferred to Herrera’s pages, he rendered the publication of Las Casas’ history, in some measure, superfluous221; and this circumstance has, no doubt, been one reason for its having been so long detained in manuscript.
Yet, with every allowance for the errors incident to rapid composition, and to the pedantic222 chronological223 system pursued by Herrera, his work must be admitted to have extraordinary merit. It displays to the reader the whole progress of Spanish conquest and colonization224 in the New World for the first sixty years after the discovery. The individual actions of his complicated story, though unskilfully grouped together, are unfolded in a pure and simple style, well suited to the gravity of his subject. If at first sight he may seem rather too willing to magnify the merits of the early discoverers and to throw a veil over their excesses, it may be pardoned, as flowing, not from moral insensibility, but from the patriotic225 sentiment which made him desirous, as far as might be, to wipe away every stain from the escutcheon of his nation, in the proud period of her renown226. It is natural that the Spaniard who dwells on this period should be too much dazzled by the display of her gigantic efforts, scrupulously227 to weigh their moral character, or the merits of the cause in which they were made. Yet Herrera’s national partiality never makes him the apologist of crime; and, with the allowances fairly to be conceded, he may be entitled to the praise so often given him of integrity and candor228.
It must not be forgotten that, in addition to the narrative of the early discoveries of the Spaniards, Herrera has brought together a vast quantity of information in respect to the institutions and usages of the Indian nations, collected from the most authentic229 sources. This gives his work a completeness beyond what is to be found in any other on the same subject. It is, indeed, a noble monument of sagacity and erudition; and the student of history, and still more the historical compiler, will find himself unable to advance a single step among the early colonial settlements of the New World without reference to the pages of Herrera.
Another writer on Mexico, frequently consulted in the course of the present narrative, is Toribio de Benavente, or Motolinia, as he is still more frequently called, from his Indian cognomen230. He was one of the twelve Franciscan missionaries231 who, at the request of Cortés, were sent out to New Spain immediately after the Conquest,{275} in 1523. Toribio’s humble45 attire, naked feet, and, in short, the poverty-stricken aspect which belongs to his order, frequently drew from the natives the exclamation233 of Motolinia, or “poor man.” It was the first Aztec word the signification of which the missionary learned, and he was so much pleased with it, as intimating his own condition, that he henceforth assumed it as his name. Toribio employed himself zealously234 with his brethren in the great object of their mission. He travelled on foot over various parts of Mexico, Guatemala, and Nicaragua. Wherever he went, he spared no pains to wean the natives from their dark idolatry, and to pour into their minds the light of revelation. He showed even a tender regard for their temporal as well as spiritual wants, and Bernal Diaz testifies that he has known him to give away his own robe to clothe a destitute235 and suffering Indian. Yet this charitable friar, so meek236 and conscientious237 in the discharge of his Christian119 duties, was one of the fiercest opponents of Las Casas, and sent home a remonstrance238 against the Bishop of Chiapa, couched in terms the most opprobrious239 and sarcastic240. It has led the bishop’s biographer, Quintana, to suggest that the friar’s threadbare robe may have covered somewhat of worldly pride and envy. It may be so. Yet it may also lead us to distrust the discretion of Las Casas himself, who could carry measures with so rude a hand as to provoke such unsparing animadversions from his fellow-laborers in the vineyard.
Toribio was made guardian241 of a Franciscan convent at Tezcuco. In this situation he continued active in good works, and at this place, and in his different pilgrimages, is stated to have baptized more than four hundred thousand natives. His efficacious piety242 was attested by various miracles. One of the most remarkable243 was when the Indians were suffering from great drought, which threatened to annihilate244 the approaching harvests. The good father recommended a solemn procession of the natives to the church of Santa Cruz, with prayers and a vigorous flagellation. The effect was soon visible in such copious rains as entirely245 relieved the people from their apprehensions246, and in the end made the season uncommonly247 fruitful. The counterpart to this prodigy248 was afforded a few years later, while the country was laboring249 under excessive rains; when, by a similar remedy, the evil was checked, and a like propitious250 influence exerted on the season as before. The exhibition of such miracles greatly edified251 the people, says his biographer, and established them firmly in the Faith. Probably Toribio’s exemplary life and conversation, so beautifully illustrating252 the principles which he taught, did quite as much for the good cause as his miracles.
