In the early days of the colony large tracts3 of land were granted by the Crown to Castilians of noble family. These never made permanent residence on the Island, but entrusted4 their affairs to an agent. The wealthy land owner often had a palace on the Cerro, and occasionally paid a brief winter visit to the capital, and made a still briefer excursion to his hacienda, where his appearance in all the dignity and state of aristocratic wealth had an irritating effect upon his poor neighbors. The money produced by his sugar plantation5 or his cattle ranch6 he dissipated in the fashionable pleasures of Madrid and Paris.
This system of absentee landlordism acted like a blight7 upon the country until the aboli{44}tion of slavery necessitated8 the cutting up of large estates, or their transfer to corporations, possessed9 of the means of paying for the labor10 necessary to work them.
Not a few of the large properties were in the hands of Cubans, but in these cases the tenure11 was not so harmful to the country, nor as odious12 to the common people. The Cuban planters, most of whom were ruined during the protracted13 period of insurrection, invariably made their homes on the haciendas, where one generation followed another in possession. The sons usually remained with the father, each taking some particular share in the management of the estate. Thus several families were often found living under one roof and generally in perfect amity14, for the Cubans are distinctly domestic people, affectionate in disposition15 and clannish16 in habit.
There were comparatively few holdings in the hands of peasant proprietors17, or small farmers, and this absence of a home and land owning population was an obviously weak element in the foundation of the government.
The greater part of the productive soil was in the hands of a few grandees18, and the wealth{45} extracted from it was withheld19 from general circulation, which had, among other harmful consequences, that of retarding20 the extension of agriculture and general industrial advancement21.
Judged by our present conceptions of justice and policy, the commercial regulations imposed upon Cuba by Spain appear to have been extremely foolish and iniquitous22, but we must bear in mind that they were quite consistent with the prevailing23 idea at that time that the interests of colonies should be made subservient24 to those of the parent country. In other words, the commercial and industrial restrictions25 which were imposed on Cuba, while they had the effect of exploiting the Island for the benefit of Spain, originated not so much from disregard of the colony’s welfare as from the peculiar26 views of political economy generally entertained in that age. Great Britain’s American possessions were subjected to similar treatment. Spain’s fatal error lay in the tenacity27 with which she clung to her misguided policy. A little judicious28 reform at the beginning of the last century, when other powers were granting to their colonies a measurable degree of freedom in trade and self-government, would{46} probably have sufficed to keep Cuba under the flag of Spain.
The restrictions on the commerce of the Island began with the royal decree of 1497, which granted to the port of Seville the conclusive29 privilege of trade with the colonies, these being prohibited from any commercial intercourse30 with any foreign countries. In 1707 this monopoly was transferred from Seville to the port of Cadiz. While it was the capital of the Island, Santiago was the sole port of entry, and after Habana became the capital, all shipments passed through it. This restricted traffic between Spain and its insular31 colony was jealously guarded. Trading vessels32 were required to assemble in flotas, or fleets, and to make the double voyage under the escort of war-ships. This arrangement was designed hardly as much for protection as for the prevention of illicit33 dealings with the intermediate countries. During certain periods trade with foreigners was prohibited under the most severe penalties, and it was never permissible34 except by special authorization35. Commercial intercourse between the colonies was even forbidden. With the exception of a brief term, during which the English occupied the Island, these hampering36
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THE WATER-FRONT, HABANA.
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conditions obtained until 1778, when Habana was opened to free trade. The decree authorized37 traffic between several ports of Cuba. Others were included in this privilege, from time to time, until, in 1803, practically all the ports of the Island enjoyed it.
For two hundred years or more, such action upon the part of the sovereign government was looked upon by all nations as good policy. In 1714 Spain and the Dutch Confederation effected a convention by the terms of which each party was bound to refrain from every form of trade with the American possessions of the other. A similar agreement was reached between England and Spain about fifty years later. Towards the close of the eighteenth century, however, these treaties were abrogated38 and a royal cedula set forth40 that no foreign ship should be allowed to enter a Cuban port under any conditions.
