1520
ON the following morning the army broke up its encampment at an early hour. The enemy does not seem to have made an attempt to rally. Clouds of skirmishers, however, were seen during the morning, keeping at a respectful distance, though occasionally venturing near enough to salute2 the Spaniards with a volley of missiles.
On a rising ground they discovered a fountain, a blessing3 not too often met with in these arid4 regions, and gratefully commemorated5 by the Christians7 for the refreshment8 it afforded by its cool and abundant waters.[226] A little farther on they descried9 the rude works which served as the bulwark{206} and boundary of the Tlascalan territory. At the sight, the allies sent up a joyous10 shout of congratulation, in which the Spaniards heartily11 joined, as they felt they were soon to be on friendly and hospitable12 ground.
But these feelings were speedily followed by others of a different nature; and, as they drew nearer the territory, their minds were disturbed with the most painful apprehensions13 as to their reception by the people among whom they were bringing desolation and mourning, and who might so easily, if ill disposed, take advantage of their present crippled condition. “Thoughts like these,” says Cortés, “weighed as heavily on my spirit as any which I ever experienced in going to battle with the Aztecs.”[227] Still he put, as usual, a good face on the matter, and encouraged his men to confide14 in their allies, whose past conduct had afforded every ground for trusting to their fidelity15 in future. He cautioned them, however, as their own strength was so much impaired16, to be most careful to give no umbrage17 or ground for jealousy to their high-spirited allies. “Be but on your guard,” continued the intrepid18 general, “and we have still stout19 hearts and strong hands to carry us through the midst of them!”[228] With these anxious surmises20, bidding adieu to the Aztec domain21, the{207} Christian6 army crossed the frontier, and once more trod the soil of the Republic.
The first place at which they halted was the town of Huejotlipan, a place of about twelve or fifteen thousand inhabitants.[229] They were kindly22 greeted by the people, who came out to receive them, inviting23 the troops to their habitations, and administering all the relief of their simple hospitality. Yet this was not so disinterested24, according to some of the Spaniards, as to prevent their expecting in requital25 a share of the plunder26 taken in the late action.[230] Here the weary forces remained two or three days, when, the news of their arrival having reached the capital, not more than four or five leagues distant, the old chief Maxixca, their efficient friend on their former visit, and Xicotencatl, the young warrior27 who, it will be remembered, had commanded the troops of his nation in their bloody28 encounters with the Spaniards, came with a numerous concourse of the citizens to welcome the fugitives29 to Tlascala. Maxixca, cordially embracing the Spanish commander, testified the deepest sympathy for his misfortunes. That the white men could so long have withstood the confederated power of the Aztecs was proof enough of their marvellous prowess. “We have made common cause together,” said the lord of Tlascala, “and we have common injuries to avenge30; and, come{208} weal or come woe31, be assured we will prove true and loyal friends and stand by you to the death.”[231]
This cordial assurance and sympathy, from one who exercised a control over the public counsels beyond any other ruler, effectually dispelled32 the doubts that lingered in the mind of Cortés. He readily accepted his invitation to continue his march at once to the capital, where he would find so much better accommodations for his army than in a small town on the frontier. The sick and wounded, placed in hammocks, were borne on the shoulders of the friendly natives; and, as the troops drew near the city, the inhabitants came flocking out in crowds to meet them, rending33 the air with joyous acclamations and wild bursts of their rude Indian minstrelsy. Amidst the general jubilee34, however, were heard sounds of wailing35 and sad lament36, as some unhappy relative or friend, looking earnestly into the diminished files of their countrymen, sought in vain for some dear and familiar countenance37, and, as they turned disappointed away, gave utterance38 to their sorrow in tones that touched the heart of every soldier in the army. With these mingled39 accompaniments of joy and woe,—the motley web of human life,—the way-worn columns of Cortés at length re-entered the republican capital.[232]{209}
