HOMES—REASONS FOR SENDING ME AWAY—RETURN TO BALTIMORE—CONTRAST
BETWEEN TOMMY AND THAT OF HIS COLORED COMPANION—TRIALS IN GARDINER’S
SHIP YARD—DESPERATE FIGHT—ITS CAUSES—CONFLICT BETWEEN WHITE AND BLACK
MASTER HUGH—SPIRIT OF SLAVERY IN BALTIMORE—MY CONDITION IMPROVES—NEW
ASSOCIATIONS—SLAVEHOLDER’S RIGHT TO TAKE HIS WAGES—HOW TO MAKE A
Well! dear reader, I am not, as you may have already inferred, a loser by the general upstir, described in the foregoing chapter. The little domestic revolution, notwithstanding the sudden snub it got by the treachery of somebody—I dare not say or think who—did not, after all, end so disastrously6, as when in the iron cage at Easton, I conceived it would. The prospect7, from that point, did look about as dark as any that ever cast its gloom over the vision of the anxious, out-looking, human spirit. “All is well that ends well.” My affectionate comrades, Henry and John Harris, are still with Mr. William Freeland. Charles Roberts and Henry Baily are safe at their homes. I have not, therefore, any thing to regret on their account. Their masters have mercifully forgiven them, probably on the ground suggested in the spirited little speech of Mrs. Freeland, made to me just before leaving for the jail—namely: that they had been allured8 into the wicked scheme of making their escape, by me; and that, but for me, they would never have dreamed of a thing so shocking! My[236] friends had nothing to regret, either; for while they were watched more closely on account of what had happened, they were, doubtless, treated more kindly9 than before, and got new assurances that they would be legally emancipated10, some day, provided their behavior should make them deserving, from that time forward. Not a blow, as I learned, was struck any one of them. As for Master William Freeland, good, unsuspecting soul, he did not believe that we were intending to run away at all. Having given—as he thought—no occasion to his boys to leave him, he could not think it probable that they had entertained a design so grievous. This, however, was not the view taken of the matter by “Mas’ Billy,” as we used to call the soft spoken, but crafty11 and resolute12 Mr. William Hamilton. He had no doubt that the crime had been meditated13; and regarding me as the instigator14 of it, he frankly15 told Master Thomas that he must remove me from that neighborhood, or he would shoot me down. He would not have one so dangerous as “Frederick” tampering16 with his slaves. William Hamilton was not a man whose threat might be safely disregarded. I have no doubt that he would have proved as good as his word, had the warning given not been promptly17 taken. He was furious at the thought of such a piece of high-handed theft, as we were about to perpetrate the stealing of our own bodies and souls! The feasibility of the plan, too, could the first steps have been taken, was marvelously plain. Besides, this was a new idea, this use of the bay. Slaves escaping, until now, had taken to the woods; they had never dreamed of profaning18 and abusing the waters of the noble Chesapeake, by making them the highway from slavery to freedom. Here was a broad road of destruction to slavery, which, before, had been looked upon as a wall of security by slaveholders. But Master Billy could not get Mr. Freeland to see matters precisely19 as he did; nor could he get Master Thomas so excited as he was himself. The latter—I must say it to his credit—showed much humane20 feeling in his part of the transaction, and atoned21 for much that had been harsh, cruel[237] and unreasonable22 in his former treatment of me and others. His clemency23 was quite unusual and unlooked for. “Cousin Tom” told me that while I was in jail, Master Thomas was very unhappy; and that the night before his going up to release me, he had walked the floor nearly all night, evincing great distress24; that very tempting25 offers had been made to him, by the Negro-traders, but he had rejected them all, saying that money could not tempt1 him to sell me to the far south. All this I can easily believe, for he seemed quite reluctant to send me away, at all. He told me that he only consented to do so, because of the very strong prejudice against me in the neighborhood, and that he feared for my safety if I remained there.
