1519
THE ancient city of Mexico covered the same spot occupied by the modern capital. The great causeways touched it in the same points; the streets ran in much the same direction, nearly from north to south and from east to west; the cathedral in the plaza1 mayor stands on the same ground that was covered by the temple of the Aztec war-god; and the four principal quarters of the town are still known among the Indians by their ancient names. Yet an Aztec of the days of Montezuma, could he behold2 the modern metropolis3, which has risen with such ph?nix-like splendor4 from the ashes of the old, would not recognize its site as that of his own Tenochtitlan. For the latter was encompassed5 by the salt floods of Tezcuco, which flowed in ample canals through every part of the{282} city: while the Mexico of our day stands high and dry on the main land, nearly a league distant, at its centre, from the water. The cause of this apparent change in its position is the diminution6 of the lake, which, from the rapidity of evaporation7 in these elevated regions, had become perceptible before the Conquest, but which has since been greatly accelerated by artificial causes.[306]
The average level of the Tezcucan lake, at the present day, is but four feet lower than the great square of Mexico.[307] It is considerably8 lower than the other great basins of water which are found in the Valley. In the heavy swell9 sometimes caused by long and excessive rains, these latter reservoirs anciently overflowed10 into the Tezcuco, which, rising with the accumulated volume of waters, burst through the dikes, and, pouring into the streets of the capital, buried the lower part of the buildings under a deluge12. This was comparatively a light evil when the houses stood on piles so elevated that boats might pass under them; when the streets were canals, and the ordinary mode of communication was by water. But it became more disastrous13 as these canals, filled up with the rubbish of the ruined Indian city, were supplanted14 by streets of solid{283} earth, and the foundations of the capital were gradually reclaimed15 from the watery16 element. To obviate17 this alarming evil, the famous drain of Huehuetoca was opened, at an enormous cost, in the beginning of the seventeenth century, and Mexico, after repeated inundations, has been at length placed above the reach of the flood.[308] But what was gained to the useful, in this case, as in some others, has been purchased at the expense of the beautiful. By this shrinking of the waters, the bright towns and hamlets once washed by them have been removed some miles into the interior, while a barren strip of land, ghastly from the incrustation of salts formed on the surface, has taken the place of the glowing vegetation which once enamelled the borders of the lake, and of the dark groves18 of oak, cedar19, and sycamore which threw their broad shadows over its bosom20.
The chinampas, that archipelago of wandering islands, to which our attention was drawn21 in the last chapter, have, also, nearly disappeared. These had their origin in the detached masses of earth, which, loosening from the shores, were still held together by the fibrous roots with which they were penetrated22. The primitive23 Aztecs, in their poverty of land, availed themselves of the hint thus afforded by nature. They constructed rafts of reeds, rushes, and other fibrous materials, which, tightly knit together, formed a sufficient basis for the sedi{284}ment that they drew up from the bottom of the lake. Gradually islands were formed, two or three hundred feet in length, and three or four feet in depth, with a rich stimulated25 soil, on which the economical Indian raised his vegetables and flowers for the markets of Tenochtitlan. Some of these chinampas were even firm enough to allow the growth of small trees, and to sustain a hut for the residence of the person that had charge of it, who with a long pole, resting on the sides or the bottom of the shallow basin, could change the position of his little territory at pleasure, which with its rich freight of vegetable stores was seen moving like some enchanted26 island over the water.[309]
The ancient dikes were three in number. That of Iztapalapan, by which the Spaniards entered, approaching the city from the south. That of Tepejacac, on the north, which, continuing the principal street, might be regarded, also, as a continuation of the first causeway. Lastly, the dike11 of Tlacopan, connecting the island-city with the continent on the west. This last causeway, memorable27 for the disastrous retreat of the Spaniards, was about two miles in length. They were all built in the same substantial manner, of lime and stone, were defended by draw-bridges, and were wide enough for ten or twelve horsemen to ride abreast28.[310]{285}
The rude founders29 of Tenochtitlan built their frail30 tenements31 of reeds and rushes on the group of small islands in the western part of the lake. In process of time, these were supplanted by more substantial buildings. A quarry32 in the neighborhood, of a red porous33 amygdaloid, tetzontli, was opened, and a light, brittle34 stone drawn from it and wrought35 with little difficulty. Of this their edifices36 were constructed, with some reference to architectural solidity, if not elegance38. Mexico, as already noticed, was the residence of the great chiefs, whom the sovereign encouraged, or rather compelled, from obvious motives41 of policy, to spend part of the year in the capital. It was also the temporary abode42 of the great lords of Tezcuco and Tlacopan, who shared, nominally43 at least, the sovereignty of the empire.[311] The mansions44 of these dignitaries, and of the principal nobles, were on a scale of rude magnificence corresponding with their state. They were low, indeed,—seldom of more than one floor, never exceeding two. But they spread over a wide extent of ground, were arranged in a quadrangular form, with a court in the centre, and were surrounded by porticoes45 embellished46 with porphyry and jasper, easily found in the neighborhood, while not unfrequently a fountain of crystal water in the centre shed a grateful coolness through the air. The dwellings47 of the common people were also placed on foundations of stone, which rose to the height of a few feet and were then succeeded by courses of unbaked bricks, crossed occasionally by wooden{286} rafters.[312] Most of the streets were mean and narrow. Some few, however, were wide and of great length. The principal street, conducting from the great southern causeway, penetrated in a straight line the whole length of the city, and afforded a noble vista49, in which the long lines of low stone edifices were broken occasionally by intervening gardens, rising on terraces and displaying all the pomp of Aztec horticulture.
