The rations were distributed at the Commissary, but one had to fetch them himself. One day, while waiting my turn in the long line, a peasant girl came in and asked for vinegar. "Vinegar! who is it calls for such a luxury?" cried several women. It appeared that the girl was Zinoviev's servant. She spoke13 of him as her master, who worked very hard and was surely entitled to something extra. At once a storm of indignation broke loose. "Master! is that what we made the Revolution for, or was[Pg 24] it to do away with masters? Zinoviev is no more than we, and he is not entitled to more."
These workingwomen were crude, even brutal15, but their sense of justice was instinctive16. The Revolution to them was something fundamentally vital. They saw the inequality at every step and bitterly resented it. I was disturbed. I sought to reassure17 myself that Zinoviev and the other leaders of the Communists would not use their power for selfish benefit. It was the shortage of food and the lack of efficient organization which made it impossible to feed all alike, and of course the blockade and not the Bolsheviki was responsible for it. The Allied18 Interventionists, who were trying to get at Russia's throat, were the cause.
Every Communist I met reiterated19 this thought; even some of the Anarchists20 insisted on it. The little group antagonistic21 to the Soviet Government was not convincing. But how to reconcile the explanation given to me with some of the stories I learned every day—stories of systematic22 terrorism, of relentless23 persecution24, and suppression of other revolutionary elements?
Another circumstance which perplexed25 me was that the markets were stacked with meat, fish, soap, potatoes, even shoes, every time that[Pg 25] the rations were given out. How did these things get to the markets? Everyone spoke about it, but no one seemed to know. One day I was in a watchmaker's shop when a soldier entered. He conversed26 with the proprietor27 in Yiddish, relating that he had just returned from Siberia with a shipment of tea. Would the watchmaker take fifty pounds? Tea was sold at a premium28 at the time—no one but the privileged few could permit themselves such a luxury. Of course the watchmaker would take the tea. When the soldier left I asked the shopkeeper if he did not think it rather risky29 to transact30 such illegal business so openly. I happen to understand Yiddish, I told him. Did he not fear I would report him? "That's nothing," the man replied nonchalantly, "the Tcheka knows all about it—it draws its percentage from the soldier and myself."
I began to suspect that the reason for much of the evil was also within Russia, not only outside of it. But then, I argued, police officials and detectives graft31 everywhere. That is the common disease of the breed. In Russia, where scarcity32 of food and three years of starvation must needs turn most people into grafters, theft is inevitable33. The Bolsheviki are trying to[Pg 26] suppress it with an iron hand. How can they be blamed? But try as I might I could not silence my doubts. I groped for some moral support, for a dependable word, for someone to shed light on the disturbing questions.
It occurred to me to write to Maxim34 Gorki. He might help. I called his attention to his own dismay and disappointment while visiting America. He had come believing in her democracy and liberalism, and found bigotry35 and lack of hospitality instead. I felt sure Gorki would understand the struggle going on within me, though the cause was not the same. Would he see me? Two days later I received a short note asking me to call.
I had admired Gorki for many years. He was the living affirmation of my belief that the creative artist cannot be suppressed. Gorki, the child of the people, the pariah36, had by his genius become one of the world's greatest, one who by his pen and deep human sympathy made the social outcast our kin14. For years I toured America interpreting Gorki's genius to the American people, elucidating37 the greatness, beauty, and humanity of the man and his works. Now I was to see him and through him get a glimpse into the complex soul of Russia.
[Pg 27]
I found the main entrance of his house nailed up, and there seemed to be no way of getting in. I almost gave up in despair when a woman pointed38 to a dingy39 staircase. I climbed to the very top and knocked on the first door I saw. It was thrown open, momentarily blinding me with a flood of light and steam from an overheated kitchen. Then I was ushered40 into a large dining room. It was dimly lit, chilly41 and cheerless in spite of a fire and a large collection of Dutch china on the walls. One of the three women I had noticed in the kitchen sat down at the table with me, pretending to read a book but all the while watching me out of the corner of her eye. It was an awkward half hour of waiting.