The general and his suite40 were lodged41 in the rude but spacious42 palace of Maxixca. The rest of the army took up their quarters in the district over which the Tlascalan lord presided. Here they continued several weeks, until, by the attentions of the hospitable citizens, and such medical treatment as their humble43 science could supply, the wounds of the soldiers were healed, and they recovered from the debility to which they had been reduced by their long and unparalleled sufferings. Cortés was one of those who suffered severely44. He lost the use of two of the fingers of his left hand.[233] He had received, besides, two injuries on the head; one of which was so much exasperated45 by his subsequent fatigues46 and excitement of mind that it assumed an alarming appearance. A part of the bone was obliged to be removed.[234] A fever ensued, and for several days the hero who had braved danger and death in their most terrible forms lay stretched on his bed, as helpless as an infant. His excellent constitution, however, got the better of disease, and he was at length once more enabled to resume his cus{210}tomary activity. The Spaniards, with politic47 generosity48, requited49 the hospitality of their hosts by sharing with them the spoils of their recent victory, and Cortés especially rejoiced the heart of Maxixca by presenting him with the military trophy50 which he had won from the Indian commander.[235]
But while the Spaniards were thus recruiting their health and spirits under the friendly treatment of their allies, and recovering the confidence and tranquillity51 of mind which had sunk under their hard reverses, they received tidings, from time to time, which showed that their late disaster had not been confined to the Mexican capital. On his descent from Mexico to encounter Narvaez, Cortés had brought with him a quantity of gold, which he left for safe keeping at Tlascala. To this was added a considerable sum collected by the unfortunate Velasquez de Leon in his expedition to the coast, as well as contributions from other sources. From the unquiet state of the capital, the general thought it best, on his return there, still to leave the treasure under the care of a number of invalid52 soldiers, who, when in marching condition, were to rejoin him in Mexico. A party from Vera Cruz, consisting of five horsemen and forty foot, had since arrived at Tlascala, and, taking charge of the invalids53 and treasure, undertook to escort them to the capital. He now learned that they had been intercepted54 on the route and all cut off, with the entire loss of the treasure. Twelve other soldiers, marching in the same direction, had been{211} massacred in the neighboring province of Tepeaca; and accounts continually arrived of some unfortunate Castilian, who, presuming on the respect hitherto shown to his countrymen, and ignorant of the disasters in the capital, had fallen a victim to the fury of the enemy.[236]
These dismal55 tidings filled the mind of Cortés with gloomy apprehensions for the fate of the settlement at Villa56 Rica,—the last stay of their hopes. He despatched a trusty messenger, at once, to that place, and had the inexpressible satisfaction to receive a letter in return from the commander of the garrison57, acquainting him with the safety of the colony and its friendly relations with the neighboring Totonacs. It was the best guarantee of the fidelity of the latter, that they had offended the Mexicans too deeply to be forgiven.
While the affairs of Cortés wore so gloomy an aspect without, he had to experience an annoyance58 scarcely less serious from the discontents of his followers59. Many of them had fancied that their late appalling60 reverses would put an end to the expedition, or, at least, postpone61 all thoughts of resuming it for the present. But they knew little of Cortés who reasoned thus. Even while tossing on his bed of sickness, he was ripening62 in his mind fresh schemes for retrieving63 his honor, and for recover{212}ing the empire which had been lost more by another’s rashness than his own. This was apparent, as he became convalescent, from the new regulations he made respecting the army, as well as from the orders sent to Vera Cruz for fresh reinforcements.
The knowledge of all this occasioned much disquietude to the disaffected64 soldiers. They were, for the most part, the ancient followers of Narvaez, on whom, as we have seen, the brunt of the war had fallen the heaviest. Many of them possessed65 property in the Islands, and had embarked66 on this expedition chiefly from the desire of increasing it. But they had gathered neither gold nor glory in Mexico. Their present service filled them only with disgust; and the few, comparatively, who had been so fortunate as to survive, languished67 to return to their rich mines and pleasant farms in Cuba, bitterly cursing the day when they had left them.