Thus, after three years spent in the country, roughing it in the field, and experiencing all sorts of hardships, I was again permitted to return to Baltimore, the very place, of all others, short of a free state, where I most desired to live. The three years spent in the country, had made some difference in me, and in the household of Master Hugh. “Little Tommy” was no longer little Tommy; and I was not the slender lad who had left for the Eastern Shore just three years before. The loving relations between me and Mas’ Tommy were broken up. He was no longer dependent on me for protection, but felt himself a man, with other and more suitable associates. In childhood, he scarcely considered me inferior to himself certainly, as good as any other boy with whom he played; but the time had come when his friend must become his slave. So we were cold, and we parted. It was a sad thing to me, that, loving each other as we had done, we must now take different roads. To him, a thousand avenues were open. Education had made him acquainted with all the treasures of the world, and liberty had flung open the gates thereunto; but I, who had attended him seven years, and had watched over him with the care of a big brother, fighting his battles in the street, and shielding him from harm, to an extent which had induced his mother to say, “Oh! Tommy is always safe, when he is with[238] Freddy,” must be confined to a single condition. He could grow, and become a MAN; I could grow, though I could not become a man, but must remain, all my life, a minor—a mere26 boy. Thomas Auld27, Junior, obtained a situation on board the brig “Tweed,” and went to sea. I know not what has become of him; he certainly has my good wishes for his welfare and prosperity. There were few persons to whom I was more sincerely attached than to him, and there are few in the world I would be more pleased to meet.
Very soon after I went to Baltimore to live, Master Hugh succeeded in getting me hired to Mr. William Gardiner, an extensive ship builder on Fell’s Point. I was placed here to learn to calk, a trade of which I already had some knowledge, gained while in Mr. Hugh Auld’s ship-yard, when he was a master builder. Gardiner’s, however, proved a very unfavorable place for the accomplishment28 of that object. Mr. Gardiner was, that season, engaged in building two large man-of-war vessels29, professedly for the Mexican government. These vessels were to be launched in the month of July, of that year, and, in failure thereof, Mr. G. would forfeit30 a very considerable sum of money. So, when I entered the ship-yard, all was hurry and driving. There were in the yard about one hundred men; of these about seventy or eighty were regular carpenters—privileged men. Speaking of my condition here I wrote, years ago—and I have now no reason to vary the picture as follows:
There was no time to learn any thing. Every man had to do that which he knew how to do. In entering the ship-yard, my orders from Mr. Gardiner were, to do whatever the carpenters commanded me to do. This was placing me at the beck and call of about seventy-five men. I was to regard all these as masters. Their word was to be my law. My situation was a most trying one. At times I needed a dozen pair of hands. I was called a dozen ways in the space of a single minute. Three or four voices would strike my ear at the same moment. It was—“Fred., come help me to cant31 this timber here.” “Fred., come carry this timber yonder.”—“Fred., bring that roller here.”—“Fred., go get a fresh can of water.”—“Fred., come help saw off the end of this timber.”—“Fred., go quick and get the crow bar.”—“Fred., hold on the end of this fall.”—“Fred., go to the blacksmith’s shop, and get a new punch.”—[239]
“Hurra, Fred.! run and bring me a cold chisel32.”—“I say, Fred., bear a hand, and get up a fire as quick as lightning under that steam-box.”—“Halloo, nigger! come, turn this grindstone.”—“Come, come! move, move! and bowse this timber forward.”—“I say, darkey, blast your eyes, why don’t you heat up some pitch?”—“Halloo! halloo! halloo!” (Three voices at the same time.) “Come here!—Go there!—Hold on where you are! D—n you, if you move, I’ll knock your brains out!”
