This condition is regrettable because a true understanding of any people and their country must be based upon intelligent knowledge of their history, and this is peculiarly so in the case of Cuba and the Cubans.
Even though he had the ability to remedy the defect, the limits and design of the present volume would preclude8 the writer from making the attempt in its pages. The brief historical sketch9 given here, must be made entirely10 secondary to the main purpose of presenting a picture of the Island and its inhabitants as they are to-day, and of taking a survey of the economic conditions affecting them. The following account is restricted mainly to such phases of the country’s history as have had permanent influence on the character, customs and welfare of the people.
Upon discovering the Island of Cuba, Columbus named it Juana, in honor of Prince Juan, the son of Ferdinand and Isabella. On the death of Ferdinand, Velasquez substituted the name Ferdinandina. The Island was subse{24}quently called Santiago, after the patron saint of Spain, and still later, Ave Maria. Through all these changes of official style the natives retained the name Cuba, by which their country had been known before the advent11 of white men, and the Indian appellation12 was soon adopted by the aliens.
The Indians whom Columbus found upon the Island were of gentle disposition13 and peaceful by inclination14 and practice. The nine divisions of the country were governed without friction15 by as many caciques, independent of one another and equal in rank. The people rendered them unquestioned obedience16 and were accustomed to an autocratic rule. Hospitality was an universal trait and the invaders17 were made free of the land without the slightest opposition18. Furthermore, these Indians accepted baptism and the doctrines19 of Christianity more readily than any others with whom the Spaniards came into contact.
But for one condition, the factors were present for the peaceful subjugation20 and government of the aborigines. The obstructive element was found in the constitutional aversion of the natives to physical exertion21 in any unnecessary degree. Their soil responded gen{25}erously to the slightest appeal in the form of casual cultivation22, and the materials for their scanty23 clothing might be gathered without trouble. They had never experienced any need to work and their climate was conducive24 to careless indolence. No doubt their habit of life had produced weakness and lack of stamina25. Thus disinclination grew into disability. Flaccid muscles and unused limbs caused apparently26 strong and robust27 men to faint and fall under tasks which we would consider an ordinary day’s labor28.
The Spanish adventurers, who found the natives in possession of nuggets of gold and rude ornaments29 fashioned from the precious metal, set them the onerous30 task of mining. They perceived the aversion of the Indians to labor, but could not comprehend their inability. El execrable sed d’ore prompted them to the commission of pitiless barbarities in the effort to force the slaves to increased exertion.
Under this treatment the natives died in great numbers. A few feeble attempts at armed resistance hastened the end. In an incredibly short time, if we are to accept the most reliable estimates of the number of the aborig{26}inal population, the male Indians were completely exterminated31.
It is impossible to say with any degree of precision how many inhabitants the Island of Cuba contained at the time of its discovery. Las Casas and Peter Martyr32 are led into exaggeration by their righteous indignation at the cruelties of their countrymen. Their figures are highly improbable. If the native population at the time the Spaniards first settled in the country is estimated at half a million there is little likelihood of undershooting the mark.
Oviado declares that in 1535—less than fifty years after the discovery—there were fewer than five hundred Indians left within the borders of the Island. Among this remnant females were largely in predominence. They had not been subjected to the same extremes of hardships and cruelty as had the males, and many of the Spaniards had taken native women under their protection as concubines. This condition led to the perpetuation33 of the Indian blood after the last of the pure bred aborigines had disappeared. To-day, one meets, on rare occasions, a Cuban peasant whose appearance suggests Indian ancestry34, but the strain practi{27}cally died out long ago, and has left no impression on the Cuban character or customs.
Cases in which the aboriginal35 stock is suggested are more frequently encountered at the eastern end of the Island than elsewhere, and a plausible36 explanation might be found in the fact that its wild mountainous recesses37 would have afforded safe retreat to such of the Indians who may have fled there from the persecutions of the whites. In this way it is possible that a small number of the natives may have survived for a considerable period after official knowledge of their existence had ceased.
