Negatively, of course, the historic lesson from Jane Austen is enormous. She is perhaps most typical of her time in being supremely14 irreligious. Her very virtues15 glitter with the cold sunlight of the great secular16 epoch17 between medi?val and modern mysticism. In that small masterpiece, Northanger Abbey, her unconsciousness of history is itself a piece of history. For Catherine Morland was right, as young and romantic people often are. A real crime had been committed in Northanger Abbey. It is implied in the very name of Northanger Abbey. It was the crucial crime of the sixteenth century, when all the institutions of the poor were savagely18 seized to be the private possessions of the rich. It is strange that the name remains19; it is stranger still that it remains unrealized. We should think it odd to go to tea at a man’s house and find it was still called a church. We should be surprised if a gentleman’s shooting box at Claybury were referred to as Claybury Cathedral. But the irony20 of the eighteenth century is that Catherine was healthily interested in crimes and yet never found the real crime; and that she never really thought of it as an abbey, even when she thought of it most as an antiquity21.
But there is a positive as well as a negative way in which her greatness, like Shakespeare’s, illuminates22 history and politics, because it illuminates everything. She understood every intricacy of the upper middle class and the minor23 gentry24, which were to make so much of the mental life of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It is said that she ignored the poor and disregarded their opinions. She did, but not more than all our Governments and all our Acts of Parliaments have done. And at least she did consistently ignore them; she ignored where she was ignorant. Well it would have been for the world if others had ignored the working-class until they understood it as well as she did the middle class. She was not a student of sociology; she did not study the poor. But she did study the students—or at least the social types which were to become the students of the poor. She knew her own class, and knew it without illusions; and there is much light on later problems to be found in her delicate delineation25 of vanities and snobberies and patronage26. She had to do with the human heart; and it is that which cometh out of the heart that defileth a nation, philanthropy, efficiency, organization, social reform. And if the weaker brethren still wonder why we should find in Baby Week or Welfare Work a dangerous spirit, from which its best adherents27 find it hard to free themselves, if they doubt how such a danger can be reconciled with the personal delicacy28 and idealism of many of the women who work such things, if they think that fine words or even fine feelings will guarantee a respect for the personality of the poor, I really do not know that they could do better than sit down, I trust not for the first time, to the reading of Emma.
For all this that has happened since might well be called the Evolution of Emma. That unique and formidable institution, the English Lady, has, indeed, become much more of a public institution; that is, she has made the same mistakes on a much larger scale. The softer fastidiousness and finer pride of the more gracious eighteenth-century heroine may seem to make her a shadow by comparison. It seems cruel to say that the breaking off of Harriet’s humbler engagement foreshadows the indiscriminate development of Divorce for the Poor. It seems horrible to say that Emma’s small matchmaking has in it the seed of the pestilence29 of Eugenics. But it is true. With a gentleness and justice and sympathy with good intentions, which clear her from the charge of common cynicism, the great novelist does find the spring of her heroine’s errors, and of many of ours. That spring is a philanthropy, and even a generosity30, secretly founded on gentility. Emma Woodhouse was a wit, she was a good woman, she was an individual with a right to her own opinion; but it was because she was a lady that she acted as she did, and thought she had a right to act as she did. She is the type in fiction of a whole race of English ladies, in fact, for whom refinement31 is religion. Her claim to oversee32 and order the social things about her consisted in being refined; she would not have admitted that being rich had anything to do with it; but as a fact it had everything to do with it. If she had been very much richer, if she had had one of the great modern fortunes, if she had had the wider modern opportunities (for the rich) she would have thought it her duty to act on the wider modern scale; she would have had public spirit and political grasp. She would have dealt with a thousand Robert Martins and a thousand Harriet Smiths, and made the same muddle33 about all of them. That is what we mean about things like Baby Week—and if there had been a baby in the story, Miss Woodhouse would certainly have seen all its educational needs with a brilliant clearness. And we do not mean that the work is done entirely34 by Mrs. Pardiggle; we mean that much of it is done by Miss Woodhouse. But it is done because she is Miss Woodhouse and not Martha Muggins or Jemina Jones; because the Lady Bountiful is a lady first, and will bestow35 every bounty36 but freedom.