The peninsular war reduced the trade of Cuba to such an extent that the Ayuntamiento and the Consulado of Habana seriously debated the expediency41 of throwing the port entirely42 open and admitting foreign goods on a parity43 with those of the home country. In consideration of the emergency the restraints on trade{48} were substantially released during the first decade of the nineteenth century. Shortly afterwards, the Government sought to re?stablish them, but was induced to refrain by the protestations of Captain-General Marques de Someruelos, who made a forcible representation of the economic necessities of the colony and the impossibility of their being met under the restricting policy.
The least concession44 was wrung45 from the Council of the Indies with the utmost difficulty. They remained convinced that the limitations of the commerce of the colonies to the mother country was the best course for the latter, at least, and secured a virtual resumption of the condition by indirect means. By excessive duties, discriminating46 tariffs47, and the heavy port dues, foreign trade was placed at such a great disadvantage that the Cubans, although ostensibly free in the matter, found themselves again restricted for the most part to commerce with Spain.
The first tariff48 of Cuba, enforced in 1818, imposed a duty of forty-three per cent. ad valorem on all foreign merchandise, except agricultural implements49 and machinery50, which were taxed twenty-six and one-half per cent. These{49} rates were somewhat reduced a few years later. Similar importations from Spain were granted a preferential reduction of one-third from these rates. But, as Spain produced a very small proportion of the articles that comprised Cuba’s imports, her merchants secured them from various foreign sources, and, of course, the consumers were compelled to pay higher prices than if they had been allowed to deal directly with the producers under an impartial51 system of duties.
In 1828 an export tariff was imposed on sugar and coffee, which, by this time, had become important products. Four-fifths of a cent per pound was levied52 on the former, and two-fifths on the latter. A form of shipping53 bounty54 added to the weight of these exactions. In case the exports were carried in foreign bottoms the duty on sugar was doubled and that on coffee increased to one cent a pound.
This tariff was maintained without material change until a reciprocal commercial agreement was effected by the United States and Spain in 1891. For the first time in its history, Cuba found itself in a position to trade on favorable terms with its nearest and best market. As a result the trade of the Island was soon trans{50}ferred, almost in its entirety, to the United States, and its people enjoyed a term of prosperity transcending55 anything in their former experience. The change was, however, short lived. In 1894 the termination of the agreement and the re?stablishment of the old regulations forced compulsory56 traffic with Spain upon the Cubans.
But the burdens entailed57 upon the people by trade restrictions were by no means all that they were called on to bear. A system of heavy and vexatious taxation58 prevailed during the entire period of Spain’s dominance over the Island. Taxes were levied on all kinds of property and on every form of industry. Every profession and occupation was taxed. Legal papers, petitions and business documents were required to be stamped.
There was a “consumption tax” on the killing59 of cattle which, of course, increased the price of meat to the consumer. There was an impost60 of twenty ducats, called the derecho de averia, collected upon every person who arrived on the Island. This was established in the earliest years of the colony and maintained until near the close of the eighteenth century. During the last hundred years of its enforce{51}ment, the amount was increased from sixteen dollars to twenty-two dollars. It is needless to say that this tax seriously impeded61 immigration of the peasant class most needed by the country.
There was a lottery62 tax, and a “cedula,” or head tax. The latter proved very burdensome to the poorest of the people who, when in arrears63 of it, were debarred from the exercise of most rights and privileges involving civil and ecclesiastical authorization. Thus, they could not make contracts, enter into marriages, or secure baptism for their children until the overdue64 tax had been paid.
Obviously such a system of taxation worked the utmost discouragement to the acquisition of property and the pursuit of industries. Had the design of the Peninsular Government been to ruin the Island and to suppress all development, no more effective measures for the purpose could have been devised. None but a country superlatively rich in natural resources could have carried such a burden. Like the other American colonies of Spain, Cuba received contributions, or situados, from Mexico. During the forty years following 1766, these amounted to 108,150,504 pesos fuertes. The{52} worst of it was that the large revenue derived65 from these heavy impositions upon the people and the trade of Cuba was either absorbed in the excessive cost of administering the Island, or diverted to the royal treasury66. Comparatively little of it was spent on local public improvements, unless we should include works of a military nature. Aside from the calzada, or military highway, road-making was neglected. Harbors lacked improvements and cities were deficient67 in water supply, sewers68 and paving. In the country districts, public buildings and schoolhouses were far short of the necessities of the population. Even in late years the annual appropriation for educational purposes was no more than two hundred and fifty thousand dollars.
