I found Petrograd of 1920 quite a different place. It was almost in ruins, as if a hurricane had swept over it. The houses looked like broken old tombs upon neglected and forgotten cemeteries5. The streets were dirty and deserted6; all life had gone from them. The population of Petrograd before the war was almost two million; in 1920 it had dwindled7 to five hundred thousand. The people walked about like living corpses8; the shortage of food and fuel was slowly sapping the city; grim death was clutching at its heart. Emaciated9 and frost-bitten men, women, and children were being whipped by the common lash10, the search for a piece of bread or a stick of wood. It was a heart-rending sight by day, an oppressive weight at night. Especially were the nights of the first month in Petrograd dreadful. The utter stillness of the large city was paralysing. It fairly haunted me, this awful oppressive silence broken only by occasional shots. I would lay awake trying to pierce the mystery. Did not Zorin say that capital punishment had been abolished? Why this shooting? Doubts disturbed my mind, but I tried to wave them aside. I had come to learn.
[Pg 13]
Much of my first knowledge and impressions of the October Revolution and the events that followed I received from the Zorins. As already mentioned, both had lived in America, spoke11 English, and were eager to enlighten me upon the history of the Revolution. They were devoted12 to the cause and worked very hard; he, especially, who was secretary of the Petrograd committee of his party, besides editing the daily, Krasnaya Gazetta, and participating in other activities.
It was from Zorin that I first learned about that legendary13 figure, Makhno. The latter was an Anarchist14, I was informed, who under the Tsar had been sentenced to katorga. Liberated15 by the February revolution, he became the leader of a peasant army in the Ukraina, proving himself extremely able and daring and doing splendid work in the defence of the Revolution. For some time Makhno worked in harmony with the Bolsheviki, fighting the counter-revolutionary forces. Then he became antagonistic16, and now his army, recruited from bandit elements, was fighting the Bolsheviki. Zorin related that he had been one of a committee sent to Makhno to bring about an understanding. But Makhno would not listen to reason. He continued his[Pg 14] warfare18 against the Soviets19 and was considered a dangerous counter-revolutionist.
I had no means of verifying the story, and I was far from disbelieving the Zorins. Both appeared most sincere and dedicated21 to their work, types of religious zealots ready to burn the heretic, but equally ready to sacrifice their own lives for their cause. I was much impressed by the simplicity22 of their lives. Holding a responsible position, Zorin could have received special rations23, but they lived very poorly, their supper often consisting only of herring, black bread, and tea. I thought it especially admirable because Lisa Zorin was with child at the time.
Two weeks after my arrival in Russia I was invited to attend the Alexander Herzen commemoration in the Winter Palace. The white marble hall where the gathering24 took place seemed to intensify25 the bitter frost, but the people present were unmindful of the penetrating26 cold. I also was conscious only of the unique situation: Alexander Herzen, one of the most hated revolutionists of his time, honoured in the Winter Palace! Frequently before the spirit of Herzen had found its way into the house of the Romanovs. It was when the "Kolokol," published abroad and sparkling with the brilliancy of[Pg 15] Herzen and Turgenev, would in some mysterious manner be discovered on the desk of the Tsar. Now the Tsars were no more, but the spirit of Herzen had risen again and was witnessing the realization27 of the dream of one of Russia's great men.
One evening I was informed that Zinoviev had returned from Moscow and would see me. He arrived about midnight. He looked very tired and was constantly disturbed by urgent messages. Our talk was of a general nature, of the grave situation in Russia, the shortage of food and fuel then particularly poignant28, and about the labour situation in America. He was anxious to know "how soon the revolution could be expected in the United States." He left upon me no definite impression, but I was conscious of something lacking in the man, though I could not determine at the time just what it was.
Another Communist I saw much of the first weeks was John Reed. I had known him in America. He was living in the Astoria, working hard and preparing for his return to the United States. He was to journey through Latvia and he seemed apprehensive29 of the outcome. He had been in Russia during the October days and this was his second visit. Like Shatov he also[Pg 16] insisted that the dark sides of the Bolshevik régime were inevitable30. He believed fervently31 that the Soviet20 Government would emerge from its narrow party lines and that it would presently establish the Communistic Commonwealth32. We spent much time together, discussing the various phases of the situation.