Finding their complaints little heeded68 by the general, they prepared a written remonstrance69, in which they made their demand more formally. They represented the rashness of persisting in the enterprise in his present impoverished70 state, without arms or ammunition71, almost without men; and this, too, against a powerful enemy, who had been more than a match for him with all the strength of his late resources. It was madness to think of it. The attempt would bring them all to the sacrifice-block. Their only course was to continue their march to Vera Cruz. Every hour of delay might be fatal. The garrison in that place might be over{213}whelmed from want of strength to defend itself; and thus their last hope would be annihilated72. But, once there, they might wait in comparative security for such reinforcements as would join them from abroad; while in case of failure they could the more easily make their escape. They concluded with insisting on being permitted to return at once to the port of Villa Rica. This petition, or rather remonstrance, was signed by all the disaffected soldiers, and, after being formally attested73 by the royal notary74, was presented to Cortés.[237]
It was a trying circumstance for him. What touched him most nearly was to find the name of his friend the secretary Duero, to whose good offices he had chiefly owed his command, at the head of the paper. He was not, however, to be shaken from his purpose for a moment; and, while all outward resources seemed to be fading away, and his own friends faltered75, or failed him, he was still true to himself. He knew that to retreat to Vera Cruz would be to abandon the enterprise. Once there, his army would soon find a pretext77 and a way for breaking up and returning to the Islands. All his ambitious schemes would be blasted. The great prize, already once in his grasp, would then be lost forever. He would be a ruined man.
In his celebrated78 letter to Charles the Fifth, he says that, in reflecting on his position, he felt the{214} truth of the old adage79, “that fortune favors the brave.” The Spaniards were the followers of the Cross; and, trusting in the infinite goodness and mercy of God, he could not believe that He would suffer them and his own good cause thus to perish among the heathen.[238] He was resolved, therefore, not to descend80 to the coast, but at all hazards to retrace81 his steps and beard the enemy again in his capital.”
It was in the same resolute82 tone that he answered his discontented followers.[239] He urged every argument which could touch their pride or honor as cavaliers. He appealed to that ancient Castilian valor83 which had never been known to falter76 before an enemy; besought84 them not to discredit85 the great deeds which had made their name ring throughout Europe; not to leave the emprise half achieved, for others more daring and adventurous86 to finish. How could they with any honor, he asked, desert their allies whom they had involved in the war, and leave them unprotected to the vengeance87 of the Aztecs? To retreat but a single step towards Villa Rica would be to proclaim their own weakness. It would dishearten their friends and give confidence to their foes89. He implored90 them to resume the con{215}fidence in him which they had ever showed, and to reflect that, if they had recently met with reverses, he had up to that point accomplished91 all, and more than all, that he had promised. It would be easy now to retrieve92 their losses, if they would have patience and abide93 in this friendly land until the reinforcements, which would be ready to come in at his call, should enable them to act on the offensive. If, however, there were any so insensible to the motives94 which touch a brave man’s heart, as to prefer ease at home to the glory of this great achievement, he would not stand in their way. Let them go, in God’s name. Let them leave their general in his extremity95. He should feel stronger in the service of a few brave spirits than if surrounded by a host of the false or the faint-hearted.[240]
The disaffected party, as already noticed, was chiefly drawn96 from the troops of Narvaez. When the general’s own veterans heard this appeal,[241] their blood warmed with indignation at the thoughts of abandoning him or the cause at such a crisis. They pledged themselves to stand by him to the last; and the malecontents, silenced, if not convinced, by this generous expression of sentiment from their comrades, consented to postpone their departure for the present, under the assurance that{216} no obstacle would be thrown in their way when a more favorable season should present itself.[242]
Scarcely was this difficulty adjusted, when Cortés was menaced with one more serious, in the jealousy springing up between his soldiers and their Indian allies. Notwithstanding the demonstrations97 of regard by Maxixca and his immediate98 followers, there were others of the nation who looked with an evil eye on their guests, for the calamities99 in which they had involved them; and they tauntingly100 asked if, in addition to this, they were now to be burdened by the presence and maintenance of the strangers. These sallies of discontent were not so secret as altogether to escape the ears of the Spaniards, in whom they occasioned no little disquietude. They proceeded for the most part, it is true, from persons of little consideration, since the four great chiefs of the republic appear to have been steadily101 secured to the interests of Cortés. But they derived102 some importance from the countenance of the warlike Xicotencatl, in whose bosom103 still lingered the embers of that implacable hostility104 which he had displayed so courageously105 on the field of battle; and sparkles of this fiery106 temper occasionally gleamed forth107 in the intimate intercourse108 into which he was now reluctantly brought with his ancient opponents.{217}
Cortés, who saw with alarm the growing feeling of estrangement109 which must sap the very foundations on which he was to rest the lever for future operations, employed every argument which suggested itself, to restore the confidence of his own men. He reminded them of the good services they had uniformly received from the great body of the nation. They had a sufficient pledge of the future constancy of the Tlascalans in their long-cherished hatred110 of the Aztecs, which the recent disasters they had suffered from the same quarter could serve only to sharpen. And he urged, with much force, that if any evil designs had been meditated111 by them against the Spaniards the Tlascalans would, doubtless, have taken advantage of their late disabled condition, and not waited till they had recovered their strength and means of resistance.[243]
While Cortés was thus endeavoring, with somewhat doubtful success, to stifle112 his own apprehensions, as well as those in the bosoms113 of his followers, an event occurred which happily brought the affair to an issue, and permanently114 settled the relations in which the two parties were to stand to each other. This will make it necessary to notice some events which had occurred in Mexico since the expulsion of the Spaniards.