Presently Gorki arrived. Tall, gaunt, and coughing, he looked ill and weary. He took me to his study, semi-dark and of depressing effect. No sooner had we seated ourselves than the door flew open and another young woman, whom I had not observed before, brought him a glass of dark fluid, medicine evidently. Then the telephone began to ring; a few minutes later Gorki was called out of the room. I realized that I would not be able to talk with him. Returning, he must have noticed my disappointment. We agreed to postpone42 our talk till some less [Pg 28]disturbed opportunity presented itself. He escorted me to the door, remarking, "You ought to visit the Baltflot [Baltic Fleet]. The Kronstadt sailors are nearly all instinctive Anarchists. You would find a field there." I smiled. "Instinctive Anarchists?" I said, "that means they are unspoiled by preconceived notions, unsophisticated, and receptive. Is that what you mean?"
"Yes, that is what I mean," he replied.
The interview with Gorki left me depressed43. Nor was our second meeting more satisfactory on the occasion of my first trip to Moscow. By the same train travelled Radek, Demyan Bedny, the popular Bolshevik versifier, and Zipperovitch, then the president of the Petrograd unions. We found ourselves in the same car, the one reserved for Bolshevik officials and State dignitaries, comfortable and roomy. On the other hand, the "common" man, the non-Communist without influence, had literally44 to fight his way into the always overcrowded railway carriages, provided he had a propusk to travel—a most difficult thing to procure45.
I spent the time of the journey discussing Russian conditions with Zipperovitch, a kindly46 man of deep convictions, and with Demyan Bedny, a big coarse-looking man. Radek held[Pg 29] forth47 at length on his experiences in Germany and German prisons.
I learned that Gorki was also on the train, and I was glad of another opportunity for a chat with him when he called to see me. The one thing uppermost in my mind at the moment was an article which had appeared in the Petrograd Pravda a few days before my departure. It treated of morally defective48 children, the writer urging prison for them. Nothing I had heard or seen during my six weeks in Russia so outraged49 me as this brutal and antiquated50 attitude toward the child. I was eager to know what Gorki thought of the matter. Of course, he was opposed to prisons for the morally defective, he would advocate reformatories instead. "What do you mean by morally defective?" I asked. "Our young are the result of alcoholism rampant51 during the Russian-Japanese War, and of syphilis. What except moral defection could result from such a heritage?" he replied. I argued that morality changes with conditions and climate, and that unless one believed in the theory of free will one cannot consider morality a fixed52 matter. As to children, their sense of responsibility is primitive53, and they lack the spirit of social adherence54. But Gorki insisted[Pg 30] that there was a fearful spread of moral defection among children and that such cases should be isolated55.
I then broached56 the problem that was troubling me most. What about persecution and terror—were all the horrors inevitable, or was there some fault in Bolshevism itself? The Bolsheviki were making mistakes, but they were doing the best they knew how, Gorki said drily. Nothing more could be expected, he thought.
I recalled a certain article by Gorki, published in his paper, New Life, which I had read in the Missouri Penitentiary57. It was a scathing58 arraignment59 of the Bolsheviki. There must have been powerful reasons to change Gorki's point of view so completely. Perhaps he is right. I must wait. I must study the situation; I must get at the facts. Above all, I must see for myself Bolshevism at work.
We spoke of the drama. On my first visit, by way of introduction, I had shown Gorki an announcement card of the dramatic course I had given in America. John Galsworthy was among the playwrights60 I had discussed then. Gorki expressed surprise that I considered Galsworthy an artist. In his opinion Galsworthy could not be compared with Bernard Shaw. I had to [Pg 31]differ. I did not underestimate Shaw, but considered Galsworthy the greater artist. I detected irritation61 in Gorki, and as his hacking62 cough continued, I broke off the discussion. He soon left. I remained dejected from the interview. It gave me nothing.
When we pulled into the Moscow station my chaperon, Demyan Bedny, had vanished and I was left on the platform with all my traps. Radek came to my rescue. He called a porter, took me and my baggage to his waiting automobile63 and insisted that I come to his apartments in the Kremlin. There I was graciously received by his wife and invited to dinner served by their maid. After that Radek began the difficult task of getting me quartered in the Hotel National, known as the First House of the Moscow Soviet. With all his influence it required hours to secure a room for me.