It is noted37 that there are few traces of the French Revolution in Miss Austen’s novels; but, indeed, there have been few traces of it in Miss Austen’s country. The peculiarity38 which has produced the situation I describe is really this: that the new sentiment of humanitarianism39 has come, when the old sentiment of aristocracy has not gone. Social superiors have not really lost any old privileges; they have gained new privileges, including that of being superior in philosophy and philanthropy as well as in riches and refinement. No revolution has shaken their secret security or menaced them with the awful peril40 of becoming no more than men. Therefore their social reform is but their social refinement grown restless. And in this old teacup comedy can be found, far more clearly appreciated than in more ambitious books about problems and politics, the psychology41 of this mere restlessness in the rich, when it first stirred upon its cushions. Jane Austen described a narrow class, but so truthfully that she has much to teach about its after adventures, when it remained narrow as a class and broadened only as a sect42.
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1 intimacy | |
n.熟悉,亲密,密切关系,亲昵的言行 | |
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2 satire | |
n.讽刺,讽刺文学,讽刺作品 | |
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3 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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4 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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5 conversational | |
adj.对话的,会话的 | |
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6 recurrences | |
n.复发,反复,重现( recurrence的名词复数 ) | |
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7 stilted | |
adj.虚饰的;夸张的 | |
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8 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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9 outlast | |
v.较…耐久 | |
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10 harp | |
n.竖琴;天琴座 | |
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11 goads | |
n.赶牲口的尖棒( goad的名词复数 )v.刺激( goad的第三人称单数 );激励;(用尖棒)驱赶;驱使(或怂恿、刺激)某人 | |
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12 philosophic | |
adj.哲学的,贤明的 | |
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13 avenged | |
v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 );为…报复 | |
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14 supremely | |
adv.无上地,崇高地 | |
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15 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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16 secular | |
n.牧师,凡人;adj.世俗的,现世的,不朽的 | |
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17 epoch | |
n.(新)时代;历元 | |
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18 savagely | |
adv. 野蛮地,残酷地 | |
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19 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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20 irony | |
n.反语,冷嘲;具有讽刺意味的事,嘲弄 | |
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21 antiquity | |
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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22 illuminates | |
v.使明亮( illuminate的第三人称单数 );照亮;装饰;说明 | |
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23 minor | |
adj.较小(少)的,较次要的;n.辅修学科;vi.辅修 | |
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24 gentry | |
n.绅士阶级,上层阶级 | |
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25 delineation | |
n.记述;描写 | |
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26 patronage | |
n.赞助,支援,援助;光顾,捧场 | |
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27 adherents | |
n.支持者,拥护者( adherent的名词复数 );党羽;徒子徒孙 | |
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28 delicacy | |
n.精致,细微,微妙,精良;美味,佳肴 | |
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29 pestilence | |
n.瘟疫 | |
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30 generosity | |
n.大度,慷慨,慷慨的行为 | |
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31 refinement | |
n.文雅;高尚;精美;精制;精炼 | |
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32 oversee | |
vt.监督,管理 | |
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33 muddle | |
n.困惑,混浊状态;vt.使混乱,使糊涂,使惊呆;vi.胡乱应付,混乱 | |
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34 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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35 bestow | |
v.把…赠与,把…授予;花费 | |
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36 bounty | |
n.慷慨的赠予物,奖金;慷慨,大方;施与 | |
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37 noted | |
adj.著名的,知名的 | |
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38 peculiarity | |
n.独特性,特色;特殊的东西;怪癖 | |
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39 humanitarianism | |
n.博爱主义;人道主义;基督凡人论 | |
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40 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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41 psychology | |
n.心理,心理学,心理状态 | |
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42 sect | |
n.派别,宗教,学派,派系 | |
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