Presently the long-awaited moment arrived. On June 30, 1920, our car was coupled to a slow train called "Maxim12 Gorki," and we pulled out of the Nikolayevski station, bound for Moscow.
In Moscow there were many formalities to go through with. We thought a few days would suffice, but we remained two weeks. However, our stay was interesting. The city was alive with delegates to the Second Congress of the Third International; from all parts of the world the workers had sent their comrades to the [Pg 134]promised land, revolutionary Russia, the first republic of the workers. Among the delegates there were also Anarchists14 and syndicalists who believed as firmly as I did six months previously15 that the Bolsheviki were the symbol of the Revolution. They had responded to the Moscow call with enthusiasm. Some of them I had met in Petrograd and now they were eager to hear of my experiences and learn my opinions. But what was I to tell them, and would they believe me if I did? Would I have believed any adverse16 criticism before I came to Russia? Besides, I felt that my views regarding the Bolsheviki were still too unformed, too vague, a conglomeration17 of mere18 impressions. My old values had been shattered and so far I have been unable to replace them. I could therefore not speak on the fundamental questions, but I did inform my friends that the Moscow and Petrograd prisons were crowded with Anarchists and other revolutionists, and I advised them not to content themselves with the official explanations but to investigate for themselves. I warned them that they would be surrounded by guides and interpreters, most of them men of the Tcheka, and that they would not be able to learn the facts unless they made a determined19, independent effort.
[Pg 135]
There was considerable excitement in Moscow at the time. The Printers' union had been suppressed and its entire managing board sent to prison. The union had called a public meeting to which members of the British Labour Mission were invited. There the famous Socialist20 Revolutionist Tchernov had unexpectedly made his appearance. He severely21 criticised the Bolshevik régime, received an ovation23 from the huge audience of workers, and then vanished as mysteriously as he had come. The Menshevik Dan was less successful. He also addressed the meeting, but he failed to make his escape: he landed in the Tcheka. The next morning the Moscow Pravda and the Izvestia denounced the action of the Printers' union as counter-revolutionary, and raged about Tchernov having been permitted to speak. The papers called for exemplary punishment of the printers who dared defy the Soviet24 Government.
The Bakers25' union, a very militant26 organization, had also been suppressed, and its management replaced by Communists. Several months before, in March, I had attended a convention of the bakers. The delegates impressed me as a courageous27 group who did not fear to criticise22 the Bolshevik régime and present the demands[Pg 136] of the workers. I wondered then that they were permitted to continue the conference, for they were outspoken28 in their opposition29 to the Communists. "The bakers are 'Shkurniki' [skinners]," I was told; "they always instigate30 strikes, and only counter-revolutionists can wish to strike in the workers' Republic." But it seemed to me that the workers could not follow such reasoning. They did strike. They even committed a more heinous31 crime: they refused to vote for the Communist candidate, electing instead a man of their own choice. This action of the bakers was followed by the arrest of several of their more active members. Naturally the workers resented the arbitrary methods of the Government.
Later I met some of the bakers and found them much embittered32 against the Communist Party and the Government. I inquired about the condition of their union, telling them that I had been informed that the Russian unions were very powerful and had practical control of the industrial life of the country. The bakers laughed. "The trade unions are the lackeys33 of the Government," they said; "they have no independent function, and the workers have no say in them. The trade unions are doing mere[Pg 137] police duty for the Government." That sounded quite different from the story told by Melnichansky, the chairman of the Moscow Trade union Soviet, whom I had met on my first visit to Moscow.
On that occasion he had shown me about the trade union headquarters known as the Dom Soyusov, and explained how the organization worked. Seven million workers were in the trade unions, he said; all trades and professions belonged to it. The workers themselves managed the industries and owned them. "The building you are in now is also owned by the unions," he remarked with pride; "formerly34 it was the House of the Nobility." The room we were in had been used for festive35 assemblies and the great nobles sat in crested36 chairs around the table in the centre. Melnichansky showed me the secret underground passage hidden by a little turntable, through which the nobles could escape in case of danger. They never dreamed that the workers would some day gather around the same table and sit in the beautiful hall of marble columns. The educational and cultural work done by the trade unions, the chairman further explained, was of the greatest scope. "We have our workers' colleges and other [Pg 138]cultural institutions giving courses and lectures on various subjects. They are all managed by the workers. The unions own their own means of recreation, and we have access to all the theatres." It was apparent from his explanation that the trade unions of Russia had reached a point far beyond anything known by labour organizations in Europe and America.
A similar account I had heard from Tsiperovitch, the chairman of the Petrograd trade unions, with whom I had made my first trip to Moscow. He had also shown me about the Petrograd Labour Temple, a beautiful and spacious37 building where the Petrograd unions had their offices. His recital38 also made it clear that the workers of Russia had at last come into their own.