The great streets, which were coated with a hard cement, were intersected by numerous canals. Some of these were flanked by a solid way, which served as a foot-walk for passengers, and as a landing-place where boats might discharge their cargoes50. Small buildings were erected51 at intervals52, as stations for the revenue officers who collected the duties on different articles of merchandise. The canals were traversed by numerous bridges, many of which could be raised, affording the means of cutting off communication between different parts of the city.[313]
From the accounts of the ancient capital, one is reminded of those aquatic53 cities in the Old World,{287} the positions of which have been selected from similar motives of economy and defence; above all, of Venice,[314]—if it be not rash to compare the rude architecture of the American Indian with the marble palaces and temples—alas, how shorn of their splendor!—which crowned the once proud mistress of the Adriatic.[315] The example of the metropolis was soon followed by the other towns in the vicinity. Instead of resting their foundations on terra firma, they were seen advancing far into the lake, the shallow waters of which in some parts do not exceed four feet in depth.[316] Thus an easy means of intercommunication was opened, and the surface of this inland “sea,” as Cortés styles it, was darkened by thousands of canoes[317]—an In{288}dian term—industriously engaged in the traffic between these little communities. How gay and picturesque54 must have been the aspect of the lake in those days, with its shining cities, and flowering islets rocking, as it were, at anchor on the fair bosom of its waters!
The population of Tenochtitlan at the time of the Conquest is variously stated. No contemporary writer estimates it at less than sixty thousand houses, which, by the ordinary rules of reckoning,{*}{289} would give three hundred thousand souls.[318] If a dwelling48 often contained, as is asserted, several families, it would swell the amount considerably higher.[319] Nothing is more uncertain than estimates of numbers among barbarous communities, who necessarily live in a more confused and promiscuous56 manner than civilized57, and among whom no regular system is adopted for ascertaining58 the population. The concurrent59 testimony60 of the Conquerors62; the extent of the city, which was said to be nearly three leagues in circumference63;[320] the immense size of its great market-place; the long lines of edifices, vestiges64 of whose ruins may still{290} be found in the suburbs, miles from the modern city;[321] the fame of the metropolis throughout Anahuac, which, however, could boast many large and populous65 places; lastly, the economical husbandry and the ingenious contrivances to extract aliment from the most unpromising sources,[322]—all attest66 a numerous population, far beyond that of the present capital.[323]
{*} [This estimate is of course erroneous. “The ordinary rules of reckoning” cannot be applied67 to people living as did the Mexicans. The word vecinos means not only householders, as pointed68 out in the author’s note, but also inhabitants. The translator who rendered the “Anonymous69 Conqueror61” into Italian made no blunder when he used the word habitatori. Morgan (Ancient Society, p. 195) thinks the population was not more than 30,000, and asks “how a barbarous people without flocks and herds70, and without field agriculture, could have sustained in equal areas a larger number of inhabitants than a civilized people can now maintain armed with these advantages.” (London at that time may have contained 145,000 inhabitants.) But Morgan’s estimate is without question too low. Zuazo and the Anonymous Conqueror were more nearly right in fixing, the population of the city at 60,000. There could not possibly have been room enough for sixty thousand Aztec houses in a city of which the circumference was less than three leagues. (No one makes it at any time to have been more than four leagues in circumference.) The houses in which the higher officials dwelt were spread over a wide extent of ground, were low, “seldom of more than one floor, never exceeding two.” (Ante, p. 285.) Public buildings and pleasure grounds took up much space. The great market-place, tianguez, was “thrice as large as the celebrated71 square of Salamanca” (p. 312). No one states the number of visitors at less than 40,000 (p. 317). (According to Ford24, Handbook of Spain, the Plaza at Salamanca was the largest square in Spain. From 16,000 to 20,000 spectators could be accommodated at the bull-fights which took place there.) The temple area also was enormous. On a map of the city of Mexico, in the edition of the Letters of Cortés published at Nuremberg, 1524, the temple space is twenty times as great as that given to the market-place. The large number of visitors to the Plaza on market days is easily accounted for if we compare the thronged72 afternoon streets in the shopping districts of any large city with those same streets deserted73 at night when the visitors have returned to their homes. There were no shops in the Aztec capital and all the buying was done in the tianguez.—M.]{291}
A careful police provided for the health and cleanliness of the city. A thousand persons are said to have been daily employed in watering and sweeping74 the streets,[324] so that a man—to borrow the language of an old Spaniard—“could walk through them with as little danger of soiling his feet as his hands.”[325] The water, in a city washed{292} on all sides by the salt floods, was extremely brackish75. A liberal supply of the pure element, however, was brought from Chapoltepec, “the grasshopper’s hill,” less than a league distant. It was brought through an earthen pipe, along a dike constructed for the purpose. That there might be no failure in so essential an article when repairs were going on, a double course of pipes was laid. In this way a column of water of the size of a man’s body was conducted into the heart of the capital, where it fed the fountains and reservoirs of the principal mansions. Openings were made in the aqueduct as it crossed the bridges, and thus a supply was furnished to the canoes below, by means of which it was transported to all parts of the city.[326]
While Montezuma encouraged a taste for architectural magnificence in his nobles, he contributed his own share towards the embellishment of the city. It was in his reign39 that the famous calendar stone, weighing, probably, in its primitive state, nearly fifty tons, was transported from its native quarry, many leagues distant, to the capital, where it still forms one of the most curious monuments of Aztec science. Indeed, when we reflect on the difficulty of hewing76 such a stupendous mass from its hard basaltic bed without the aid of iron tools, and that of transporting it such a distance across land and water without the help of animals, we may well feel admiration77 at the mechanical inge{293}nuity and enterprise of the people who accomplished78 it.[327]
Not content with the spacious79 residence of his father, Montezuma erected another on a yet more magnificent scale. It occupied, as before mentioned, the ground partly covered by the private dwellings on one side of the plaza mayor of the modern city. This building, or, as it might more correctly be styled, pile of buildings, spread over an extent of ground so vast that, as one of the Conquerors assures us, its terraced roof might have afforded ample room for thirty knights80 to run their courses in a regular tourney.[328] I have already noticed its interior decorations, its fanciful draperies, its roofs inlaid with cedar and other odoriferous woods, held together without a nail, and, probably, without a knowledge of the arch,[329] its numerous and spacious apartments, which Cortés, with enthusiastic hyperbole, does not hesitate to declare superior to anything of the kind in Spain.[330]
Adjoining the principal edifice37 were others, de{294}voted to various objects. One was an armory81, filled with the weapons and military dresses worn by the Aztecs, all kept in the most perfect order, ready for instant use. The emperor was himself very expert in the management of the maquahuitl, or Indian sword, and took great delight in witnessing athletic82 exercises and the mimic83 representation of war by his young nobility. Another building was used as a granary, and others as warehouses85 for the different articles of food and apparel contributed by the districts charged with the maintenance of the royal household.
