On one of the closing days of 1895, the constitutional guarantees were suspended in Cuba by proclamation. The Government had suddenly awakened12 to the fact that a mine had been quietly laid beneath its feet. For months a wide-spread conspiracy13, having its fountainhead in the United States, had been in existence. The Cuban Junta14 in New York had, during this time, energetically collected money and arms for the purpose of promoting a rebellion with greater determination and upon better organized lines than ever before. With some of the leaders the object entertained was{65} autonomy; with others, complete independence; and with a third element, annexation15 to the United States. All were united, however, in a burning desire to terminate the rule of Spain over their native land.
For some time previous to the proclamation of the Governor-General, arms and ammunition16 had been shipped to Cuba from various American ports and were secreted17 in different parts of the Island. Several local outbreaks had presaged18 the approaching storm, which burst in March. Before the close of April, the brothers Maceo, Jose Marti, and Maximo Gomez had returned to Cuba and resumed their respective places at the head of the rebel ranks. Close upon their heels arrived Martinez Campos, who had effected the peace at Zanjon, to take the part of Governor-General.
Without delay, the insurgent generals set about carrying out the shrewd design of spreading the rebellion over every part of the Island. Their object was not only to increase the difficulties of the Spaniards, but also to give the uprising as formidable an aspect as possible, in the hope of securing the recognition, if not the intervention19, of the United States.
General Campos entered upon his task with{66} the hope of bringing about a cessation of the insurrection by means of conciliatory measures. One of his first acts was to issue a manifesto20 to the rebels, offering pardon to all such as should lay down their arms and resume their allegiance to the Crown of Spain. In his proclamation of martial21 law he enjoined22 upon his troops the observance of the recognized principles of humane23 warfare24.
Within a week of his arrival, General Campos took command of the troops in the field. A period of desultory25 fighting ensued and, at length, in the middle of July, the first serious action of the war took place. The Spaniards in force met a body of insurgents near Bayamo. Probably there were about three thousand on either side. The insurgents had the better of the engagement, which was hotly contested, and General Campos narrowly escaped the loss of his life.
Followed months of skirmishing, in which the rebels attacked isolated26 garrisons28 with considerable success, but avoided encounters with large bodies of troops. Meanwhile, numerous filibustering29 expeditions disembarked with recruits and munitions30 of war, greatly strengthening the revolutionary movement. By the end
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of the summer, eighty thousand Spanish regulars, besides a number of volunteers and guerrillas, were in the field. The insurgent forces did not exceed twenty thousand men, a considerable proportion of whom were armed only with machetes. But the Spaniards shortly learned to dread32 this weapon more than the rifle.
Before the close of the year dynamite33 and the torch were brought into play. The revolutionists began, at first with discrimination, to burn plantations34 and to blow up bridges. On the other side the Spaniards commenced to execute insurgent chiefs who were captured.
In December the march to the west was vigorously pushed by Gomez and Maceo, whilst Campos employed all his resources in the effort to intercept35 it. The result was a series of technical movements in which the Spanish troops, although led by generals of experience, were usually worsted. Detached bodies of insurgents harassed36 the royalist commands, and diverted their attention, while Maceo steadily37 pushed westward38, gathering39 recruits in his progress and leaving a train of active rebellion in his wake. The trochas, or trenches, strung with fortlets, to which the Spaniards resorted{68} as a means of stemming the tide, proved of little efficacy. The insurgents, in large bodies, crossed them time and again. With one hundred thousand troops at his command, Campos found it impossible to check or circumscribe40 the rebel movements.
As time went on the insurgents became more and more unrestrained in the destruction of property. Cane-fields, sugar mills, residences, were given to the flames wherever they could be reached. This was done in pursuance of a definite policy which Gomez had repeatedly announced in his proclamations. He declared that the readiest means of inducing the Spaniards to leave the Island was to make it worthless to them. If this theory was somewhat farfetched, there could be no question of the practical effect of the destruction of the sugar crop in curtailing41 the resources of the administration.
Early in 1896, the insurgents had penetrated42 within a few miles of Habana and the proclamation of martial law was extended to embrace the whole Island. The Governor-General returned to the capital, which was in a state of turmoil43 and panic.