Aside from the riots resulting from the enforcement of the tobacco monopoly, during the term of Captain-General Roja, there was no active opposition69 to the Government previous to 1823. In that year an abortive70 insurrection followed the attempt to abrogate39 the liberal constitution of 1812, and re?stablish the old-time absolutism. Political agitation71 and revolutionary outbreaks continued from that time, stimulated72 by the secret societies, whose
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MOUNTAIN ROAD IN THE PROVINCE OF ORIENTE.
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branches were scattered73 all over the country. Under these circumstances the veiled antipathy74, which had been growing between the Cubans and Spaniards, rapidly assumed the nature of a wide breach75. On the one side were ranged the official class, the clerics, the beneficiaries of monopolies, and persons who derived profit in various ways from connection with the administration. On the other, were the native whites who sought independence, or at least autonomy. The latter had the sympathy and support of practically all the blacks, and of a large proportion of the colored population.
In 1836 the constitution of 1812 was re?stablished in Spain, but Cuba was deprived of the most important privileges that should have been secured to her by the change. The deputies who were sent to the constitutional convention at Madrid from Cuba were arbitrarily excluded. It was announced that the Island should be governed by special laws, but these were never published and, if definitely framed at all, must have been communicated to the officials in a semi-confidential manner.
This totally unjust and fatally unwise action on the part of the Crown stirred the existing discontent to boiling point and thereafter the{54} revolutionary movement assumed a much more menacing aspect. During the succeeding decade a number of uprisings occurred in such widely separated parts of the country as to clearly indicate that the entire Island was disaffected76. The lack of connection between these outbreaks and their quick subsidence also showed an absence of organization or concerted plan. In 1847, however, a more serious revolutionary conspiracy78, and one which was destined79 to have far-reaching effect, was set on foot by Narcisco Lopez. The movement was intelligently planned and contemplated80 the annexation81 of Cuba to the United States.
The conspiracy was betrayed to the Spanish authorities—no uncommon82 occurrence in the early revolutionary period—and Lopez, with the chief figures in the affair, fled to America. In 1850 Lopez with six hundred men landed at Cardenas and captured the fortress83. Failing, however, to receive expected support, he immediately sailed to Key West. The following year Lopez landed another expedition in Cuba near Bahia Honda. This occasion was memorable84 on account of the fact that the force included one hundred and fifty men under Colonel Crittenden of Kentucky.{55} Disaster quickly overtook this attempt. The mistake was made of immediately dividing the force after landing. Lopez with one body of men advanced on Las Pozas, leaving Colonel Crittenden, with the remainder, in El Morilla. A detachment of Spanish troops overtook and defeated Lopez, after a gallant85 fight. The leader was captured, carried to Habana, and promptly86 garroted. Crittenden and his men attempted to escape by sea but were surrounded and forced to surrender. All were subsequently shot at the Castle of Atares.
This incident aroused among the people of the United States an interest in Cuban affairs, out of which there grew a sympathy for the insurgents87 that never abated89.
Several futile90 efforts followed the Lopez affair, and then came the revolution of 1868, which had its inception91 at Yara, in the Province of Camaguey. It is generally referred to by the Cubans as the “Ten Years War,” although no battles were fought. There were, however, many deaths from disease, especially among the Spanish troops, and the cost of the contest was three hundred million dollars, which amount was charged to the Cuban debt.
In February, 1878, the treaty of Zanjon was{56} entered into by the representatives of Spain and those of the independent government which the insurgents had created on paper and had affected77 to maintain in the field. Under this convention the Crown agreed to substantial civil and political concessions92 in favor of the people of Cuba. These undertakings93, the Cubans declare, were never fulfilled. Spanish officials, on the other hand, maintain that the mother country actually granted more than her obligation demanded of her. The truth will be found in the fact that while laws were promulgated94 in accordance with the promises given at Zanjon, they were not carried out. Thus although documentary evidence might be adduced to show that the Cubans enjoyed a liberal government after 1878, their condition, in reality, remained virtually unchanged.