Such, dear reader, is a glance at the school which was mine, during, the first eight months of my stay at Baltimore. At the end of the eight months, Master Hugh refused longer to allow me to remain with Mr. Gardiner. The circumstance which led to his taking me away, was a brutal33 outrage, committed upon me by the white apprentices34 of the ship-yard. The fight was a desperate one, and I came out of it most shockingly mangled36. I was cut and bruised37 in sundry38 places, and my left eye was nearly knocked out of its socket39. The facts, leading to this barbarous outrage upon me, illustrate40 a phase of slavery destined41 to become an important element in the overthrow42 of the slave system, and I may, therefore state them with some minuteness. That phase is this: the conflict of slavery with the interests of the white mechanics and laborers43 of the south. In the country, this conflict is not so apparent; but, in cities, such as Baltimore, Richmond, New Orleans, Mobile, &c., it is seen pretty clearly. The slaveholders, with a craftiness44 peculiar45 to themselves, by encouraging the enmity of the poor, laboring46 white man against the blacks, succeeds in making the said white man almost as much a slave as the black slave himself. The difference between the white slave, and the black slave, is this: the latter belongs to one slaveholder, and the former belongs to all the slaveholders, collectively. The white slave has taken from him, by indirection, what the black slave has taken from him, directly, and without ceremony. Both are plundered47, and by the same plunderers. The slave is robbed, by his master, of all his earnings48, above what is required for his bare physical necessities; and the white man is robbed by the slave system, of the just results of his labor, because he is flung into[240] competition with a class of laborers who work without wages. The competition, and its injurious consequences, will, one day, array the nonslaveholding white people of the slave states, against the slave system, and make them the most effective workers against the great evil. At present, the slaveholders blind them to this competition, by keeping alive their prejudice against the slaves, as men—not against them as slaves. They appeal to their pride, often denouncing emancipation49, as tending to place the white man, on an equality with Negroes, and, by this means, they succeed in drawing off the minds of the poor whites from the real fact, that, by the rich slave-master, they are already regarded as but a single remove from equality with the slave. The impression is cunningly made, that slavery is the only power that can prevent the laboring white man from falling to the level of the slave’s poverty and degradation50. To make this enmity deep and broad, between the slave and the poor white man, the latter is allowed to abuse and whip the former, without hinderance. But—as I have suggested—this state of facts prevails mostly in the country. In the city of Baltimore, there are not unfrequent murmurs51, that educating the slaves to be mechanics may, in the end, give slavemasters power to dispense52 with the services of the poor white man altogether. But, with characteristic dread53 of offending the slaveholders, these poor, white mechanics in Mr. Gardiner’s ship-yard—instead of applying the natural, honest remedy for the apprehended54 evil, and objecting at once to work there by the side of slaves—made a cowardly attack upon the free colored mechanics, saying they were eating the bread which should be eaten by American freemen, and swearing that they would not work with them. The feeling was, really, against having their labor brought into competition with that of the colored people at all; but it was too much to strike directly at the interest of the slaveholders; and, therefore proving their servility and cowardice55 they dealt their blows on the poor, colored freeman, and aimed to prevent him from serving himself, in the evening of life, with the trade[241] with which he had served his master, during the more vigorous portion of his days. Had they succeeded in driving the black freemen out of the ship-yard, they would have determined56 also upon the removal of the black slaves. The feeling was very bitter toward all colored people in Baltimore, about this time (1836), and they—free and slave suffered all manner of insult and wrong.
Until a very little before I went there, white and black ship carpenters worked side by side, in the ship yards of Mr. Gardiner, Mr. Duncan, Mr. Walter Price, and Mr. Robb. Nobody seemed to see any impropriety in it. To outward seeming, all hands were well satisfied. Some of the blacks were first rate workmen, and were given jobs requiring highest skill. All at once, however, the white carpenters knocked off, and swore that they would no longer work on the same stage with free Negroes. Taking advantage of the heavy contract resting upon Mr. Gardiner, to have the war vessels for Mexico ready to launch in July, and of the difficulty of getting other hands at that season of the year, they swore they would not strike another blow for him, unless he would discharge his free colored workmen.