Thus passing his days in the peaceful and pious141 avocations253 of the Christian missionary, the worthy ecclesiastic254 was at length called from the scene of his earthly pilgrimage, in what year is uncertain, but at an advanced age, for he survived all the little band of missionaries who had accompanied him to New Spain. He died in the convent of San Francisco at Mexico, and his panegyric255 is thus em{276}phatically pronounced by Torquemada, a brother of his own order: “He was a truly apostolic man, a great teacher of Christianity, beautiful in the ornament of every virtue256, jealous of the glory of God, a friend of evangelical poverty, most true to the observance of his monastic rule, and jealous in the conversion of the heathen.”
Father Toribio’s long personal intercourse257 with the Mexicans, and the knowledge of their language, which he was at much pains to acquire, opened to him all the sources of information respecting them and their institutions, which existed at the time of the Conquest. The results he carefully digested in the work so often cited in these pages, the Historia de los Indios de Nueva-Espa?a, making a volume of manuscript in folio. It is divided into three parts. 1. The religion, rites258, and sacrifices of the Aztecs. 2. Their conversion to Christianity, and their manner of celebrating the festivals of the Church. 3. The genius and character of the nation, their chronology and astrology, together with notices of the principal cities and the staple259 productions of the country. Notwithstanding the methodical arrangement of the work, it is written in the rambling260, unconnected manner of a commonplace-book, into which the author has thrown at random261 his notices of such matters as most interested him in his survey of the country. His own mission is ever before his eyes, and the immediate232 topic of discussion, of whatever nature it may be, is at once abandoned to exhibit an event or an anecdote262 that can illustrate263 his ecclesiastical labors. The most startling occurrences are recorded with all the credulous264 gravity which is so likely to win credit from the vulgar; and a stock of miracles is duly attested by the historian, of more than sufficient magnitude to supply the wants of the infant religious communities of New Spain.
Yet amidst this mass of pious incredibilia the inquirer into the Aztec antiquities265 will find much curious and substantial information. Toribio’s long and intimate relations with the natives put him in possession of their whole stock of theology and science; and as his manner, though somewhat discursive266, is plain and unaffected, there is no obscurity in the communication of his ideas. His inferences, colored by the superstitions of the age and the peculiar nature of his profession, may be often received with distrust. But, as his integrity and his means of information were unquestionable, his work becomes of the first authority in relation to the antiquities of the country, and its condition at the period of the Conquest. As an educated man, he was enabled to penetrate267 deeper than the illiterate268 soldiers of Cortés, men given to action rather than to speculation184. Yet Toribio’s manuscript, valuable as it is to the historian, has never been printed, and has too little in it of popular interest, probably, ever to be printed. Much that it contains has found its way, in various forms, into subsequent compilations269. The work itself is very rarely to be found. Dr. Robertson had a copy, as it seems from the catalogue of MSS. published with his “History of America;{277}” though the author’s name is not prefixed to it. There is no copy, I believe, in the library of the Academy of History at Madrid; and for that in my possession I am indebted to the kindness of that curious bibliographer270, Mr. O. Rich, now consul182 for the United States at Minorca.
Pietro Martire de Angleria, or Peter Martyr271, as he is called by English writers, belonged to an ancient and highly respectable family of Arona in the north of Italy. In 1487 he was induced by the count of Tendilla, the Spanish ambassador at Rome, to return with him to Castile. He was graciously received by Queen Isabella, always desirous to draw around her enlightened foreigners, who might exercise a salutary influence on the rough and warlike nobility of Castile. Martyr, who had been educated for the Church, was persuaded by the queen to undertake the instruction of the young nobles at the court. In this way he formed an intimacy272 with some of the most illustrious men of the nation, who seem to have cherished a warm personal regard for him through the remainder of his life. He was employed by the Catholic sovereigns in various concerns of public interest, was sent on a mission to Egypt, and was subsequently raised to a distinguished post in the cathedral of Granada. But he continued to pass much of his time at court, where he enjoyed the confidence of Ferdinand and Isabella, and of their successor, Charles the Fifth, till in 1525 he died, at the age of seventy.
Martyr’s character combined qualities not often found in the same individual,—an ardent273 love of letters, with a practical sagacity that can only result from familiarity with men and affairs. Though passing his days in the gay and dazzling society of the capital, he preserved the simple tastes and dignified274 temper of a philosopher. His correspondence, as well as his more elaborate writings, if the term elaborate can be applied275 to any of his writings, manifests an enlightened and oftentimes independent spirit; though one would have been better pleased had he been sufficiently276 independent to condemn277 the religious intolerance of the government. But Martyr, though a philosopher, was enough of a courtier to look with a lenient278 eye on the errors of princes. Though deeply imbued279 with the learning of antiquity280, and a scholar at heart, he had none of the feelings of the recluse281, but took the most lively interest in the events that were passing around him. His various writings, including his copious correspondence, are for this reason the very best mirror of the age in which he lived.