Some years ago, at Holguin, a youth was pointed38 out to me, who exhibited in features, skull39 formation, and complexion40, marked resemblance to an Indian type. The padre, who had drawn41 my attention to the young man, scoffed42 at my suggestion of accident, and declared his conviction that it was a pronounced case of atavism.
The first permanent settlement of the Spaniards upon the Island of Cuba was made at Baracoa, in 1512. At its head was Captain Diego Velasquez, who, until his death in 1524, continued to rule Cuba, as Adelantado, under direct responsibility to the Governor and An{28}dencia of Hispaniola, or Santo Domingo. He had five successors in this office. The first governor, appointed by and immediately answerable to the Crown, was Hernando de Soto. The line of captains-general began with Don Gabriel de Lujan, who assumed the post in 1581.
In 1514, Velasquez founded the towns of Trinidad and Santiago, for the purpose of facilitating communication with Jamaica, and established settlements at Remedios, Bayamo, Puerto Principe, Sancti-Spiritus, and San Cristobal de la Habana, the last named being located where the town of Batabano now stands. Five years later, the name of Habana was transferred to a small settlement on the spot where the capital now stands.
Baracoa was the first bishopric and seat of government. In 1522 Santiago became the centre of both civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction43, and in 1552 the capital was established at Habana.
The settlement of Cuba proceeded slowly. During the hundred years following its discovery, only two towns were founded in addition to those which have been mentioned, namely, Guanabacoa and El Cobre. In the seventeenth century but two more of any importance came
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BAYAMO.
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into existence, these being Matanzas and Santa Clara. Nine more were created in the course of the next century. At the close of this period the Island contained about two hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, while the development of its natural resources can scarcely be said to have begun.
The backwardness of the colony was not due to lack of energy on the part of the Spaniards, who in the days of the conquistadores displayed that quality in a remarkable44 degree. A combination of conditions, some of them entirely beyond the control of the settlers, retarded45 the development of the Island. A large proportion of the first comers were transients, staying for a while, but responding ultimately to the greater allurements46 of the mainland. Their object was gold, and in this respect Cuba proved disappointing. After a while the large landed proprietors47, who had received royal grants, began to raise cattle and to breed horses. For some time large quantities of meat and mounts for the troops were shipped to Terra Firma. But this source of profit expired toward the close of the sixteenth century, when the continental48 settlements became able to supply their own needs in these respects. At{30} this period the cultivation of tobacco and sugar-cane was introduced. At the outset these industries suffered from a paucity49 of labor, and a royal license50 was obtained for the importation of negroes from Africa. The shipment of the blacks in large numbers to the Island continued until, toward the middle of the nineteenth century, their proportional place in the population became a source of grave anxiety to the authorities. The successful revolt of their race in Haiti and the abolitionary agitation52 throughout the civilized53 world created unrest among the slaves in Cuba. Although there was no organized uprising, frequent mutinies occurred in different parts of the Island. The most cruel measures of repression54 were put into force, with the result of cowing the negroes for a while. It is probable however, that only the growth of the revolutionary movement prevented a general uprising of the blacks in Cuba before their emancipation55, which was officially decreed in 1887.
The population of the Island in 1846 was about nine hundred thousand. More than half of the number were negroes, three-fourths of them slaves. According to the latest official figures, less than thirty per cent. of the present{31} population are colored. How has the proportion sunk so greatly in sixty-five years? Where have the negroes gone? What has become of their children?
A writer in a volume on “Cuba,” issued by the United States Bureau of the Census56, states: “The diminution57 of the proportion of colored inhabitants during the last half century is doubtless but another illustration of the inability of the colored race to hold its own in competition with the whites, a truth which is being demonstrated on a much larger scale in the United States.”
This is not at all convincing. The negroes have not been to any appreciable58 degree subjected to competition in Cuba. The climate and latter-day conditions are altogether favorable to their survival and increase. Two official reports indicate that they held their own under the more arduous59 life of slavery.