There were, also, edifices appropriated to objects of quite another kind. One of these was an immense aviary86, in which birds of splendid plumage were assembled from all parts of the empire. Here was the scarlet87 cardinal88, the golden pheasant, the endless parrot-tribe with their rainbow hues89 (the royal green predominant), and that miniature miracle of nature, the humming-bird, which delights to revel90 among the honeysuckle bowers91 of Mexico.[331] Three hundred attendants had charge of this aviary, who made themselves acquainted with the appropriate food of its inmates92, oftentimes procured93 at great cost, and in the moulting{295} season were careful to collect the beautiful plumage, which, with its many-colored tints94, furnished the materials for the Aztec painter.
A separate building was reserved for the fierce birds of prey95; the voracious96 vulture-tribes and eagles of enormous size, whose home was in the snowy solitudes97 of the Andes. No less than five hundred turkeys,{*} the cheapest meat in Mexico, were allowed for the daily consumption of these tyrants98 of the feathered race.
{*} [The turkey was introduced to Europe from Mexico, as has before been stated.—M.]
Adjoining this aviary was a menagerie of wild animals, gathered from the mountain forests, and even from the remote swamps of the tierra caliente. The resemblance of the different species to those in the Old World, with which no one of them, however, was identical, led to a perpetual confusion in the nomenclature of the Spaniards, as it has since done in that of better-instructed naturalists99. The collection was still further swelled101 by a great number of reptiles102 and serpents remarkable103 for their size and venomous qualities, among which the Spaniards beheld104 the fiery105 little animal “with the castanets in his tail,” the terror of the American wilderness106.[332] The serpents were confined in long cages lined with down or feathers, or in troughs of mud and water. The beasts and birds of prey were provided with apartments large enough to allow of{296} their moving about, and secured by a strong latticework, through which light and air were freely admitted. The whole was placed under the charge of numerous keepers, who acquainted themselves with the habits of their prisoners and provided for their comfort and cleanliness. With what deep interest would the enlightened naturalist100 of that day—an Oviedo, or a Martyr107, for example—have surveyed this magnificent collection, in which the various tribes which roamed over the Western wilderness, the unknown races of an unknown world, were brought into one view! How would they have delighted to study the peculiarities108 of these new species, compared with those of their own hemisphere, and thus have risen to some comprehension of the general laws by which Nature acts in all her works! The rude followers109 of Cortés did not trouble themselves with such refined speculations110. They gazed on the spectacle with a vague curiosity not unmixed with awe111; and, as they listened to the wild cries of the ferocious112 animals and the hissings of the serpents, they almost fancied themselves in the infernal regions.[333]
I must not omit to notice a strange collection of human monsters, dwarfs113, and other unfortunate persons in whose organization Nature had capriciously deviated114 from her regular laws. Such hideous115 anomalies were regarded by the Aztecs as a suitable appendage116 of state. It is even said{297} they were in some cases the result of artificial means, employed by unnatural117 parents desirous to secure a provision for their offspring by thus qualifying them for a place in the royal museum![334]
Extensive gardens were spread out around these buildings, filled with fragrant118 shrubs119 and flowers, and especially with medicinal plants.[335] No country has afforded more numerous species of these last than New Spain; and their virtues120 were perfectly121 understood by the Aztecs, with whom medical botany may be said to have been studied as a science. Amidst this labyrinth122 of sweet-scented groves and shrubberies, fountains of pure water might be seen throwing up their sparkling jets and scattering123 refreshing124 dews over the blossoms. Ten large tanks, well stocked with fish, afforded a retreat on their margins125 to various tribes of water-fowl, whose habits were so carefully consulted that some of these ponds were of salt water, as that which they most loved to frequent. A tessellated pavement of marble enclosed the ample basins, which were overhung by light and fanciful pavilions, that admitted the perfumed breezes of the gardens, and offered a grateful shelter to the mon{298}arch and his mistresses in the sultry heats of summer.[336]
But the most luxurious126 residence of the Aztec monarch127, at that season, was the royal hill of Chapoltepec,—a spot consecrated128, moreover, by the ashes of his ancestors. It stood in a westerly direction from the capital, and its base was, in his day, washed by the waters of the Tezcuco. On its lofty crest129 of porphyritic rock there now stands the magnificent, though desolate130, castle erected by the young viceroy Galvez at the close of the seventeenth century.[337] The view from its windows is one of the finest in the environs of Mexico. The landscape is not disfigured here, as in many other quarters, by the white and barren patches, so offensive to the sight; but the eye wanders over an unbroken expanse of meadows and cultivated fields, waving with rich harvests of European grain. Montezuma’s gardens stretched for miles around the base of the hill. Two statues of that monarch and his father, cut in bas-relief in the porphyry, were spared till the middle of the last century;[338] and the grounds are still shaded by gigantic cypresses131, more than fifty feet in circumference, which were centuries old at the time of the Conquest.[339] The place is now a tangled132 wilderness of{299} wild shrubs, where the myrtle mingles133 its dark, glossy134 leaves with the red berries and delicate foliage135 of the pepper-tree. Surely there is no spot better suited to awaken136 meditation137 on the past; none where the traveller, as he sits under those stately cypresses gray with the moss138 of ages, can so fitly ponder on the sad destinies of the Indian races and the monarch who once held his courtly revels139 under the shadow of their branches.