His inquisitive282 mind was particularly interested by the discoveries that were going on in the New World. He was allowed to be present at the sittings of the Council of the Indies when any communication of importance was made to it; and he was subsequently appointed a member of that body. All that related to the colonies passed through his hands. The correspondence of Columbus, Cortés, and the other discoverers with the court of Castile was submitted to his perusal283. He became personally acquainted with these illustrious{278} persons on their return home, and frequently, as we find from his letters, entertained them at his own table. With these advantages, his testimony becomes but one degree removed from that of the actors themselves in the great drama. In one respect it is of a higher kind, since it is free from the prejudice and passion which a personal interest in events is apt to beget284. The testimony of Martyr is that of a philosopher, taking a clear and comprehensive survey of the ground, with such lights of previous knowledge to guide him as none of the actual discoverers and conquerors could pretend to. It is true, this does not prevent his occasionally falling into errors; the errors of credulity,—not, however, of the credulity founded on superstition168, but that which arises from the uncertain nature of the subject, where phenomena285 so unlike anything with which he had been familiar were now first disclosed by the revelation of an unknown world.
He may be more fairly charged with inaccuracies of another description, growing out of haste and inadvertence of composition. But even here we should be charitable. For he confesses his sins with a candor that disarms286 criticism. In truth, he wrote rapidly, and on the spur of the moment, as occasion served. He shrunk from the publication of his writings, when it was urged on him, and his Decades De Orbe Novo, in which he embodied287 the results of his researches in respect to the American discoveries, were not published entire till after his death. The most valuable and complete edition of this work—the one referred to in the present pages—is the edition of Hakluyt, published at Paris in 1587.
Martyr’s works are all in Latin, and that not of the purest; a circumstance rather singular, considering his familiarity with the classic models of antiquity. Yet he evidently handled the dead languages with the same facility as the living. Whatever defects may be charged on his manner, in the selection and management of his topics he shows the superiority of his genius. He passes over the trivial details which so often encumber288 the literal narratives289 of the Spanish voyagers, and fixes his attention on the great results of their discoveries,—the products of the country, the history and institutions of the races, their character and advance in civilization. In one respect his writings are of peculiar value. They show the state of feeling which existed at the Castilian court during the progress of discovery. They furnish, in short, the reverse side of the picture; and, when we have followed the Spanish conquerors in their wonderful career of adventure in the New World, we have only to turn to the pages of Martyr to find the impression produced by them on the enlightened minds of the Old. Such a view is necessary to the completeness of the historical picture.
If the reader is curious to learn more of this estimable scholar, he will find the particulars given in “The History of Ferdinand and Isabella” (Part I. chap. 14, Postscript290, and chap. 19), for the illustration of whose reign his voluminous correspondence furnishes the most authentic materials.
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1
streak
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| n.条理，斑纹，倾向，少许，痕迹；v.加条纹，变成条纹，奔驰，快速移动 | |
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2
mustering
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的现在分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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trumpet
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| n.喇叭，喇叭声；v.吹喇叭，吹嘘 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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dike
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| n.堤，沟；v.开沟排水 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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glistened
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| v.湿物闪耀，闪亮( glisten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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enamel
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| n.珐琅，搪瓷，瓷釉；(牙齿的)珐琅质 | |
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margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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gemmed
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| 点缀（gem的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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extremities
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| n.端点( extremity的名词复数 )；尽头；手和足；极窘迫的境地 | |
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gateway
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| n.大门口，出入口，途径，方法 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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mantle
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| n.斗篷，覆罩之物，罩子；v.罩住，覆盖，脸红 | |
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gracefully
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| ad.大大方方地；优美地 | |
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bracelets
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| n.手镯，臂镯( bracelet的名词复数 ) | |
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turquoise
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| n.绿宝石；adj.蓝绿色的 | |
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mosaic
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| n./adj.镶嵌细工的，镶嵌工艺品的，嵌花式的 | |
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garnished
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| v.给（上餐桌的食物）加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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outlet
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| n.出口/路；销路；批发商店；通风口；发泄 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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influx
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| n.流入，注入 | |
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retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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burnished
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| adj.抛光的，光亮的v.擦亮（金属等），磨光( burnish的过去式和过去分词 )；被擦亮，磨光 | |
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canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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gaudy
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| adj.华而不实的；俗丽的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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42
obsequious
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| adj.谄媚的，奉承的，顺从的 | |
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43
strewed
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| v.撒在…上( strew的过去式和过去分词 )；散落于；点缀；撒满 | |
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44
tapestry
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| n.挂毯，丰富多采的画面 | |
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45
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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46
prostrated
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| v.使俯伏，使拜倒( prostrate的过去式和过去分词 )；（指疾病、天气等）使某人无能为力 | |
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47
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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48
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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49
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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50
thongs
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| 的东西 | |
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51
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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52
panache
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| n.羽饰；假威风，炫耀 | |
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53
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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54
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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demeanor
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| n.行为；风度 | |
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57
benignity
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| n.仁慈 | |
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58
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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60
reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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oracles
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| 神示所( oracle的名词复数 )； 神谕； 圣贤； 哲人 | |
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munificence
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| n.宽宏大量，慷慨给与 | |
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64
profanation
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| n.亵渎 | |
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65
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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66
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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67
dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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68
porous
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| adj.可渗透的，多孔的 | |
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69
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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70
quarries
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| n.（采）石场( quarry的名词复数 )；猎物（指鸟，兽等）；方形石；（格窗等的）方形玻璃v.从采石场采得( quarry的第三人称单数 )；从（书本等中）努力发掘（资料等）；在采石场采石 | |
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71
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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72
edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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73
porticoes
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| n.柱廊，（有圆柱的）门廊( portico的名词复数 ) | |
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74
colossal
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| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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75
tapering
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| adj.尖端细的 | |
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76
sanctuaries
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| n.避难所( sanctuary的名词复数 )；庇护；圣所；庇护所 | |
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77
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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78
vista
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| n.远景，深景，展望，回想 | |
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79
transparent
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| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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80
throngs
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| n.人群( throng的名词复数 )v.成群，挤满( throng的第三人称单数 ) | |
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81
swarmed
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| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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82
portentous
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| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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83
pageant
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| n.壮观的游行；露天历史剧 | |
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84
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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85
complexions
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| 肤色( complexion的名词复数 )； 面色； 局面； 性质 | |
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86
bonnets