So far I had met none of the Anarchists33 and their failure to call rather surprised me. One day a friend I had known in the States came to inquire whether I would see several members of an Anarchist organization. I readily assented34. From them I learned a version of the Russian Revolution and the Bolshevik régime utterly35 different from what I had heard before. It was so startling, so terrible that I could not believe it. They invited me to attend a small gathering they had called to present to me their views.
The following Sunday I went to their conference. Passing Nevsky Prospekt, near Liteiny Street, I came upon a group of women huddled36 together to protect themselves from the cold. They were surrounded by soldiers, talking and gesticulating. Those women, I learned, were prostitutes who were selling themselves for a pound of bread, a piece of soap or chocolate. The soldiers were the only ones who could [Pg 17]afford to buy them because of their extra rations. Prostitution in revolutionary Russia. I wondered. What is the Communist Government doing for these unfortunates? What are the Workers' and Peasants' Soviets doing? My escort smiled sadly. The Soviet Government had closed the houses of prostitution and was now trying to drive the women off the streets, but hunger and cold drove them back again; besides, the soldiers had to be humoured. It was too ghastly, too incredible to be real, yet there they were—those shivering creatures for sale and their buyers, the red defenders37 of the Revolution. "The cursed interventionists, the blockade—they are responsible," said my escort. Why, yes, the counter-revolutionists and the blockade are responsible, I reassured38 myself. I tried to dismiss the thought of that huddled group, but it clung to me. I felt something snap within me.
At last we reached the Anarchist quarters, in a dilapidated house in a filthy39 backyard. I was ushered40 into a small room crowded with men and women. The sight recalled pictures of thirty years ago when, persecuted41 and hunted from place to place, the Anarchists in America were compelled to meet in a dingy42 hall on Orchard43 Street, New York, or in the dark rear room of a[Pg 18] saloon. That was in capitalistic America. But this is revolutionary Russia, which the Anarchists had helped to free. Why should they have to gather in secret and in such a place?
That evening and the following day I listened to a recital44 of the betrayal of the Revolution by the Bolsheviki. Workers from the Baltic factories spoke of their enslavement, Kronstadt sailors voiced their bitterness and indignation against the people they had helped to power and who had become their masters. One of the speakers had been condemned45 to death by the Bolsheviki for his Anarchist ideas, but had escaped and was now living illegally. He related how the sailors had been robbed of the freedom of their Soviets, how every breath of life was being censored46. Others spoke of the Red Terror and repression47 in Moscow, which resulted in the throwing of a bomb into the gathering of the Moscow section of the Communist Party in September, 1919. They told me of the over-filled prisons, of the violence practised on the workers and peasants. I listened rather impatiently, for everything in me cried out against this indictment48. It sounded impossible; it could not be. Someone was surely at fault, but probably it was they, my comrades, I thought. They were[Pg 19] unreasonable49, impatient for immediate50 results. Was not violence inevitable in a revolution, and was it not imposed upon the Bolsheviki by the Interventionists? My comrades were indignant. "Disguise yourself so the Bolsheviki do not recognize you; take a pamphlet of Kropotkin and try to distribute it in a Soviet meeting. You will soon see whether we told you the truth. Above all, get out of the First House of the Soviet. Live among the people and you will have all the proofs you need."
How childish and trifling51 it all seemed in the face of the world event that was taking place in Russia! No, I could not credit their stories. I would wait and study conditions. But my mind was in a turmoil52, and the nights became more oppressive than ever.
The day arrived when I was given a chance to attend the meeting of the Petro-Soviet. It was to be a double celebration in honour of the return of Karl Radek to Russia and Joffe's report on the peace treaty with Esthonia. As usual I went with the Zorins. The gathering was in the Tauride Palace, the former meeting place of the Russian Duma. Every entrance to the hall was guarded by soldiers, the platform surrounded by them holding their guns at attention.[Pg 20] The hall was crowded to the very doors. I was on the platform overlooking the sea of faces below. Starved and wretched they looked, these sons and daughters of the people, the heroes of Red Petrograd. How they had suffered and endured for the Revolution! I felt very humble53 before them.