The domestic establishment of Montezuma was on the same scale of barbaric splendor as everything else about him. He could boast as many wives as are found in the harem of an Eastern sultan.[340] They were lodged140 in their own apartments, and provided with every accommodation, according to their ideas, for personal comfort and cleanliness. They passed their hours in the usual feminine employments of weaving and embroidery141, especially in the graceful142 feather-work, for which such rich materials were furnished by the royal aviaries143. They conducted themselves with strict decorum, under the supervision144 of certain aged40 females, who acted in the respectable capacity of duennas, in the same manner as in the religious houses attached to the teocallis. The palace was supplied with numerous baths, and Montezuma set the example, in his own person, of frequent ablutions. He bathed at least once, and changed his{300} dress four times, it is said, every day.[341] He never put on the same apparel a second time, but gave it away to his attendants. Queen Elizabeth, with a similar taste for costume, showed a less princely spirit in hoarding145 her discarded suits. Her wardrobe was, probably, somewhat more costly146 than that of the Indian emperor.
Besides his numerous female retinue147, the halls and antechambers were filled with nobles in constant attendance on his person, who served also as a sort of body-guard. It had been usual for plebeians149 of merit to fill certain offices in the palace. But the haughty150 Montezuma refused to be waited upon by any but men of noble birth. They were not unfrequently the sons of the great chiefs, and remained as hostages in the absence of their fathers; thus serving the double purpose of security and state.[342]
His meals the emperor took alone. The well-matted floor of a large saloon was covered with{301} hundreds of dishes.[343] Sometimes Montezuma himself, but more frequently his steward151, indicated those which he preferred, and which were kept hot by means of chafing-dishes.[344] The royal bill of fare comprehended, besides domestic animals, game from the distant forests, and fish which, the day before, were swimming in the Gulf152 of Mexico! They were dressed in manifold ways, for the Aztec artistes, as we have already had occasion to notice, had penetrated deep into the mysteries of culinary science.[345]
The meats were served by the attendant nobles, who then resigned the office of waiting on the monarch to maidens153 selected for their personal grace and beauty. A screen of richly gilt154 and carved wood was drawn around him, so as to conceal155 him from vulgar eyes during the repast. He was seated on a cushion, and the dinner was served{302} on a low table covered with a delicate cotton cloth. The dishes were of the finest ware84 of Cholula. He had a service of gold, which was reserved for religious celebrations. Indeed, it would scarcely have comported156 with even his princely revenues to have used it on ordinary occasions, when his table-equipage was not allowed to appear a second time, but was given away to his attendants. The saloon was lighted by torches made of a resinous157 wood, which sent forth158 a sweet odor and, probably, not a little smoke, as they burned. At his meal, he was attended by five or six of his ancient counsellors, who stood at a respectful distance, answering his questions, and occasionally rejoiced by some of the viands159 with which he complimented them from his table.
This course of solid dishes was succeeded by another of sweetmeats and pastry160, for which the Aztec cooks, provided with the important requisites161 of maize-flour, eggs, and the rich sugar of the aloe, were famous. Two girls were occupied at the farther end of the apartment, during dinner, in preparing fine rolls and wafers, with which they garnished162 the board from time to time. The emperor took no other beverage163 than the chocolatl, a potation of chocolate, flavored with vanilla164 and other spices, and so prepared as to be reduced to a froth of the consistency165 of honey, which gradually dissolved in the mouth. This beverage, if so it could be called, was served in golden goblets166, with spoons of the same metal or of tortoise-shell finely wrought. The emperor was exceedingly fond of it, to judge from the quantity—no less than fifty{303} jars or pitchers—prepared for his own daily consumption.[346] Two thousand more were allowed for that of his household.[347]
The general arrangement of the meal seems to have been not very unlike that of Europeans. But no prince in Europe could boast a dessert which could compare with that of the Aztec emperor. For it was gathered fresh from the most opposite climes; and his board displayed the products of his own temperate167 region, and the luscious168 fruits of the tropics, plucked, the day previous, from the green groves of the tierra caliente, and transmitted with the speed of steam, by means of couriers, to the capital. It was as if some kind fairy should crown our banquets with the spicy169 products that but yesterday were growing in a sunny isle55 of the far-off Indian seas!{*}
{*} [This description, as Se?or Alaman observes, seems to have a tincture of romance, since many of the fruits now produced in such abundance in Mexico were unknown there previous to the Conquest. Conquista de Méjico, trad. de Vega, tom. i. p. 373.—K.]