The hopes that had been inspired by the treaty of Zanjon quickly waned95 and the spirit of discontent revived. This was greatly increased by the economic troubles resulting from the depression of the sugar trade, which began in 1884, and the total abolition96 of slavery in 1887.
Meanwhile Spain continued to regulate the financial affairs of the Island with the old-time{57} reckless mismanagement. From 1893 to 1898 the revenues of Cuba derived from excessive taxation, heavy duties and the Habana lottery, averaged about $25,000,000 per annum. Of this amount, $10,500,000 was appropriated to the payment of the Cuban debt, which by 1897 had swelled97 to the enormous aggregate98 of $400,000,000, or $283.54 per capita, a ratio more than three times as great as the per capita debt of Spain. For the support of the army, navy, administration and church in Cuba, $12,000,000 was allotted99. The remaining $2,500,000 was allowed for public works, education and general improvements in Cuba, independent of municipal expenditures100. It may be added that when, as in better times, the revenues had been very much larger, the demands of the home Government were proportionally increased.
At the close of the eighties, the price of sugar rose to an abnormal height and Cuba entered upon a brief period of prosperity. Political agitation abated and the Island sank into a more peaceful condition than it had known for many years. It was, however, but the lull101 before the storm. The repeal102 of the Blaine reciprocity agreement dealt a deadly blow to the Cuban sugar industry. At once conditions{58} changed. Quiescence103 gave place to agitation. The revolutionary spirit awoke with greater determination than ever, fanned by the thought that Cuba, independent or annexed104 to the United States could always rely upon a favorable market for her principal product.
Plot and conspiracy soon became rife105 and received the support of a number of influential106 men, who had hitherto held aloof107, but who now despaired of permanent prosperity for the Island under Spanish rule. Men who had taken part in the Ten Years War began to organize in secret, and several of their former leaders, Gomez, Garcia, Maceo, and others, returned to Cuba from their voluntary exile.
In 1895 was launched the insurrection which culminated108 in the freedom of Cuba. The leaders of the movement entered upon it with the deliberate design of involving the United States and their success in doing so brought about a result which they could not have attained109 otherwise.
A friendly feeling for Cuba not unmixed with interest considerations, had existed in the United States for many years. Annexation had been discussed during the presidency110 of John Quincy Adams, and President Polk made{59} a proposition to the Spanish Government for the purchase of the Island. In 1854, the search of several American merchant ships by Spanish cruisers led to the issuance of the “Ostend Manifesto,” a protest on the part of the United States. In this document it was declared that “the possession of Cuba by a foreign power was a menace to the peace of the United States, and that Spain be offered the alternative of accepting $200,000,000 for her sovereignty over the Island, or having it taken from her by force.” During the Ten Years War President Grant expressed to the Spanish Government his belief that only independence and emancipation111 could settle the Cuban question, and that intervention112 might be necessary to end the war. He repeatedly proffered114 the good offices of the United States in re?stablishing peace. Meanwhile the capture of the Virginius, in 1873, and the summary execution of fifty-three of her passengers and crew, by order of the Spanish authorities, came very near to involving the countries in war.
From the outbreak of the rebellion of 1895, the people of the United States evinced a strong sympathy for the Cubans. This was reflected by the action of Congress in directing President{60} Cleveland to proffer113 the good offices of the United States to Spain with a view to ending the war and securing the independence of the Island. In 1896 both Republican and Democratic national conventions passed resolutions of sympathy for the Cubans and demanded that the Government should take action.
At the close of the same year, the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations reported a resolution recognizing the republic of Cuba, but it was never taken from the calendar. Meanwhile reports of outrages115 and indignities116 to American citizens in Cuba led to official protest and the appointment of Judge William R. Day to investigate conditions. Popular indignation in the United States was further aroused by the press reports of the dreadful effects of General Weyler’s plan of reconcentration.
In May, 1897, Congress voted $50,000 for the purchase of supplies to relieve the needs of the reconcentrados, on the ground that many of them were reported to be American citizens. Shortly afterwards, the United States requested the Spanish Government to put an end to the reconcentration system and to recall Captain General Weyler. Spain received the requests with professed117 favor, but, after months{61} had elapsed, without any action being taken, the battleship Maine was sent to Habana for the protection of American citizens.