We must look for an explanation elsewhere, and the most plausible seems to be that there is a much greater distribution of negro blood in Cuba than the statistics indicate. The enumerators who took the census under our military occupation acknowledged the difficulty of distinguishing among a people whose prevail{32}ing physical characteristics are dark skin and black hair, and expressed their suspicion that a large number of those who returned themselves as “whites” had negro blood in their veins60. Those who have lived long and travelled extensively in Cuba, generally entertain the opinion that the proportion of pure whites in population is considerably61 less than seventy per cent.
The unqualified terms of condemnation62 in which most of our writers refer to the Spanish rule of Cuba, can only be accounted for on the assumption of ignorance of the history of the Island and the general conditions of the times. Spain had an admirable code of laws for the government of her colonies. This code, called Las Leyes de Indias, was formulated63 during the reign64 of Philip the second. It was designed to insure the humane65 and equitable66 treatment of the native subjects and, considering the times, was a highly enlightened measure. The laws were frequently violated by colonial governors, but it was hardly in the power of the home government to prevent such abuses. In those days of long distances and slow communication, it was necessary that viceroys should be invested with practically unlimited67 powers and undi{33}vided authority. The only alternative would have been the adoption68 of some form of popular government, which no nation had at that period dreamed of applying to its distant possessions. As a matter of fact, a liberal policy prevailed in Cuba during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Public assemblies of citizens were held to elect the members of municipal corporations; no taxation69 was permitted without the sanction of these bodies;[1] charges were freely lodged70 and sustained against governors. During the same period, the British colonies in the West Indies were not so well governed as was Cuba and some of their governors were more flagrantly tyrannical and dishonest than the worst of Cuba’s captains-general. Spain’s chief fault and the cause of her downfall as a colonial power, lay in failure to respond to the growth of sentiment in favor of popular rights. She became more autocratic as other nations became more liberal. In truth, she had ineptitude71 for colonial government, but her sovereigns generally evinced{34} a sincere concern for the welfare of their foreign subjects.
Cuba entered upon an era of development and prosperity following the restoration of the Island to Spain by the British in 1763. For eighty years following the event it was governed by a line of captains-general, almost all of whom were able and well-intentioned. The first of these, Count O’Reilly, devoted72 his five-year term of office to the organization of a militia73 force and the execution of other much needed military measures. Don Antonio Bucarely paid special attention to the administration of justice throughout the Island and redressed74 many popular grievances75. Of him was recorded the unparalleled fact that during his administration not a single complaint against him had reached the Court of Madrid. His successor, the Marques de la Torre, gained the affection and esteem76 of all classes. The benign77 and talented Las Casas arrived in 1790, and the period of his governorship is recognized by all Spanish writers as one of the most brilliant in the history of the Island. He effected many public improvements and introduced means for the increase of the industrial and commercial prosperity of Cuba. He it was, who founded{35} the institution of Sociedad Patriotica, which became so important an agency in the promotion78 of agriculture, trade, education, literature, and the fine arts. The recognition of the popular principle in this institution, and the promotion of liberal ideas by it, have been highly influential79 factors in the development of the people and their country.
To Las Casas, also, the Island is indebted for the establishment of the Casa de Beneficencia, for its first public library, and its first newspaper.
It is frequently stated that under the rule of Spain education among the natives was discouraged. Such was not the case. The facilities of the masses in the country districts for acquiring such education as their classes usually enjoyed at the same period in Europe was, at least, equally as great. The priests maintained parish schools throughout the Island, and received pupils free without the distinction of classes or color. In the capital the opportunities for learning were unusually good. The Jesuits, Dominicans, and other orders, provided thorough classical education and instruction in foreign languages. Almost every religious institution had some sort of college or{36} attached to it. The University of Habana was established in 1721. It became the object of special favor by Las Casas. He increased the endowment and extended the scope of its utility by creating several new professorial chairs, notably80 one of medicine. He also lent aid and encouragement to the Jesuits, in improving their colleges.