After the emperor’s appetite was appeased170, water was handed to him by the female attendants in a silver basin, in the same manner as had been done before commencing his meal; for the Aztecs were as constant in their ablutions, at these times, as any nation of the East. Pipes were then brought, made of a varnished171 and richly-gilt wood, from which he inhaled172, sometimes through{304} the nose, at others through the mouth, the fumes173 of an intoxicating174 weed, “called tobacco,”[348] mingled175 with liquid amber148. While this soothing176 process of fumigation177 was going on, the emperor enjoyed the exhibitions of his mountebanks and jugglers, of whom a regular corps178 was attached to the palace. No people, not even those of China or Hindostan, surpassed the Aztecs in feats179 of agility180 and legerdemain181.[349]
Sometimes he amused himself with his jester; for the Indian monarch had his jesters, as well as his more refined brethren of Europe, at that day. Indeed, he used to say that more instruction was to be gathered from them than from wiser men, for they dared to tell the truth. At other times he witnessed the graceful dances of his women, or took delight in listening to music,—if the rude minstrelsy of the Mexicans deserve that name,—accompanied by a chant, in slow and solemn cadence182, celebrating the heroic deeds of great Aztec warriors183, or of his own princely line.
When he had sufficiently184 refreshed his spirits with these diversions, he composed himself to sleep, for in his siesta185 he was as regular as a Spaniard. On awaking, he gave audience to ambassadors from foreign states or his own tributary186 cities, or to such caciques as had suits to prefer to him.
[Image unavailable.]
MONTEZUMA
Goupil & Co., Paris
{305}
They were introduced by the young nobles in attendance, and, whatever might be their rank, unless of the blood royal, they were obliged to submit to the humiliation187 of shrouding188 their rich dresses under the coarse mantle189 of nequen, and entering bare-footed, with downcast eyes, into the presence. The emperor addressed few and brief remarks to the suitors, answering them generally by his secretaries; and the parties retired190 with the same reverential obeisance191, taking care to keep their faces turned towards the monarch. Well might Cortés exclaim that no court, whether of the Grand Seignior or any other infidel, ever displayed so pompous192 and elaborate a ceremonial![350]
Besides the crowd of retainers already noticed, the royal household was not complete without a host of artisans constantly employed in the erection or repair of buildings, besides a great number of jewellers and persons skilled in working metals, who found abundant demand for their trinkets among the dark-eyed beauties of the harem. The imperial mummers and jugglers were also very numerous, and the dancers belonging to the palace occupied a particular district of the city, appropriated exclusively to them.
The maintenance of this little host, amounting to some thousands of individuals, involved a heavy expenditure193, requiring accounts of a complicated and, to a simple people, it might well be, embarrassing nature. Everything, however, was con{306}ducted with perfect order; and all the various receipts and disbursements were set down in the picture-writing of the country. The arithmetical characters were of a more refined and conventional sort than those for narrative194 purposes; and a separate apartment was filled with hieroglyphical195 legers, exhibiting a complete view of the economy of the palace. The care of all this was intrusted to a treasurer196, who acted as a sort of major-domo in the household, having a general superintendence over all its concerns. This responsible office, on the arrival of the Spaniards, was in the hands of a trusty cacique named Tápia.[351]{*}
{*} [The name, which is Spanish, not Aztec, was that given to him by the Conquerors, perhaps with some reference to one of their own number, Andrés de Tápia.—K.]
Such is the picture of Montezuma’s domestic establishment{**} and way of living, as delineated by {307}the Conquerors and their immediate197 followers, who had the best means of information;[352] too highly colored, it may be, by the proneness198 to exaggerate, which was natural to those who first witnessed a spectacle so striking to the imagination, so new and unexpected. I have thought it best to present the full details, trivial though they may seem to the reader, as affording a curious picture of manners so superior in point of refinement199 to those of the other aboriginal200 tribes on the North American continent. Nor are they, in fact, so trivial, when we reflect that in these details of private life we{308} possess a surer measure of civilization than in those of a public nature.
{**} [Prescott’s picture of Montezuma’s domestic establishment and way of living is drawn, without enlargement, from sketches201 supplied by Cortés and Bernal Diaz—two men who saw the state in which the Aztec chief lived. Their observations extended over a period of only five days, as Cortés made Montezuma his prisoner at the end of that time. Subsequent historians, amplifying202 details only hinted at by the two eye-witnesses, have given free rein203 to the imagination. The last important contribution to the subject came from the pen of H. H. Bancroft, Native Races, vol. ii. chap. iv (Palaces and Households of the Nahua Kings). It was his glowing account, in which were incorporated the details specified204 by the later Spanish historians, which so roused the indignation of Lewis H. Morgan as to move that scholar to put forth his famous essay, “Montezuma’s Dinner.” This essay created an immense impression when it first appeared, but a careful examination will demonstrate the fact that it contains almost as many misstatements as do the pages of Bancroft. Mr. Morgan begins by saying that the histories of Spanish America may be trusted in whatever relates “to the acts and personal characteristics of the Indians: in whatever relates to their weapons, implements205, and utensils206, fabrics207, food, and raiment, and things of a similar character,” and then entirely208 ignores the fact that Cortés and Bernal Diaz actually saw what they afterward209 described. He points out, what most men will at once admit, that the dinners the Conquerors described were not repasts provided for a king alone, but that they represented the daily fare of a great communal210 household. Meals prepared on almost as large a scale were served in other great communal houses in Mexico. In fact, all the dinners served in the city were communal dinners, for all the authorities agree that even the smallest houses were inhabited by several families. But when, with fine scorn, he takes exception to the expression “wine cellars,” and claims, first, that cellars were impossible in a city where the level of the streets and courts was but four feet above the level of the water of the surrounding lake, and, second, that the Aztecs had no knowledge of wine, we feel that he is hypercritical. When he goes on to say that “though an acid beer, pulque, was a common beverage of the Aztecs, yet it is hardly supposable that even this was used at dinner,” one is inevitably211 led to the conclusion that Mr. Morgan had but little knowledge of the dinner habits of some of his contemporaries in the cities of western New York. It is not inconceivable that even in his own city of Rochester families can be found who take beer with their principal meal.—M.]