Gomez, however, did not for an instant enter{69}tain the idea of so rash an enterprise as an attack upon the City. His purpose was to make a spectacular demonstration44 for the sake of its moral effect and to concentrate the attention of the Spanish commanders upon himself in order that Maceo might push on to Pinar del Rio with less opposition45. In both respects he was eminently46 successful.
Maceo traversed the entire length of Pinar del Rio, and that Province, in which rebellion had never before reared its head, was soon in open revolt from end to end. During January and February, Maceo ranged through Pinar del Rio and the southern portion of Habana, constantly engaged with one or another of the many detachments that were sent against him. For a brief space he transferred his operations to Matanzas, but returned to Pinar del Rio and for eight months withstood the numerous strong bodies of troops which General Weyler threw against him. Toward the close of the year 1896, Maceo began a march eastward47 and was killed in a chance encounter with a small force of Spanish soldiers.
In the execution of the plan for the invasion of the western portion of Cuba, which was conceived by Gomez, Antonio Maceo performed a{70} splendid service for the insurgent cause. Although inferior in intellect to his chief and some other rebel leaders, Maceo was the most capable captain of them all, and his prestige among friends and foes49 was greater than that of any of his associates.
When General Campos returned to Habana, at the close of the year 1895, it was to find popular discontent and political conspiracy directed against him. Already discouraged by the failure of his military campaign, and of his effort to break up the insurrection by conciliation51, the disaffection at the capital completely disheartened the old soldier, who had conscientiously52 endeavored to do his duty according to his lights. He tendered his resignation, and the home Government appointed General Weyler, Marquis of Tenerife, to succeed him.
This man, who amply earned his sobriquet53 of “Butcher,” was the unwitting instrument of Cuba’s freedom. His atrocious barbarities, rather than the destruction of the Maine, were the cause of the United States declaring war against Spain. Although, at the outset, it appeared as though his succession to Campos was a dire50 blow to the insurgents, the event proved it to be a blessing54 in disguise. The retiring{71} General believed that Spain should grant to the Cubans the most liberal administrative55 and political reforms, even to the extent of autonomy. It is possible that he might have brought the authorities at Madrid to his way of thinking and, in that case, quite probable that the rebellion would have been brought to a peaceful termination.
Weyler lost no time in instituting his concentration system. It was a measure in which he and Canovas, the premier56 of Spain, had great faith as a means of subduing57 the insurrection, but it utterly58 failed in its object and had a result of which its originators little dreamed. They excused it on the ground of military necessity, but it contravened59 the principles of civilized60 warfare in important particulars. It involved making prisoners of peaceful noncombatants, and went farther in neglecting to afford them the treatment which the least humane nation concedes to military captives. Indeed its brutality61 was such as savages62 would rarely be guilty of.
The people of the country districts, men, women, and children, were segregated63 within certain restricted bounds, sometimes defined by stockades64, or trenches, and always guarded by{72} troops. Sometimes they were permitted to enter neighboring towns, but, even in such cases, their movements were limited by military circumspection65.
If this measure had gone no farther it might have been condoned66. The British, in the Boer War, resorted to such an expedient67, but they made their detention68 camps as comfortable as possible, they fed and clothed the inmates69 sufficiently70, and afforded them medical attention. Weyler’s wretched reconcentrados were simply herded71 together and left to their own resources. They were reduced to begging of a people only one degree less impoverished72 than themselves. The townsman who gave a tortilla to a starving pacifico was usually depriving his own family. Disease, unchecked, ran riot in the concentration camps.
The mortality was fearful and those who survived were unfitted for years, the men to work, the women to bear healthy children. Cuba has not yet passed from the effects of Weyler’s barbaric measure.
After General Weyler’s arrival, Spain continued to send steady re?nforcements to Cuba to fill the ranks thinned by disease. He never had fewer than one hundred thousand men{73} under his command. With these he entered upon vigorous military operations, at first concentrating his forces upon Pinar del Rio with the object of crushing Maceo. He endeavored to isolate27 the leader at the western end of the Island by constructing a trocha, from coast to coast, across its narrowest part. The measure failed in its purpose. Maceo crossed the barrier and met his death near Habana in an otherwise trivial skirmish.