Following Las Casas came several other benevolent81 governors, of whom the Conde de Santa Clara, the Marques de Someruelos, and the Espeletas, especially left records of wise and useful administration.
The chief features of the history of the Island previous to the opening of the eighteenth century, were the settlements created by the first governor, the usual repartimientos, or distribution of the territory and its inhabitants among the Spanish adventurers who led the early expeditions of the Indians, the introduction of negro slaves, the attacks by buccaneers, and the capture of Habana by the English. The century closed with a notable advance in commerce and industry, and a period of excellent government. This, though essentially82 despotic, was benevolent and well adapted to the conditions of the time. Under it the Cubans
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THE PRADO, HABANA.
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enjoyed a fair degree of prosperity, despite the short-sighted commercial policy to which they were subjected. That they were generally contented83, and well affected84 towards the mother country can not be questioned. The French and American revolutions impressed them greatly, but did not shake their loyalty85. When the news of the abduction of the royal family of Spain by Napoleon reached Habana, the colonial government declared war against France, and the populace approved the act with enthusiasm. The revolt of the colonies on the mainland, and their disseverance from Spain, left Cuba still attached to the Crown with a constancy that gained for her the sobriquet86, “ever faithful.”
The political changes which took place in Spain in the first quarter of the nineteenth century were productive of similar changes in Cuba. What was called a constitutional government was given to the Island. The sudden introduction of a democratic system of rule to a population composed of the most discordant87 elements, and accustomed to autocracy88, could not fail of producing something like the disquieting89 conditions that followed the premature90 establishment of ultra-free institutions in the{38} countries which had formerly91 been dependencies of Spain in America. The masonic societies came into vogue92 in Cuba, as they did in the peninsula. From the discussion of religious and political matters, these associations soon proceeded to the advocacy of revolution. The radical93 doctrines which were thus disseminated94, readily took root in the minds of the educated, among whom translations of the works of Voltaire, Rousseau, and their Italian disciples95, were widely distributed at this time. In 1823 a conspiracy96, which extended throughout the Island, was set on foot by a secret society named “the Sotes de Bolivar.” The drastic measures that were adopted for its suppression created deep and widespread resentment97 against the government.
Upon the restoration of Ferdinand the Seventh, another sudden swing of the pendulum98 brought the Cubans again under autocratic rule. Extreme means were resorted to with a view to stamping out the growing revolutionary spirit and reducing the people to their former state of ready submission99 to authority. None of these measures was so ill-judged, or so lasting100 in its evil effects, as the Royal Order of 1825. This conferred on the captains-gen{39}eral “the whole extent of power which by the royal ordinance101 is granted to the governors of besieged102 towns ... most amply and unrestrictedly authorizes103 Your Excellency not only to remove from the Island such persons, holding offices from government or not, whatever their rank, class, occupation, or situation in life may be, whose residence there you may deem prejudicial, or whose private or public conduct may appear suspicious to you, employing in their stead faithful servants of His Majesty104, who shall fully105 deserve Your Excellency’s confidence; but also to suspend the execution of whatever royal orders or general decrees in all the different branches of the administration, or in any part of them, as Your Excellency may think conducive to the royal service; it being in any case required that these measures be temporary, and that Your Excellency make report of them for His Majesty’s sovereign approval.”
This order was intended to be observed under the most strict responsibility, “le mas estrecta responsibilidad,” and to be only temporarily in effect. It remained in force, however, and its terrible powers later became the scourge106 of the land, although they were not immediately felt.{40} The Captain-General upon whom they were first conferred, General Vives, refrained from exercising them, and under the judicious107 administration of Count Villanueva, as Intendant, the people had no cause to remember the fearful instrument for oppression which their rulers had at command.
The term of General Tacon (1834-1838) ushered108 in the era of tyranny, spoliation and incapacity that marked the government of Cuba in the remaining period of Spanish domination, during which the revolutionary spark that was ignited earlier in the century grew into an inextinguishable flame.