On Montezuma’s death, his brother, Cuitlahua, lord of Iztapalapan, conformably to the usage regulating the descent of the Aztec crown, was chosen to succeed him. He was an active prince,{218} of large experience in military affairs, and, by the strength of his character, was well fitted to sustain the tottering115 fortunes of the monarchy116. He appears, moreover, to have been a man of liberal, and what may be called enlightened, taste, to judge from the beautiful gardens which he had filled with rare exotics and which so much attracted the admiration117 of the Spaniards in his city of Iztapalapan. Unlike his predecessor118, he held the white men in detestation, and had, probably, the satisfaction of celebrating his own coronation by the sacrifice of many of them. From the moment of his release from the Spanish quarters, where he had been detained by Cortés, he entered into the patriotic119 movements of his people. It was he who conducted the assaults both in the streets of the city and on the “Melancholy Night;” and it was at his instigation that the powerful force had been assembled to dispute the passage of the Spaniards in the Vale of Otumba.[244]
Since the evacuation of the capital, he had been busily occupied in repairing the mischief120 it had received,—restoring the buildings and the bridges and putting it in the best posture121 of defence. He had endeavored to improve the discipline and arms of his troops. He introduced the long spear among them, and, by attaching the sword-blades{219} taken from the Christians to long poles, contrived122 a weapon that should be formidable against the cavalry123. He summoned his vassals124, far and near, to hold themselves in readiness to march to the relief of the capital, if necessary, and, the better to secure their good will, relieved them from some of the burdens usually laid on them. But he was now to experience the instability of a government which rested not on love, but on fear. The vassals in the neighborhood of the Valley remained true to their allegiance; but others held themselves aloof125, uncertain what course to adopt; while others, again, in the more distant provinces, refused obedience126 altogether, considering this a favorable moment for throwing off the yoke127 which had so long galled128 them.[245]
In this emergency, the government sent a deputation to its ancient enemies the Tlascalans. It consisted of six Aztec nobles, bearing a present of cotton cloth, salt, and other articles rarely seen, of late years, in the republic. The lords of the state, astonished at this unprecedented129 act of condescension130 in their ancient foe88, called the council or senate of the great chiefs together, to give the envoys131 audience.
Before this body the Aztecs stated the purpose of their mission. They invited the Tlascalans to bury all past grievances132 in oblivion, and to enter into a treaty with them. All the nations of Anahuac should make common cause in defence of{220} their country against the white men. The Tlascalans would bring down on their own heads the wrath133 of the gods, if they longer harbored the strangers who had violated and destroyed their temples. If they counted on the support and friendship of their guests, let them take warning from the fate of Mexico, which had received them kindly within its walls, and which, in return, they had filled with blood and ashes. They conjured134 them, by their reverence135 for their common religion, not to suffer the white men, disabled as they now were, to escape from their hands, but to sacrifice them at once to the gods, whose temples they had profaned136. In that event, they proffered137 them their alliance, and the renewal138 of that friendly traffic which would restore to the republic the possession of the comforts and luxuries of which it had been so long deprived.