Weyler now directed his efforts against Gomez and Garcia, but his task was even a more difficult one than that of Campos had been. After spreading the rebellion over the entire Island, Gomez changed his tactics. It now became the practice of the insurgents to move stealthily about in the manigua, burning and destroying wherever they could find anything upon which to lay their hands, but avoiding contact with the Spanish troops. Thus Weyler’s soldiers were kept constantly chasing back and forth73 in endless and futile74 pursuit of an intangible enemy. By his orders such property as had escaped destruction by the rebels was ruined by the royalists.
By the middle of 1897, the Island was a mass of blackened ruins, an expanse of homeless{74} waste. And the flood of insurrection had not been stayed in the slightest degree. Weyler had failed more utterly than Campos. But he had done more; he had aroused in the public mind of America a realization75 of the stubborn opposition of the Cubans to Spanish rule and the hopelessness of Spain’s effort to reassert it, combined with indignation at her methods. At length, but all too late, Spain awoke to the futility76 of longer attempting repression77, and the necessity of conceding to the Cubans a liberal measure of justice and independence. Weyler was recalled, and General Blanco came to Cuba, bearing in his hand the olive branch of autonomy. He arrived in November and immediately set about reversing the policy of his predecessor78. Amnesty was offered to all revolutionists; harsh decrees were annulled79 or suspended; political prisoners were released; the rigors80 of reconcentration were relaxed; the officials appointed by Weyler throughout the Island were removed and Cubans invited to take their places; a cabinet was actually installed at Habana and the machinery81 of home rule put in motion.
It was all of no avail. The insurgent leaders in the field positively82 refused to accept any
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STREET SCENE, SANTIAGO DE CUBA.
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terms short of independence. In this attitude they were encouraged by the Junta in New York who, by the beginning of 1898, felt confident of the early active interposition of the United States. Such a consummation was rendered more probable by the movement, started at the close of the previous year on the part of the Cuban sugar planters, to secretly apprise83 the United States of their desire for its intervention.
The first overt84 act in the war with Spain was the President’s call for volunteers, issued April 23rd, 1898. Four days later, Admiral Dewey left Hongkong for Manila, where, on the first day of May, he captured or destroyed the Spanish fleet stationed there. June 14th, the first detachment of American troops left for Cuba under General Shafter, and landed in the vicinity of Santiago de Cuba. On the first and second days of July the Spaniards were defeated in the engagement of San Juan, and on the third, Admiral Cervera’s ships were totally destroyed by the American fleet under the command of Captain Sampson.
August 12th, a protocol85 provided for a cessation of hostilities, and on December 10th, a treaty of peace between the United States and{76} Spain was signed at Paris, securing to Cuba absolute freedom on the single condition of establishing “a stable government capable of maintaining order and observing international obligations.”
Thus closed the final war of independence, which cost Cuba at least twelve per cent. of her population and two-thirds of her wealth. She emerged from it weak and impoverished, with political and economic structures shaken to their bases, and helpless but for the supporting hand of the United States.
Under the military government instituted by the United States pending86 the creation of such conditions as would be favorable to the assumption of full civil rights by the Cubans, many beneficial works were carried out aside from the laying of a political foundation for the future administration of the country. The most extensive reformative measures were vigorously applied87 to the affairs of the Island. The most thorough sanitation88 was planned and, to a great extent, carried out; a public school system was instituted; many miles of highway were improved or constructed; agriculture and commerce were resuscitated89. A period of prosperity resulted, which was proof alike of the{77} effectiveness of the American administration and of the wonderful recuperative power of the country.
In its relation to the United States, Cuba was in a position different from that of any other Latin-American republic. This unique condition was due to the fact that the Cubans had adopted as a part of their constitution a law enacted90 by the Congress of the United States and known as the Platt Amendment91, which had later been incorporated in a permanent treaty between the countries. This constitution requirement and treaty obligation bound the Republic of Cuba not to enter into any compact with any foreign power which might tend to impair92 the independence of the Republic: nor to contract any public debt to the service of which it could not properly attend; to lease coaling stations to the United States; and to execute and extend plans for the sanitation of the cities of the Island. It expressed the consent of Cuba to the exercise by the United States of the right to intervene for the preservation93 of Cuban independence and maintenance of a government capable of protecting life, property and individual liberty, and of discharging such obligations imposed by the{78} Treaty of Paris on the United States as were now to be assumed and undertaken by the Government of Cuba.