Long before this period the Spaniards and Cubans had drifted apart. There was nothing essential in common between the latter and the official class or the soldiers, unless we allow for some degree of common origin. The natives had gradually learned to entertain hatred109 for the Spaniards, who, in their turn, felt the greatest contempt for the Cubans. Neither side took the least pain to dissemble their feelings, except that in Habana friendly relations were, as a rule, maintained between the two classes, and this even during revolutionary periods. The relations and sentiments of the governing{41} class and the people to one another were much like those which existed between Norman and Saxon in the century following the Conquest.
The first Spanish immigration to Cuba commenced early in the sixteenth century, and consisted mainly of adventurers who accompanied the early expeditions, and who settled permanently110 in the country, after returning to Spain and transplanting their families. These first settlers were mostly of Castilian or Andalusian origin and their descendants furnished the best native blood of the Island. Shortly after, emigrants111 from the Basque Provinces and from Catalonia began to come in. These belonged to the peasant class, and from them the guajiro, or poor white, of the country districts has sprung. After the abolition51 of slavery a number of Galegos came over to seek employment in the houses of the wealthy.
Aside from a handful of French refugees, the white population of the Island was almost exclusively composed of Spaniards or people of Spanish descent until a late day. Under such circumstances of racial, religious and political affinity112, a practical government might{42} have maintained peace continuously but for conditions which gradually moulded the Cubans into absolute antagonism113 to the Spaniards.
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1
reposes
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的第三人称单数 ) | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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6
portrayed
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| v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 )；描述；描绘；描画 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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preclude
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| vt.阻止，排除，防止；妨碍 | |
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sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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advent
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| n.(重要事件等的)到来，来临 | |
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appellation
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| n.名称，称呼 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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conducive
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| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
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stamina
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| n.体力；精力；耐力 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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onerous
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| adj.繁重的 | |
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exterminated
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| v.消灭，根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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perpetuation
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| n.永存，不朽 | |
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ancestry
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| n.祖先，家世 | |
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aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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recesses
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| n.壁凹( recess的名词复数 )；（工作或业务活动的）中止或暂停期间；学校的课间休息；某物内部的凹形空间v.把某物放在墙壁的凹处( recess的第三人称单数 )；将（墙）做成凹形，在（墙）上做壁龛；休息，休会，休庭 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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scoffed
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| 嘲笑，嘲弄( scoff的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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retarded
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| a.智力迟钝的，智力发育迟缓的 | |
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46
allurements
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| n.诱惑( allurement的名词复数 )；吸引；诱惑物；有诱惑力的事物 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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paucity
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| n.小量，缺乏 | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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52
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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55
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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56
census
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| n.(官方的)人口调查，人口普查 | |
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57
diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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appreciable
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| adj.明显的，可见的，可估量的，可觉察的 | |
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arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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formulated
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| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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ineptitude
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| n.不适当；愚笨，愚昧的言行 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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redressed
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| v.改正( redress的过去式和过去分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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grievances
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| n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 )；苦衷；不满；牢骚 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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benign
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| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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sobriquet
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| n.绰号 | |
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discordant
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| adj.不调和的 | |
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autocracy
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| n.独裁政治，独裁政府 | |
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disquieting
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| adj.令人不安的，令人不平静的v.使不安，使忧虑，使烦恼( disquiet的现在分词 ) | |
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premature
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| adj.比预期时间早的；不成熟的，仓促的 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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disseminated
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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pendulum
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| n.摆，钟摆 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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101
ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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102
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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authorizes
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| 授权，批准，委托( authorize的名词复数 ) | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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106
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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107
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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108
ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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110
permanently
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| adv.永恒地，永久地，固定不变地 | |
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111
emigrants
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| n.（从本国移往他国的）移民( emigrant的名词复数 ) | |
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112
affinity
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| n.亲和力，密切关系 | |
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113
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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