Now, although this movement did not extend to me, in form, it did reach me, in fact. The spirit which it awakened57 was one of malice58 and bitterness, toward colored people generally, and I suffered with the rest, and suffered severely59. My fellow apprentices very soon began to feel it to be degrading to work with me. They began to put on high looks, and to talk contemptuously and maliciously60 of “the Niggers;” saying, that “they would take the country,” that “they ought to be killed.” Encouraged by the cowardly workmen, who, knowing me to be a slave, made no issue with Mr. Gardiner about my being there, these young men did their utmost to make it impossible for me to stay. They seldom called me to do any thing, without coupling the call with a curse, and Edward North, the biggest in every thing, rascality61 included, ventured to strike me, whereupon I picked him up, and threw[242] him into the dock. Whenever any of them struck me, I struck back again, regardless of consequences. I could manage any of them singly, and, while I could keep them from combining, I succeeded very well. In the conflict which ended my stay at Mr. Gardiner’s, I was beset62 by four of them at once—Ned North, Ned Hays, Bill Stewart, and Tom Humphreys. Two of them were as large as myself, and they came near killing63 me, in broad day light. The attack was made suddenly, and simultaneously64. One came in front, armed with a brick; there was one at each side, and one behind, and they closed up around me. I was struck on all sides; and, while I was attending to those in front, I received a blow on my head, from behind, dealt with a heavy hand-spike. I was completely stunned65 by the blow, and fell, heavily, on the ground, among the timbers. Taking advantage of my fall, they rushed upon me, and began to pound me with their fists. I let them lay on, for a while, after I came to myself, with a view of gaining strength. They did me little damage, so far; but, finally, getting tired of that sport, I gave a sudden surge, and, despite their weight, I rose to my hands and knees. Just as I did this, one of their number (I know not which) planted a blow with his boot in my left eye, which, for a time, seemed to have burst my eyeball. When they saw my eye completely closed, my face covered with blood, and I staggering under the stunning66 blows they had given me, they left me. As soon as I gathered sufficient strength, I picked up the hand-spike, and, madly enough, attempted to pursue them; but here the carpenters interfered67, and compelled me to give up my frenzied68 pursuit. It was impossible to stand against so many.
Dear reader, you can hardly believe the statement, but it is true, and, therefore, I write it down: not fewer than fifty white men stood by, and saw this brutal and shameless outrage committed, and not a man of them all interposed a single word of mercy. There were four against one, and that one’s face was beaten and battered69 most horribly, and no one said, “that is enough;” but some cried out, “Kill him—kill him—kill the d—d [243] nigger! knock his brains out—he struck a white person.” I mention this inhuman70 outcry, to show the character of the men, and the spirit of the times, at Gardiner’s ship yard, and, indeed, in Baltimore generally, in 1836. As I look back to this period, I am almost amazed that I was not murdered outright71, in that ship yard, so murderous was the spirit which prevailed there. On two occasions, while there, I came near losing my life. I was driving bolts in the hold, through the keelson, with Hays. In its course, the bolt bent72. Hays cursed me, and said that it was my blow which bent the bolt. I denied this, and charged it upon him. In a fit of rage he seized an adze, and darted73 toward me. I met him with a maul, and parried his blow, or I should have then lost my life. A son of old Tom Lanman (the latter’s double murder I have elsewhere charged upon him), in the spirit of his miserable74 father, made an assault upon me, but the blow with his maul missed me. After the united assault of North, Stewart, Hays and Humphreys, finding that the carpenters were as bitter toward me as the apprentices, and that the latter were probably set on by the former, I found my only chances for life was in flight. I succeeded in getting away, without an additional blow. To strike a white man, was death, by Lynch law, in Gardiner’s ship yard; nor was there much of any other law toward colored people, at that time, in any other part of Maryland. The whole sentiment of Baltimore was murderous.