But gradually I began to see the other side of the medal. I found that like most things in Russia the trade union picture had a double facet39: one paraded before foreign visitors and "investigators," the other known by the masses. The bakers and the printers had recently been shown the other side. It was a lesson of the benefits that accrued40 to the trade unions in the Socialist Republic.
In March I had attended an election meeting[Pg 139] arranged by the workers of one of the large Moscow factories. It was the most exciting gathering41 I had witnessed in Russia—the dimly lit hall in the factory club rooms, the faces of the men and women worn with privation and suffering, the intense feeling over the wrong done them, all impressed me very strongly. Their chosen representative, an Anarchist13, had been refused his mandate42 by the Soviet authorities. It was the third time the workers gathered to re-elect their delegate to the Moscow Soviet, and every time they elected the same man. The Communist candidate opposing him was Semashko, the Commissar of the Department of Health. I had expected to find an educated and cultured man. But the behaviour and language of the Commissar at that election meeting would have put a hod-carrier to shame. He raved43 against the workers for choosing a non-Communist, called anathema44 upon their heads, and threatened them with the Tcheka and the curtailment45 of their rations46. But he had no effect upon the audience except to emphasize their opposition to him, and to arouse antagonism47 against the party he represented. The final victory, however, was with Semashko. The workers' choice was repudiated48 by the authorities and later even[Pg 140] arrested and imprisoned49. That was in March. In May, during the visit of the British Labour Mission, the factory candidate together with other political prisoners declared a hunger strike, which resulted in their liberation.
The story told me by the bakers of their election experiences had the quality of our own Wild West during its pioneer days. Tchekists with loaded guns were in the habit of attending gatherings50 of the unions and they made it clear what would happen if the workers should fail to elect a Communist. But the bakers, a strong and militant organization, would not be intimidated51. They declared that no bread would be baked in Moscow unless they were permitted to elect their own candidate. That had the desired effect. After the meeting the Tchekists tried to arrest the candidate-elect, but the bakers surrounded him and saw him safely home. The next day they sent their ultimatum52 to the authorities, demanding recognition of their choice and threatening to strike in case of refusal. Thus the bakers triumphed and gained an advantage over their less courageous brothers in the other labour organizations of minor53 importance. In starving Russia the work of the bakers was as vital as life itself.
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1
soothing
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| adj.慰藉的；使人宽心的；镇静的 | |
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rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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6
blurred
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| v.（使）变模糊( blur的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）难以区分；模模糊糊；迷离 | |
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7
illuminating
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| a.富于启发性的，有助阐明的 | |
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awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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agonizing
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| adj.痛苦难忍的；使人苦恼的v.使极度痛苦；折磨(agonize的ing形式) | |
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alley
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| n.小巷，胡同；小径，小路 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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anarchist
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| n.无政府主义者 | |
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anarchists
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| 无政府主义者( anarchist的名词复数 ) | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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conglomeration
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| n.团块，聚集，混合物 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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criticise
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| v.批评，评论；非难 | |
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ovation
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| n.欢呼，热烈欢迎，热烈鼓掌 | |
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Soviet
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| adj.苏联的，苏维埃的；n.苏维埃 | |
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bakers
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| n.面包师( baker的名词复数 )；面包店；面包店店主；十三 | |
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militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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outspoken
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| adj.直言无讳的，坦率的，坦白无隐的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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instigate
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| v.教唆，怂恿，煽动 | |
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heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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32
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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lackeys
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| n.听差( lackey的名词复数 )；男仆（通常穿制服）；卑躬屈膝的人；被待为奴仆的人 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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festive
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| adj.欢宴的，节日的 | |
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crested
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| adj.有顶饰的，有纹章的，有冠毛的v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的过去式和过去分词 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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facet
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| n.(问题等的)一个方面；(多面体的)面 | |
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accrued
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| adj.权责已发生的v.增加( accrue的过去式和过去分词 )；（通过自然增长）产生；获得；（使钱款、债务）积累 | |
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41
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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42
mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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43
raved
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| v.胡言乱语( rave的过去式和过去分词 )；愤怒地说；咆哮；痴心地说 | |
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44
anathema
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| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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45
curtailment
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| n.缩减，缩短 | |
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46
rations
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| 定量( ration的名词复数 )； 配给量； 正常量； 合理的量 | |
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47
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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48
repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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49
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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50
gatherings
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| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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51
intimidated
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| v.恐吓；威胁adj.害怕的；受到威胁的 | |
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52
ultimatum
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| n.最后通牒 | |
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53
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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