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| n.童帽( bonnet的名词复数 )；（烟囱等的）覆盖物；（苏格兰男子的）无边呢帽；（女子戴的）任何一种帽子 | |
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87
bonnet
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| n.无边女帽；童帽 | |
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88
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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89
detested
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| v.憎恶，嫌恶，痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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91
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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92
gliding
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| v. 滑翔 adj. 滑动的 | |
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93
cargoes
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| n.（船或飞机装载的）货物( cargo的名词复数 )；大量，重负 | |
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94
dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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95
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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96
epithet
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| n.（用于褒贬人物等的）表述形容词，修饰语 | |
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97
fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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98
barbarian
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| n.野蛮人；adj.野蛮(人)的；未开化的 | |
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99
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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100
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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101
awnings
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| 篷帐布 | |
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102
canopies
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| （宝座或床等上面的）华盖( canopy的名词复数 )； （飞行器上的）座舱罩； 任何悬于上空的覆盖物； 森林中天棚似的树荫 | |
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103
vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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104
encompassed
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| v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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105
buttresses
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| n.扶壁，扶垛( buttress的名词复数 )v.用扶壁支撑，加固( buttress的第三人称单数 ) | |
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106
intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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107
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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108
collation
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| n.便餐；整理 | |
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109
relish
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| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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110
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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111
savory
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| adj.风味极佳的，可口的，味香的 | |
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112
siesta
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| n.午睡 | |
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113
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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114
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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115
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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116
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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117
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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118
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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119
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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120
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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121
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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122
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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123
ripen
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| vt.使成熟；vi.成熟 | |
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124
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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125
hieroglyphical
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| n.象形文字，象形文字的文章 | |
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126
kinsmen
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| n.家属，亲属( kinsman的名词复数 ) | |
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127
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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128
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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129
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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130
reverberating
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| 回响，回荡( reverberate的现在分词 )； 使反响，使回荡，使反射 | |
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131
vapor
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| n.蒸汽，雾气 | |
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132
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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133
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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134
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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135
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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136
garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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137
fatigued
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| adj. 疲乏的 | |
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138
talons
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| n.（尤指猛禽的）爪( talon的名词复数 )；（如爪般的）手指；爪状物；锁簧尖状突出部 | |
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139
clan
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| n.氏族，部落，宗族，家族，宗派 | |
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140
copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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141
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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142
wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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143
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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144
tapestries
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| n.挂毯( tapestry的名词复数 )；绣帷，织锦v.用挂毯（或绣帷）装饰( tapestry的第三人称单数 ) | |
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145
incense
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| v.激怒；n.香，焚香时的烟，香气 | |
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146
diffused
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| 散布的，普及的，扩散的 | |
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147
intoxicating
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| a. 醉人的,使人兴奋的 | |
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148
attire
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| v.穿衣，装扮[同]array；n.衣着；盛装 | |
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149
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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150
obeisance
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| n.鞠躬，敬礼 | |
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151
ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
rite
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| n.典礼，惯例，习俗 | |
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153
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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154
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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155
rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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156
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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157
ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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158
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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159
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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160
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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161
salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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162
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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163
auditor
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| n.审计员，旁听着 | |
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164
neophyte
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| n.新信徒；开始者 | |
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165
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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166
abstruse
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| adj.深奥的，难解的 | |
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167
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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168
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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169
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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170
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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171
polemic
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| n.争论，论战 | |
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172
abjure
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| v.发誓放弃 | |
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173
shrines
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| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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174
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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175
proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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176
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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177
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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178
tawny
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| adj.茶色的，黄褐色的；n.黄褐色 | |
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179
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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180
suffused
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| v.（指颜色、水气等）弥漫于，布满( suffuse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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181
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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182
consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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183
munificent
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| adj.慷慨的，大方的 | |
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184
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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185
speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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186
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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187
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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188
attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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189