Under its first President, Dr. Estrada Palma, the young republic progressed in a manner gratifying to its sponsors, but as the presidential term grew to a close political dissensions arose and, in the middle of 1906, an open revolt against the Government broke out, and uprisings occurred all over the country. The ostensible94 cause of the disaffection was undue95 interference with the national elections by administrative officials, but there is no doubt that the majority of the insurrectos were moved by no higher sentiment than a love of disturbance96 and the hope of loot.
The Government was quite unprepared to cope with the situation. It had no army, very little artillery97, and an entirely98 inadequate99 force of rural constabulary. Efforts to organize militia100 met with such poor success that they were soon abandoned.
President Palma appealed to the United States to exercise its right and obligation of intervention, and announced his intention of resigning in order to save the country from anarchy101. President Roosevelt desired, and{79} hoped, that the difficulty might be overcome without a resort to extreme measures. He begged the Cuban Chief Executive to retain his post, and despatched Mr. Taft, Secretary of War, and Mr. Bacon, Assistant Secretary of State, to Habana in the capacity of special envoys102 to render all possible aid in securing an amicable103 entente104 between the administrative party and the insurgents.
The commissioners105 entered upon this extremely difficult task in the middle of September, 1906. They decided106 that the use of force or even a show of it, would be calculated to precipitate107 guerrilla warfare, and wisely determined108 to rely upon diplomacy109. Prominent citizens, irrespective of party affiliations110, were invited to meet the Commission and to express their views of the situation freely. Many conferences were held with the leaders of the different political parties, and their suggestions for a settlement of the differences were given careful and impartial111 consideration.
A compromise arrangement, which contemplated112 the resignation of all the administrative officials, except the President, and the holding of a fresh election, was formulated113 and presented to the leaders of the three parties, but{80} it failed to meet with the necessary unanimous acceptance. The Liberal party assented114 to the proposition without reserve. The Independent Nationalists approved of the general plan, but stipulated115 for certain modifications116. The party in power, the Moderates, were irreconcilably117 opposed to the conditions.
President Palma called a special session of Congress, in order to tender to it his resignation, which was accompanied by that of the Vice48 President. The Congress accepted the resignations and immediately adjourned118 without taking further action in the matter, so that the principal executive offices of the Republic were left vacant, and the country was without a government.
At this juncture119 Secretary Taft issued the following proclamation, establishing the Provisional Government in Cuba:
“To the people of Cuba:
“The failure of Congress to act on the irrevocable resignation of the President of Cuba, or to elect a successor, leaves this country without a government at a time when great disorder120 prevails, and requires that, pursuant to a request of President Palma, the necessary steps{81} be taken in the name and by the authority of the President of the United States, to restore order, protect life and property in the Island of Cuba and Islands and Keys adjacent thereto, and for this purpose to establish therein a provisional government.
“The provisional government hereby established by direction and in the name of the President of the United States will be retained only long enough to restore order and peace and public confidence, and then to hold such elections as may be necessary to determine those persons upon whom the permanent government of the Republic should be devolved.
“In so far as is consistent with the nature of a provisional government established under the authority of the United States, this will be a Cuban government conforming as far as possible to the Constitution of Cuba.
“I ask all citizens and residents of Cuba to assist in the work of restoring order, tranquillity121 and public confidence.”
The attitude of the Peace Commission met with general public approval. Although the in{82}surgents had thousands of men under arms, and the only American force landed was a squad122 of marines to protect the Treasury123, the Provisional Government was installed without the faintest show of opposition. A general amnesty was proclaimed, and the disarmament of the insurgents and newly raised militia was carried through without difficulty.
Hon. Charles E. Magoon was appointed Provisional Governor, and officers of the United States army were detailed124 as advisers125 to the acting126 secretaries of the Cuban executive departments.