Zinoviev presided. After the "Internationale" had been sung by the audience standing17, Zinoviev opened the meeting. He spoke at length. His voice is high pitched, without depth. The moment I heard him I realized what I had missed in him at our first meeting—depth, strength of character. Next came Radek. He was clever, witty54, sarcastic55, and he paid his respects to the counter-revolutionists and to the White Guards. Altogether an interesting man and an interesting address.
Joffe looked the diplomat56. Well fed and groomed57, he seemed rather out of place in that assembly. He spoke of the peace conditions with Esthonia, which were received with enthusiasm by the audience. Certainly these people wanted peace. Would it ever come to Russia?
Last spoke Zorin, by far the ablest and most convincing that evening. Then the meeting[Pg 21] was thrown open to discussion. A Menshevik asked for the floor. Immediately pandemonium58 broke loose. Yells of "Traitor59!" "Kolchak!" "Counter-Revolutionist!" came from all parts of the audience and even from the platform. It looked to me like an unworthy proceeding60 for a revolutionary assembly.
On the way home I spoke to Zorin about it. He laughed. "Free speech is a bourgeois61 superstition," he said; "during a revolutionary period there can be no free speech." I was rather dubious62 about the sweeping63 statement, but I felt that I had no right to judge. I was a newcomer, while the people at the Tauride Palace had sacrificed and suffered so much for the Revolution. I had no right to judge.
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1
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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vivacity
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| n.快活，活泼，精神充沛 | |
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dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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cemeteries
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| n.（非教堂的）墓地，公墓( cemetery的名词复数 ) | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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corpses
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| n.死尸，尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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emaciated
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| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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10
lash
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| v.系牢；鞭打；猛烈抨击；n.鞭打；眼睫毛 | |
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11
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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12
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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13
legendary
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| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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anarchist
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| n.无政府主义者 | |
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liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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soviets
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| 苏维埃（Soviet的复数形式） | |
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Soviet
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| adj.苏联的，苏维埃的；n.苏维埃 | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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24
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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intensify
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| vt.加强；变强；加剧 | |
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26
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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27
realization
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| n.实现；认识到，深刻了解 | |
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28
poignant
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| adj.令人痛苦的，辛酸的，惨痛的 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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30
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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fervently
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| adv.热烈地，热情地，强烈地 | |
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32
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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33
anarchists
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| 无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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34
assented
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| 同意，赞成( assent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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35
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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36
huddled
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| 挤在一起（huddle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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defenders
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| n.防御者( defender的名词复数 )；守卫者；保护者；辩护者 | |
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38
reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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39
filthy
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| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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40
ushered
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| v.引，领，陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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41
persecuted
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| （尤指宗教或政治信仰的）迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 )； 烦扰，困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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42
dingy
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| adj.昏暗的，肮脏的 | |
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43
orchard
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| n.果园，果园里的全部果树，(美俚)棒球场 | |
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44
recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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45
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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46
censored
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| 受审查的，被删剪的 | |
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47
repression
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| n.镇压，抑制，抑压 | |
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48
indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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49
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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50
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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51
trifling
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| adj.微不足道的；没什么价值的 | |
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52
turmoil
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| n.骚乱，混乱，动乱 | |
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53
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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54
witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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55
sarcastic
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| adj.讥讽的，讽刺的，嘲弄的 | |
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56
diplomat
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| n.外交官，外交家；能交际的人，圆滑的人 | |
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57
groomed
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| v.照料或梳洗（马等）( groom的过去式和过去分词 )；使做好准备；训练；（给动物）擦洗 | |
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58
pandemonium
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| n.喧嚣，大混乱 | |
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traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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60
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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61
bourgeois
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| adj./n.追求物质享受的(人)；中产阶级分子 | |
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62
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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63
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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