In surveying them we are strongly reminded of the civilization of the East; not of that higher, intellectual kind which belonged to the more polished Arabs and the Persians, but that semi-civilization which has distinguished212, for example, the Tartar races, among whom art, and even science, have made, indeed, some progress in the adaptation to material wants and sensual gratification, but little in reference to the higher and more ennobling interests of humanity. It is characteristic of such a people to find a puerile213 pleasure in a dazzling and ostentatious pageantry; to mistake show for substance, vain pomp for power; to hedge round the throne itself with a barren and burdensome ceremonial, the counterfeit214 of real majesty215.
Even this, however, was an advance in refinement, compared with the rude manners of the earlier Aztecs. The change may, doubtless, be referred in some degree to the personal influence of Montezuma. In his younger days he had tempered the fierce habits of the soldier with the milder profession of religion. In later life he had withdrawn216 himself still more from the brutalizing occupations of war, and his manners acquired a refinement, tinctured, it may be added, with an effeminacy, unknown to his martial217 predecessors218.
The condition of the empire, too, under his reign, was favorable to this change. The dismemberment of the Tezcucan kingdom on the death of the great Nezahualpilli had left the Aztec monarchy219 without a rival; and it soon spread its colossal220 arms{309} over the farthest limits of Anahuac. The aspiring221 mind of Montezuma rose with the acquisition of wealth and power; and he displayed the consciousness of new importance by the assumption of unprecedented222 state. He affected223 a reserve unknown to his predecessors, withdrew his person from the vulgar eye, and fenced himself round with an elaborate and courtly etiquette224. When he went abroad, it was in state, on some public occasion, usually to the great temple, to take part in the religious services; and as he passed along he exacted from his people, as we have seen, the homage225 of an adulation worthy226 of an Oriental despot.[353] His haughty demeanor227 touched the pride of his more potent228 vassals229, particularly those who, at a distance, felt themselves nearly independent of his authority. His exactions, demanded by the profuse230 expenditure of his palace, scattered231 broadcast the seeds of discontent; and, while the empire seemed towering in its most palmy and prosperous state, the canker had eaten deepest into its heart.
点击收听单词发音
1 plaza | |
n.广场,市场 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
2 behold | |
v.看,注视,看到 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
3 metropolis | |
n.首府;大城市 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
4 splendor | |
n.光彩;壮丽,华丽;显赫,辉煌 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
5 encompassed | |
v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 );包围;包含;包括 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
6 diminution | |
n.减少;变小 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
7 evaporation | |
n.蒸发,消失 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
8 considerably | |
adv.极大地;相当大地;在很大程度上 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
9 swell | |
vi.膨胀,肿胀;增长,增强 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
10 overflowed | |
溢出的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
11 dike | |
n.堤,沟;v.开沟排水 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
12 deluge | |
n./vt.洪水,暴雨,使泛滥 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
13 disastrous | |
adj.灾难性的,造成灾害的;极坏的,很糟的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
14 supplanted | |
把…排挤掉,取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
15 reclaimed | |
adj.再生的;翻造的;收复的;回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 );要求收回;从废料中回收(有用的材料);挽救 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
16 watery | |
adj.有水的,水汪汪的;湿的,湿润的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
17 obviate | |
v.除去,排除,避免,预防 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
18 groves | |
树丛,小树林( grove的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
19 cedar | |
n.雪松,香柏(木) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
20 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
21 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
22 penetrated | |
adj. 击穿的,鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
23 primitive | |
adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
24 Ford | |
n.浅滩,水浅可涉处;v.涉水,涉过 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
25 stimulated | |
a.刺激的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
26 enchanted | |
adj. 被施魔法的,陶醉的,入迷的 动词enchant的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
27 memorable | |
adj.值得回忆的,难忘的,特别的,显著的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
28 abreast | |
adv.并排地;跟上(时代)的步伐,与…并进地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
29 founders | |
n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
30 frail | |
adj.身体虚弱的;易损坏的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
31 tenements | |
n.房屋,住户,租房子( tenement的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
32 quarry | |
n.采石场;v.采石;费力地找 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
33 porous | |
adj.可渗透的,多孔的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
34 brittle | |
adj.易碎的;脆弱的;冷淡的;(声音)尖利的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
35 wrought | |
v.引起;以…原料制作;运转;adj.制造的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
36 edifices | |
n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
37 edifice | |
n.宏伟的建筑物(如宫殿,教室) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
38 elegance | |
n.优雅;优美,雅致;精致,巧妙 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
39 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
40 aged | |
adj.年老的,陈年的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
41 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
42 abode | |
n.住处,住所 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
43 nominally | |
在名义上,表面地; 应名儿 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
44 mansions | |
n.宅第,公馆,大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
45 porticoes | |
n.柱廊,(有圆柱的)门廊( portico的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
46 embellished | |
v.美化( embellish的过去式和过去分词 );装饰;修饰;润色 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
47 dwellings | |
n.住处,处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
48 dwelling | |
n.住宅,住所,寓所 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
49 vista | |
n.远景,深景,展望,回想 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
50 cargoes | |
n.(船或飞机装载的)货物( cargo的名词复数 );大量,重负 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
51 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
52 intervals | |
n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
53 aquatic | |
adj.水生的,水栖的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
54 picturesque | |
adj.美丽如画的,(语言)生动的,绘声绘色的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
55 isle | |
n.小岛,岛 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
56 promiscuous | |
adj.杂乱的,随便的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
57 civilized | |
a.有教养的,文雅的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
58 ascertaining | |
v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
59 concurrent | |
adj.同时发生的,一致的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