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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190
insular
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| adj.岛屿的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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191
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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192
precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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193
odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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194
subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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195
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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196
supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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197
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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198
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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199
tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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200
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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201
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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202
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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203
glided
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| v.滑动( glide的过去式和过去分词 )；掠过；（鸟或飞机 ） 滑翔 | |
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204
abridgment
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| n.删节，节本 | |
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205
omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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206
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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207
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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208
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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209
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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210
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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211
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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212
adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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213
eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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214
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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215
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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217
entangled
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| adj.卷入的；陷入的；被缠住的；缠在一起的v.使某人（某物/自己）缠绕，纠缠于（某物中），使某人（自己）陷入（困难或复杂的环境中）( entangle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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218
declamation
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| n. 雄辩，高调 | |
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219
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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220
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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221
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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222
pedantic
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| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
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223
chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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224
colonization
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| 殖民地的开拓，殖民，殖民地化； 移殖 | |
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225
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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226
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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227
scrupulously
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| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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228
candor
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| n.坦白，率真 | |
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229
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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230
cognomen
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| n.姓；绰号 | |
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231
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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232
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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233
exclamation
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| n.感叹号，惊呼，惊叹词 | |
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234
zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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235
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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236
meek
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| adj.温顺的，逆来顺受的 | |
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237
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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238
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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239
opprobrious
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| adj.可耻的，辱骂的 | |
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240
sarcastic
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| adj.讥讽的，讽刺的，嘲弄的 | |
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241
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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242
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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243
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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244
annihilate
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| v.使无效；毁灭；取消 | |
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245
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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246
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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247
uncommonly
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| adv. 稀罕(极，非常) | |
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248
prodigy
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| n.惊人的事物，奇迹，神童，天才，预兆 | |
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249
laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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250
propitious
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| adj.吉利的；顺利的 | |
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251
edified
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| v.开导，启发( edify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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252
illustrating
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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253
avocations
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| n.业余爱好，嗜好( avocation的名词复数 )；职业 | |
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254
ecclesiastic
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| n.教士，基督教会；adj.神职者的，牧师的，教会的 | |
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255
panegyric
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| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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256
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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257
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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258
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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259
staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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260
rambling
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| adj.[建]凌乱的，杂乱的 | |
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261
random
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| adj.随机的；任意的；n.偶然的(或随便的)行动 | |
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262
anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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263
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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264
credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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265
antiquities
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| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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266
discursive
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| adj.离题的，无层次的 | |
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267
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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268
illiterate
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| adj.文盲的；无知的；n.文盲 | |
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269
compilations
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| n.编辑，编写( compilation的名词复数 )；编辑物 | |
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270
bibliographer
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| 书志学家，书目提要编著人 | |
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271
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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272
intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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273
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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274
dignified
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| a.可敬的，高贵的 | |
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275
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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276
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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277
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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278
lenient
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| adj.宽大的，仁慈的 | |
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279
imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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280
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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281
recluse
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| n.隐居者 | |
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282
inquisitive
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| adj.求知欲强的，好奇的，好寻根究底的 | |
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283
perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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284
beget
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| v.引起；产生 | |
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285
phenomena
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| n.现象 | |
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286
disarms
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| v.裁军( disarm的第三人称单数 )；使息怒 | |
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287
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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288
encumber
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| v.阻碍行动，妨碍，堆满 | |
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289
narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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290
postscript
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| n.附言，又及；(正文后的)补充说明 | |
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