The proposals of the ambassadors produced different effects on their audience. Xicotencatl was for embracing them at once. Far better was it, he said, to unite with their kindred, with those who held their own language, their faith and usages, than to throw themselves into the arms of the fierce strangers, who, however they might talk of religion, worshipped no god but gold. This opinion was followed by that of the younger warriors139, who readily caught the fire of his enthusiasm. But the elder chiefs, especially his blind old father, one of the four rulers of the state, who seem to have been all heartily in the interests of the Spaniards, and one of them, Maxixca, their stanch140 friend, strongly expressed their aversion to the proposed alliance{221} with the Aztecs. They were always the same, said the latter,—fair in speech, and false in heart. They now proffered friendship to the Tlascalans. But it was fear which drove them to it, and, when that fear was removed, they would return to their old hostility. Who was it, but these insidious141 foes, that had so long deprived the country of the very necessaries of life, of which they were now so lavish142 in their offers? Was it not owing to the white men that the nation at length possessed them? Yet they were called on to sacrifice the white men to the gods!—the warriors who, after fighting the battles of the Tlascalans, now threw themselves on their hospitality. But the gods abhorred143 perfidy144. And were not their guests the very beings whose coming had been so long predicted by the oracles145? “Let us avail ourselves of it,” he concluded, “and unite and make common cause with them, until we have humbled146 our haughty147 enemy.”
This discourse148 provoked a sharp rejoinder from Xicotencatl, till the passion of the elder chieftain got the better of his patience, and, substituting force for argument, he thrust his younger antagonist149, with some violence, from the council-chamber. A preceding so contrary to the usual decorum of Indian debate astonished the assembly. But, far from bringing censure150 on its author, it effectually silenced opposition151. Even the hot-headed followers of Xicotencatl shrunk from supporting a leader who had incurred152 such a mark of contemptuous displeasure from the ruler whom they most venerated153. His own father openly condemned154 him; and the patriotic young warrior, gifted with a truer{222} foresight155 into futurity than his countrymen, was left without support in the council, as he had formerly156 been on the field of battle. The proffered alliance of the Mexicans was unanimously rejected; and the envoys, fearing that even the sacred character with which they were invested might not protect them from violence, made their escape secretly from the capital.[246]
The result of the conference was of the last importance to the Spaniards, who, in their present crippled condition, especially if taken unawares, would have been, probably, at the mercy of the Tlascalans. At all events, the union of these latter with the Aztecs would have settled the fate of the expedition; since, in the poverty of his own resources, it was only by adroitly157 playing off one part of the Indian population against the other that Cortés could ultimately hope for success.
点击收听单词发音
1 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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2 salute | |
vi.行礼,致意,问候,放礼炮;vt.向…致意,迎接,赞扬;n.招呼,敬礼,礼炮 | |
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3 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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4 arid | |
adj.干旱的;(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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5 commemorated | |
v.纪念,庆祝( commemorate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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6 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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7 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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8 refreshment | |
n.恢复,精神爽快,提神之事物;(复数)refreshments:点心,茶点 | |
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9 descried | |
adj.被注意到的,被发现的,被看到的 | |
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10 joyous | |
adj.充满快乐的;令人高兴的 | |
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11 heartily | |
adv.衷心地,诚恳地,十分,很 | |
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12 hospitable | |
adj.好客的;宽容的;有利的,适宜的 | |
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13 apprehensions | |
疑惧 | |
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14 confide | |
v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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15 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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16 impaired | |
adj.受损的;出毛病的;有(身体或智力)缺陷的v.损害,削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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17 umbrage | |
n.不快;树荫 | |
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18 intrepid | |
adj.无畏的,刚毅的 | |
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20 surmises | |
v.臆测,推断( surmise的第三人称单数 );揣测;猜想 | |
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21 domain | |
n.(活动等)领域,范围;领地,势力范围 | |
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22 kindly | |
adj.和蔼的,温和的,爽快的;adv.温和地,亲切地 | |
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23 inviting | |
adj.诱人的,引人注目的 | |
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24 disinterested | |
adj.不关心的,不感兴趣的 | |
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25 requital | |
n.酬劳;报复 | |
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26 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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27 warrior | |
n.勇士,武士,斗士 | |
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28 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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29 fugitives | |
n.亡命者,逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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30 avenge | |
v.为...复仇,为...报仇 | |
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31 woe | |
n.悲哀,苦痛,不幸,困难;int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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32 dispelled | |
v.驱散,赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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33 rending | |
v.撕碎( rend的现在分词 );分裂;(因愤怒、痛苦等而)揪扯(衣服或头发等);(声音等)刺破 | |