60 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
61 conqueror | |
n.征服者,胜利者 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
62 conquerors | |
征服者,占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
63 circumference | |
n.圆周,周长,圆周线 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
64 vestiges | |
残余部分( vestige的名词复数 ); 遗迹; 痕迹; 毫不 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
65 populous | |
adj.人口稠密的,人口众多的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
66 attest | |
vt.证明,证实;表明 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
67 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
68 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
69 anonymous | |
adj.无名的;匿名的;无特色的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
70 herds | |
兽群( herd的名词复数 ); 牧群; 人群; 群众 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
71 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
72 thronged | |
v.成群,挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
73 deserted | |
adj.荒芜的,荒废的,无人的,被遗弃的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
74 sweeping | |
adj.范围广大的,一扫无遗的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
75 brackish | |
adj.混有盐的;咸的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
76 hewing | |
v.(用斧、刀等)砍、劈( hew的现在分词 );砍成;劈出;开辟 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
77 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
78 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
79 spacious | |
adj.广阔的,宽敞的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
80 knights | |
骑士; (中古时代的)武士( knight的名词复数 ); 骑士; 爵士; (国际象棋中)马 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
81 armory | |
n.纹章,兵工厂,军械库 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
82 athletic | |
adj.擅长运动的,强健的;活跃的,体格健壮的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
83 mimic | |
v.模仿,戏弄;n.模仿他人言行的人 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
84 ware | |
n.(常用复数)商品,货物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
85 warehouses | |
仓库,货栈( warehouse的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
86 aviary | |
n.大鸟笼,鸟舍 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
87 scarlet | |
n.深红色,绯红色,红衣;adj.绯红色的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
88 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
89 hues | |
色彩( hue的名词复数 ); 色调; 信仰; 观点 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
90 revel | |
vi.狂欢作乐,陶醉;n.作乐,狂欢 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
91 bowers | |
n.(女子的)卧室( bower的名词复数 );船首锚;阴凉处;鞠躬的人 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
92 inmates | |
n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
93 procured | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
94 tints | |
色彩( tint的名词复数 ); 带白的颜色; (淡色)染发剂; 痕迹 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
95 prey | |
n.被掠食者,牺牲者,掠食;v.捕食,掠夺,折磨 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
96 voracious | |
adj.狼吞虎咽的,贪婪的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
97 solitudes | |
n.独居( solitude的名词复数 );孤独;荒僻的地方;人迹罕至的地方 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
98 tyrants | |
专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 ); 暴君似的人; (古希腊的)僭主; 严酷的事物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
99 naturalists | |
n.博物学家( naturalist的名词复数 );(文学艺术的)自然主义者 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
100 naturalist | |
n.博物学家(尤指直接观察动植物者) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
101 swelled | |
增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 ); 肿胀; (使)凸出; 充满(激情) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
102 reptiles | |
n.爬行动物,爬虫( reptile的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
103 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
104 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
105 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
106 wilderness | |
n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等,荒漠 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
107 martyr | |
n.烈士,殉难者;vt.杀害,折磨,牺牲 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
108 peculiarities | |
n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
109 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
110 speculations | |
n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 );思考;投机活动;推断 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
111 awe | |
n.敬畏,惊惧;vt.使敬畏,使惊惧 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
112 ferocious | |
adj.凶猛的,残暴的,极度的,十分强烈的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
113 dwarfs | |
n.侏儒,矮子(dwarf的复数形式)vt.(使)显得矮小(dwarf的第三人称单数形式) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
114 deviated | |
v.偏离,越轨( deviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
115 hideous | |
adj.丑陋的,可憎的,可怕的,恐怖的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
116 appendage | |
n.附加物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
117 unnatural | |
adj.不自然的;反常的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
118 fragrant | |
adj.芬香的,馥郁的,愉快的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
119 shrubs | |
灌木( shrub的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
120 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
121 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
122 labyrinth | |
n.迷宫;难解的事物;迷路 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
123 scattering | |
n.[物]散射;散乱,分散;在媒介质中的散播adj.散乱的;分散在不同范围的;广泛扩散的;(选票)数量分散的v.散射(scatter的ing形式);散布;驱散 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
124 refreshing | |
adj.使精神振作的,使人清爽的,使人喜欢的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
125 margins | |
边( margin的名词复数 ); 利润; 页边空白; 差数 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
126 luxurious | |
adj.精美而昂贵的;豪华的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
127 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
128 consecrated | |
adj.神圣的,被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣,给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 );奉献 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
129 crest | |
n.顶点;饰章;羽冠;vt.达到顶点;vi.形成浪尖 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
130 desolate | |
adj.荒凉的,荒芜的;孤独的,凄凉的;v.使荒芜,使孤寂 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
131 cypresses | |
n.柏属植物,柏树( cypress的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
132 tangled | |
adj. 纠缠的,紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
133 mingles | |
混合,混入( mingle的第三人称单数 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
参考例句: |
|
|
134 glossy | |
adj.平滑的;有光泽的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
135 foliage | |
n.叶子,树叶,簇叶 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
136 awaken | |
vi.醒,觉醒;vt.唤醒,使觉醒,唤起,激起 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
137 meditation | |
n.熟虑,(尤指宗教的)默想,沉思,(pl.)冥想录 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
138 moss | |
n.苔,藓,地衣 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
139 revels | |
n.作乐( revel的名词复数 );狂欢;着迷;陶醉v.作乐( revel的第三人称单数 );狂欢;着迷;陶醉 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
140 lodged | |
v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 );暂住;埋入;(权利、权威等)归属 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
141 embroidery | |
n.绣花,刺绣;绣制品 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
142 graceful | |
adj.优美的,优雅的;得体的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
143 aviaries | |
n.大鸟笼( aviary的名词复数 );鸟舍;鸟类饲养场;鸟类饲养者 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
144 supervision | |