Radek's luxurious64 apartment, the maidservant, the splendid dinner seemed strange in Russia. But the comradely concern of Radek and the hospitality of his wife were grateful to me. Except at the Zorins and the Shatovs I had not met with anything like it. I felt that kindliness65, sympathy, and solidarity66 were still alive in Russia.
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1 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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2 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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3 rations | |
定量( ration的名词复数 ); 配给量; 正常量; 合理的量 | |
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4 tenants | |
n.房客( tenant的名词复数 );佃户;占用者;占有者 | |
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5 Soviet | |
adj.苏联的,苏维埃的;n.苏维埃 | |
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6 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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7 lucrative | |
adj.赚钱的,可获利的 | |
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8 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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9 scramble | |
v.爬行,攀爬,杂乱蔓延,碎片,片段,废料 | |
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10 redeeming | |
补偿的,弥补的 | |
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11 resentment | |
n.怨愤,忿恨 | |
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12 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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13 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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14 kin | |
n.家族,亲属,血缘关系;adj.亲属关系的,同类的 | |
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15 brutal | |
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
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16 instinctive | |
adj.(出于)本能的;直觉的;(出于)天性的 | |
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17 reassure | |
v.使放心,使消除疑虑 | |
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18 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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19 reiterated | |
反复地说,重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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20 anarchists | |
无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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21 antagonistic | |
adj.敌对的 | |
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22 systematic | |
adj.有系统的,有计划的,有方法的 | |
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23 relentless | |
adj.残酷的,不留情的,无怜悯心的 | |
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24 persecution | |
n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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25 perplexed | |
adj.不知所措的 | |
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26 conversed | |
v.交谈,谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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27 proprietor | |
n.所有人;业主;经营者 | |
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28 premium | |
n.加付款;赠品;adj.高级的;售价高的 | |
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29 risky | |
adj.有风险的,冒险的 | |
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30 transact | |
v.处理;做交易;谈判 | |
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31 graft | |
n.移植,嫁接,艰苦工作,贪污;v.移植,嫁接 | |
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32 scarcity | |
n.缺乏,不足,萧条 | |
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33 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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34 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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35 bigotry | |
n.偏见,偏执,持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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36 pariah | |
n.被社会抛弃者 | |
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37 elucidating | |
v.阐明,解释( elucidate的现在分词 ) | |
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38 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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39 dingy | |
adj.昏暗的,肮脏的 | |
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40 ushered | |
v.引,领,陪同( usher的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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41 chilly | |
adj.凉快的,寒冷的 | |
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42 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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43 depressed | |
adj.沮丧的,抑郁的,不景气的,萧条的 | |
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44 literally | |
adv.照字面意义,逐字地;确实 | |
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45 procure | |
vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
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46 kindly | |
adj.和蔼的,温和的,爽快的;adv.温和地,亲切地 | |
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47 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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48 defective | |
adj.有毛病的,有问题的,有瑕疵的 | |
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49 outraged | |
a.震惊的,义愤填膺的 | |
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50 antiquated | |
adj.陈旧的,过时的 | |
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51 rampant | |
adj.(植物)蔓生的;狂暴的,无约束的 | |
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52 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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53 primitive | |
adj.原始的;简单的;n.原(始)人,原始事物 | |
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54 adherence | |
n.信奉,依附,坚持,固着 | |
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55 isolated | |
adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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56 broached | |
v.谈起( broach的过去式和过去分词 );打开并开始用;用凿子扩大(或修光);(在桶上)钻孔取液体 | |
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57 penitentiary | |
n.感化院;监狱 | |
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58 scathing | |
adj.(言词、文章)严厉的,尖刻的;不留情的adv.严厉地,尖刻地v.伤害,损害(尤指使之枯萎)( scathe的现在分词) | |
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59 arraignment | |
n.提问,传讯,责难 | |
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60 playwrights | |
n.剧作家( playwright的名词复数 ) | |
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61 irritation | |
n.激怒,恼怒,生气 | |
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62 hacking | |
n.非法访问计算机系统和数据库的活动 | |
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63 automobile | |
n.汽车,机动车 | |
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64 luxurious | |
adj.精美而昂贵的;豪华的 | |
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65 kindliness | |
n.厚道,亲切,友好的行为 | |
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66 solidarity | |
n.团结;休戚相关 | |
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