On the night of February 15th, the Maine was blown up and two hundred and sixty-six of her complement118 lost their lives. President McKinley appointed a board of naval119 officers to investigate the circumstances. The resultant report, which was submitted to Congress, declared that the ship had been destroyed by an external explosion.
The condition of affairs aroused serious apprehensions120 on the part of the Spanish Government and at the same time exhilarated the insurgent88 leaders. Both parties realized that the intervention of the United States was imminent121. The former proposed a suspension of hostilities122, pending123 an agreement upon terms of peace, and offered to appropriate $600,000 for the benefit of the reconcentrados. These overtures124 were promptly rejected by the insurgent leaders.
Early in April, the President sent a message to Congress requesting authority to end the war and to secure in Cuba the establishment of a stable government, capable of fulfilling its international obligations and maintaining{62} peace. This was, in effect, a request to enter upon war with Spain.
A few days later, Congress passed joint125 resolutions demanding the withdrawal126 of Spain from Cuba and empowering the President to use the naval and military forces of the United States to carry the resolutions into effect. This was virtually a declaration of war.
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1
restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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appropriation
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| n.拨款，批准支出 | |
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tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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ranch
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| n.大牧场，大农场 | |
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blight
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| n.枯萎病；造成破坏的因素；vt.破坏，摧残 | |
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necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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clannish
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| adj.排他的，门户之见的 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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grandees
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| n.贵族，大公，显贵者( grandee的名词复数 ) | |
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withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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retarding
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| 使减速( retard的现在分词 )； 妨碍； 阻止； 推迟 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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iniquitous
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| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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insular
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| adj.岛屿的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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permissible
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| adj.可允许的，许可的 | |
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authorization
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| n.授权，委任状 | |
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hampering
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的现在分词 ) | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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abrogated
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| 废除（法律等）( abrogate的过去式和过去分词 )； 取消； 去掉； 抛开 | |
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abrogate
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| v.废止，废除 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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parity
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| n.平价，等价，比价，对等 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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wrung
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| 绞( wring的过去式和过去分词 )； 握紧（尤指别人的手）； 把（湿衣服）拧干； 绞掉（水） | |
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discriminating
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| a.有辨别能力的 | |
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47
tariffs
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| 关税制度； 关税( tariff的名词复数 )； 关税表； （旅馆或饭店等的）收费表； 量刑标准 | |
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tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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52
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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transcending
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| 超出或超越（经验、信念、描写能力等）的范围( transcend的现在分词 )； 优于或胜过… | |
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56
compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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58
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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59
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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impost
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| n.进口税，关税 | |
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impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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62
lottery
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| n.抽彩；碰运气的事，难于算计的事 | |
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63
arrears
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| n.到期未付之债，拖欠的款项；待做的工作 | |
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overdue
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| adj.过期的，到期未付的；早该有的，迟到的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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sewers
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| n.阴沟，污水管，下水道( sewer的名词复数 ) | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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abortive
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| adj.不成功的，发育不全的 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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antipathy
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| n.憎恶；反感，引起反感的人或事物 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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inception
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| n.开端，开始，取得学位 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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waned
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| v.衰落( wane的过去式和过去分词 )；（月）亏；变小；变暗淡 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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expenditures
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| n.花费( expenditure的名词复数 )；使用；（尤指金钱的）支出额；（精力、时间、材料等的）耗费 | |
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101
lull
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| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
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102
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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103
quiescence
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| n.静止 | |
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104
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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105
rife
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| adj.(指坏事情)充斥的，流行的，普遍的 | |
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106
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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107
aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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108
culminated
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| v.达到极点( culminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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109
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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110
presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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112
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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113
proffer
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| v.献出，赠送；n.提议，建议 | |
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114
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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116
indignities
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| n.侮辱，轻蔑( indignity的名词复数 ) | |
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117
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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118
complement
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| n.补足物，船上的定员；补语；vt.补充，补足 | |
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119
naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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120
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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121
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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122
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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123
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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124
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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125
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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