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34 jubilee | |
n.周年纪念;欢乐 | |
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35 wailing | |
v.哭叫,哀号( wail的现在分词 );沱 | |
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36 lament | |
n.悲叹,悔恨,恸哭;v.哀悼,悔恨,悲叹 | |
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37 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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38 utterance | |
n.用言语表达,话语,言语 | |
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39 mingled | |
混合,混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 ); 混进,与…交往[联系] | |
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40 suite | |
n.一套(家具);套房;随从人员 | |
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41 lodged | |
v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 );暂住;埋入;(权利、权威等)归属 | |
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42 spacious | |
adj.广阔的,宽敞的 | |
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43 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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44 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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45 exasperated | |
adj.恼怒的 | |
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46 fatigues | |
n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 );杂役;厌倦;(士兵穿的)工作服 | |
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47 politic | |
adj.有智虑的;精明的;v.从政 | |
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48 generosity | |
n.大度,慷慨,慷慨的行为 | |
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49 requited | |
v.报答( requite的过去式和过去分词 );酬谢;回报;报复 | |
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50 trophy | |
n.优胜旗,奖品,奖杯,战胜品,纪念品 | |
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51 tranquillity | |
n. 平静, 安静 | |
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52 invalid | |
n.病人,伤残人;adj.有病的,伤残的;无效的 | |
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53 invalids | |
病人,残疾者( invalid的名词复数 ) | |
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54 intercepted | |
拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 ); 截住; 截击; 拦阻 | |
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55 dismal | |
adj.阴沉的,凄凉的,令人忧郁的,差劲的 | |
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56 villa | |
n.别墅,城郊小屋 | |
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57 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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58 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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59 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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60 appalling | |
adj.骇人听闻的,令人震惊的,可怕的 | |
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61 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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62 ripening | |
v.成熟,使熟( ripen的现在分词 );熟化;熟成 | |
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63 retrieving | |
n.检索(过程),取还v.取回( retrieve的现在分词 );恢复;寻回;检索(储存的信息) | |
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64 disaffected | |
adj.(政治上)不满的,叛离的 | |
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65 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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66 embarked | |
乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 ); 装载; 从事 | |
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67 languished | |
长期受苦( languish的过去式和过去分词 ); 受折磨; 变得(越来越)衰弱; 因渴望而变得憔悴或闷闷不乐 | |
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68 heeded | |
v.听某人的劝告,听从( heed的过去式和过去分词 );变平,使(某物)变平( flatten的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69 remonstrance | |
n抗议,抱怨 | |
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70 impoverished | |
adj.穷困的,无力的,用尽了的v.使(某人)贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 );使(某物)贫瘠或恶化 | |
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71 ammunition | |
n.军火,弹药 | |
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72 annihilated | |
v.(彻底)消灭( annihilate的过去式和过去分词 );使无效;废止;彻底击溃 | |
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73 attested | |
adj.经检验证明无病的,经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 );证实;声称…属实;使宣誓 | |
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74 notary | |
n.公证人,公证员 | |
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75 faltered | |
(嗓音)颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 ); 支吾其词; 蹒跚; 摇晃 | |
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76 falter | |
vi.(嗓音)颤抖,结巴地说;犹豫;蹒跚 | |
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77 pretext | |
n.借口,托词 | |
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78 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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79 adage | |
n.格言,古训 | |
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80 descend | |
vt./vi.传下来,下来,下降 | |
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81 retrace | |
v.折回;追溯,探源 | |
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82 resolute | |
adj.坚决的,果敢的 | |
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83 valor | |
n.勇气,英勇 | |
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84 besought | |
v.恳求,乞求(某事物)( beseech的过去式和过去分词 );(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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85 discredit | |
vt.使不可置信;n.丧失信义;不信,怀疑 | |
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86 adventurous | |
adj.爱冒险的;惊心动魄的,惊险的,刺激的 | |
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87 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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88 foe | |
n.敌人,仇敌 | |
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89 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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90 implored | |
恳求或乞求(某人)( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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91 accomplished | |
adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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92 retrieve | |
vt.重新得到,收回;挽回,补救;检索 | |
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93 abide | |
vi.遵守;坚持;vt.忍受 | |
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94 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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95 extremity | |
n.末端,尽头;尽力;终极;极度 | |