A new electoral law, recommended by the Provisional Governor, was adopted, and under it a general election was held in November, 1908, without the least disturbance, although it had been preceded by a vigorous political campaign. The Liberal candidates, General Jose Miguel Gomez, for President, and Senor Alfredo Zayas, for Vice-President, were returned by a substantial majority and inaugurated January 28th, 1909.
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MORRO CASTLE FROM CENTRAL PARK, HABANA.
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1
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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insurgent
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| adj.叛乱的，起事的；n.叛乱分子 | |
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insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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enquire
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| v.打听，询问；调查，查问 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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backbone
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| n.脊骨，脊柱，骨干；刚毅，骨气 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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12
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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junta
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| n.团体；政务审议会 | |
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annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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secreted
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| v.（尤指动物或植物器官）分泌( secrete的过去式和过去分词 )；隐匿，隐藏 | |
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presaged
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| v.预示，预兆( presage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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desultory
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| adj.散漫的，无方法的 | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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isolate
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| vt.使孤立，隔离 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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filibustering
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| v.阻碍或延宕国会或其他立法机构通过提案( filibuster的现在分词 )；掠夺 | |
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munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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trenches
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| 深沟，地沟( trench的名词复数 )； 战壕 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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dynamite
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| n./vt.(用)炸药(爆破) | |
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plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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intercept
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| vt.拦截，截住，截击 | |
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harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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westward
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| n.西方，西部；adj.西方的，向西的；adv.向西 | |
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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circumscribe
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| v.在...周围划线，限制，约束 | |
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curtailing
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| v.截断，缩短( curtail的现在分词 ) | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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conciliation
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| n.调解，调停 | |
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conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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53
sobriquet
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| n.绰号 | |
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54
blessing
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| n.祈神赐福；祷告；祝福，祝愿 | |
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55
administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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56
premier
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| adj.首要的；n.总理，首相 | |
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subduing
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| 征服( subdue的现在分词 )； 克制； 制服； 色变暗 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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contravened
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| v.取消，违反( contravene的过去式 ) | |
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60
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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61
brutality
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| n.野蛮的行为，残忍，野蛮 | |
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62
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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63
segregated
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| 分开的； 被隔离的 | |
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64
stockades
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| n.（防御用的）栅栏，围桩( stockade的名词复数 ) | |
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circumspection
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| n.细心，慎重 | |
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condoned
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| v.容忍，宽恕，原谅( condone的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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detention
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| n.滞留，停留；拘留，扣留；(教育)留下 | |
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69
inmates
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| n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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herded
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| 群集，纠结( herd的过去式和过去分词 )； 放牧； （使）向…移动 | |
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72
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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76
futility
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| n.无用 | |
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77
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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annulled
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| v.宣告无效( annul的过去式和过去分词 )；取消；使消失；抹去 | |
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rigors
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| 严格( rigor的名词复数 )； 严酷； 严密； （由惊吓或中毒等导致的身体）僵直 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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apprise
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| vt.通知，告知 | |
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overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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protocol
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| n.议定书，草约，会谈记录，外交礼节 | |
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pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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sanitation
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| n.公共卫生，环境卫生，卫生设备 | |
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resuscitated
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| v.使（某人或某物）恢复知觉，苏醒( resuscitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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102
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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104
entente
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| n.协定；有协定关系的各国 | |
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105
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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107
precipitate
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| adj.突如其来的；vt.使突然发生；n.沉淀物 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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109
diplomacy
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| n.外交；外交手腕，交际手腕 | |
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affiliations
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| n.联系( affiliation的名词复数 )；附属机构；亲和性；接纳 | |
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impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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112
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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113
formulated
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| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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114
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
stipulated
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| vt.& vi.规定；约定adj.[法]合同规定的 | |
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116
modifications
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| n.缓和( modification的名词复数 )；限制；更改；改变 | |
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117
irreconcilably
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| （观点、目标或争议）不可调和的，不相容的 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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120
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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121
tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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122
squad
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| n.班，小队，小团体；vt.把…编成班或小组 | |
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123
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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124
detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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125
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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126
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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