n.监督,管理 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
145 hoarding | |
n.贮藏;积蓄;临时围墙;囤积v.积蓄并储藏(某物)( hoard的现在分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
146 costly | |
adj.昂贵的,价值高的,豪华的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
147 retinue | |
n.侍从;随员 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
148 amber | |
n.琥珀;琥珀色;adj.琥珀制的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
149 plebeians | |
n.平民( plebeian的名词复数 );庶民;平民百姓;平庸粗俗的人 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
150 haughty | |
adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
151 steward | |
n.乘务员,服务员;看管人;膳食管理员 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
152 gulf | |
n.海湾;深渊,鸿沟;分歧,隔阂 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
153 maidens | |
处女( maiden的名词复数 ); 少女; 未婚女子; (板球运动)未得分的一轮投球 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
154 gilt | |
adj.镀金的;n.金边证券 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
155 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
156 comported | |
v.表现( comport的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
157 resinous | |
adj.树脂的,树脂质的,树脂制的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
158 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
159 viands | |
n.食品,食物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
160 pastry | |
n.油酥面团,酥皮糕点 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
161 requisites | |
n.必要的事物( requisite的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
162 garnished | |
v.给(上餐桌的食物)加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
163 beverage | |
n.(水,酒等之外的)饮料 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
164 vanilla | |
n.香子兰,香草 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
165 consistency | |
n.一贯性,前后一致,稳定性;(液体的)浓度 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
166 goblets | |
n.高脚酒杯( goblet的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
167 temperate | |
adj.温和的,温带的,自我克制的,不过分的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
168 luscious | |
adj.美味的;芬芳的;肉感的,引与性欲的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
169 spicy | |
adj.加香料的;辛辣的,有风味的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
170 appeased | |
安抚,抚慰( appease的过去式和过去分词 ); 绥靖(满足另一国的要求以避免战争) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
171 varnished | |
浸渍过的,涂漆的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
172 inhaled | |
v.吸入( inhale的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
173 fumes | |
n.(强烈而刺激的)气味,气体 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
174 intoxicating | |
a. 醉人的,使人兴奋的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
175 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
参考例句: |
|
|
176 soothing | |
adj.慰藉的;使人宽心的;镇静的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
177 fumigation | |
n.烟熏,熏蒸;忿恨 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
178 corps | |
n.(通信等兵种的)部队;(同类作的)一组 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
179 feats | |
功绩,伟业,技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
180 agility | |
n.敏捷,活泼 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
181 legerdemain | |
n.戏法,诈术 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
182 cadence | |
n.(说话声调的)抑扬顿挫 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
183 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
参考例句: |
|
|
184 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
185 siesta | |
n.午睡 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
186 tributary | |
n.支流;纳贡国;adj.附庸的;辅助的;支流的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
187 humiliation | |
n.羞辱 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
188 shrouding | |
n.覆盖v.隐瞒( shroud的现在分词 );保密 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
189 mantle | |
n.斗篷,覆罩之物,罩子;v.罩住,覆盖,脸红 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
190 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
191 obeisance | |
n.鞠躬,敬礼 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
192 pompous | |
adj.傲慢的,自大的;夸大的;豪华的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
193 expenditure | |
n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出;使用,消耗 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
194 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
195 hieroglyphical | |
n.象形文字,象形文字的文章 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
196 treasurer | |
n.司库,财务主管 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
197 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
198 proneness | |
n.俯伏,倾向 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
199 refinement | |
n.文雅;高尚;精美;精制;精炼 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
200 aboriginal | |
adj.(指动植物)土生的,原产地的,土著的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
201 sketches | |
n.草图( sketch的名词复数 );素描;速写;梗概 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
202 amplifying | |
放大,扩大( amplify的现在分词 ); 增强; 详述 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
203 rein | |
n.疆绳,统治,支配;vt.以僵绳控制,统治 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
204 specified | |
adj.特定的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
205 implements | |
n.工具( implement的名词复数 );家具;手段;[法律]履行(契约等)v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 );执行;贯彻;使生效 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
206 utensils | |
器具,用具,器皿( utensil的名词复数 ); 器物 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
207 fabrics | |
织物( fabric的名词复数 ); 布; 构造; (建筑物的)结构(如墙、地面、屋顶):质地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
208 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
209 afterward | |
adv.后来;以后 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
210 communal | |
adj.公有的,公共的,公社的,公社制的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
211 inevitably | |
adv.不可避免地;必然发生地 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
212 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
213 puerile | |
adj.幼稚的,儿童的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
214 counterfeit | |
vt.伪造,仿造;adj.伪造的,假冒的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
215 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
216 withdrawn | |
vt.收回;使退出;vi.撤退,退出 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
217 martial | |
adj.战争的,军事的,尚武的,威武的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
218 predecessors | |
n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 );前辈;(被取代的)原有事物;前身 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
219 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
220 colossal | |
adj.异常的,庞大的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
221 aspiring | |
adj.有志气的;有抱负的;高耸的v.渴望;追求 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
222 unprecedented | |
adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
223 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
224 etiquette | |
n.礼仪,礼节;规矩 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
225 homage | |
n.尊敬,敬意,崇敬 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
226 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
227 demeanor | |
n.行为;风度 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
228 potent | |
adj.强有力的,有权势的;有效力的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
229 vassals | |
n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 );(封建时代)诸侯;从属者;下属 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
230 profuse | |
adj.很多的,大量的,极其丰富的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
231 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
参考例句: |
|
|
欢迎访问英文小说网 |