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96 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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97 demonstrations | |
证明( demonstration的名词复数 ); 表明; 表达; 游行示威 | |
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98 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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99 calamities | |
n.灾祸,灾难( calamity的名词复数 );不幸之事 | |
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100 tauntingly | |
嘲笑地,辱骂地; 嘲骂地 | |
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101 steadily | |
adv.稳定地;不变地;持续地 | |
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102 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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103 bosom | |
n.胸,胸部;胸怀;内心;adj.亲密的 | |
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104 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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105 courageously | |
ad.勇敢地,无畏地 | |
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106 fiery | |
adj.燃烧着的,火红的;暴躁的;激烈的 | |
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107 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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108 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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109 estrangement | |
n.疏远,失和,不和 | |
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110 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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111 meditated | |
深思,沉思,冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 ); 内心策划,考虑 | |
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112 stifle | |
vt.使窒息;闷死;扼杀;抑止,阻止 | |
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113 bosoms | |
胸部( bosom的名词复数 ); 胸怀; 女衣胸部(或胸襟); 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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114 permanently | |
adv.永恒地,永久地,固定不变地 | |
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115 tottering | |
adj.蹒跚的,动摇的v.走得或动得不稳( totter的现在分词 );踉跄;蹒跚;摇摇欲坠 | |
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116 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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117 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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118 predecessor | |
n.前辈,前任 | |
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119 patriotic | |
adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
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120 mischief | |
n.损害,伤害,危害;恶作剧,捣蛋,胡闹 | |
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121 posture | |
n.姿势,姿态,心态,态度;v.作出某种姿势 | |
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122 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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123 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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124 vassals | |
n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 );(封建时代)诸侯;从属者;下属 | |
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125 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
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126 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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127 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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128 galled | |
v.使…擦痛( gall的过去式和过去分词 );擦伤;烦扰;侮辱 | |
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129 unprecedented | |
adj.无前例的,新奇的 | |
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130 condescension | |
n.自以为高人一等,贬低(别人) | |
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131 envoys | |
使节( envoy的名词复数 ); 公使; 谈判代表; 使节身份 | |
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132 grievances | |
n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
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133 wrath | |
n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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134 conjured | |
用魔术变出( conjure的过去式和过去分词 ); 祈求,恳求; 变戏法; (变魔术般地) 使…出现 | |
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135 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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136 profaned | |
v.不敬( profane的过去式和过去分词 );亵渎,玷污 | |
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137 proffered | |
v.提供,贡献,提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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138 renewal | |
adj.(契约)延期,续订,更新,复活,重来 | |
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139 warriors | |
武士,勇士,战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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140 stanch | |
v.止住(血等);adj.坚固的;坚定的 | |
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141 insidious | |
adj.阴险的,隐匿的,暗中为害的,(疾病)不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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142 lavish | |
adj.无节制的;浪费的;vt.慷慨地给予,挥霍 | |
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143 abhorred | |
v.憎恶( abhor的过去式和过去分词 );(厌恶地)回避;拒绝;淘汰 | |
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144 perfidy | |
n.背信弃义,不忠贞 | |
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145 oracles | |
神示所( oracle的名词复数 ); 神谕; 圣贤; 哲人 | |
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146 humbled | |
adj. 卑下的,谦逊的,粗陋的 vt. 使 ... 卑下,贬低 | |
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147 haughty | |
adj.傲慢的,高傲的 | |
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148 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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149 antagonist | |
n.敌人,对抗者,对手 | |
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150 censure | |
v./n.责备;非难;责难 | |
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151 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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152 incurred | |
[医]招致的,遭受的; incur的过去式 | |
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153 venerated | |
敬重(某人或某事物),崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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154 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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155 foresight | |
n.先见之明,深谋远虑 | |
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156 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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157 adroitly | |
adv.熟练地,敏捷地 | |
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