After making my escape from the ship yard, I went straight home, and related the story of the outrage to Master Hugh Auld; and it is due to him to say, that his conduct—though he was not a religious man—was every way more humane than that of his brother, Thomas, when I went to the latter in a somewhat similar plight75, from the hands of “Brother Edward Covey.” He listened attentively76 to my narration77 of the circumstances leading to the ruffianly outrage, and gave many proofs of his strong indignation at what was done. Hugh was a rough, but manly-hearted fellow, and, at this time, his best nature showed itself. [244]
The heart of my once almost over-kind mistress, Sophia, was again melted in pity toward me. My puffed-out eye, and my scarred and blood-covered face, moved the dear lady to tears. She kindly drew a chair by me, and with friendly, consoling words, she took water, and washed the blood from my face. No mother’s hand could have been more tender than hers. She bound up my head, and covered my wounded eye with a lean piece of fresh beef. It was almost compensation for the murderous assault, and my suffering, that it furnished and occasion for the manifestation78, once more, of the orignally(sic) characteristic kindness of my mistress. Her affectionate heart was not yet dead, though much hardened by time and by circumstances.
As for Master Hugh’s part, as I have said, he was furious about it; and he gave expression to his fury in the usual forms of speech in that locality. He poured curses on the heads of the whole ship yard company, and swore that he would have satisfaction for the outrage. His indignation was really strong and healthy; but, unfortunately, it resulted from the thought that his rights of property, in my person, had not been respected, more than from any sense of the outrage committed on me as a man. I inferred as much as this, from the fact that he could, himself, beat and mangle35 when it suited him to do so. Bent on having satisfaction, as he said, just as soon as I got a little the better of my bruises79, Master Hugh took me to Esquire Watson’s office, on Bond street, Fell’s Point, with a view to procuring80 the arrest of those who had assaulted me. He related the outrage to the magistrate81, as I had related it to him, and seemed to expect that a warrant would, at once, be issued for the arrest of the lawless ruffians.
Mr. Watson heard it all, and instead of drawing up his warrant, he inquired.—
“Mr. Auld, who saw this assault of which you speak?”
“It was done, sir, in the presence of a ship yard full of hands.”
“Sir,” said Watson, “I am sorry, but I cannot move in this matter except upon the oath of white witnesses."[245]
“But here’s the boy; look at his head and face,” said the excited Master Hugh; “they show what has been done.”
But Watson insisted that he was not authorized82 to do anything, unless white witnesses of the transaction would come forward, and testify to what had taken place. He could issue no warrant on my word, against white persons; and, if I had been killed in the presence of a thousand blacks, their testimony, combined would have been insufficient83 to arrest a single murderer. Master Hugh, for once, was compelled to say, that this state of things was too bad; and he left the office of the magistrate, disgusted.
Of course, it was impossible to get any white man to testify against my assailants. The carpenters saw what was done; but the actors were but the agents of their malice, and only what the carpenters sanctioned. They had cried, with one accord, “Kill the nigger!” “Kill the nigger!” Even those who may have pitied me, if any such were among them, lacked the moral courage to come and volunteer their evidence. The slightest manifestation of sympathy or justice toward a person of color, was denounced as abolitionism; and the name of abolitionist, subjected its bearer to frightful84 liabilities. “D—n abolitionists,” and “Kill the niggers,” were the watch-words of the foul-mouthed ruffians of those days. Nothing was done, and probably there would not have been any thing done, had I been killed in the affray. The laws and the morals of the Christian85 city of Baltimore, afforded no protection to the sable86 denizens87 of that city.
Master Hugh, on finding he could get no redress88 for the cruel wrong, withdrew me from the employment of Mr. Gardiner, and took me into his own family, Mrs. Auld kindly taking care of me, and dressing89 my wounds, until they were healed, and I was ready to go again to work.
While I was on the Eastern Shore, Master Hugh had met with reverses, which overthrew90 his business; and he had given up ship building in his own yard, on the City Block, and was now acting91 as foreman of Mr. Walter Price. The best he could now do for me,[246] was to take me into Mr. Price’s yard, and afford me the facilities there, for completing the trade which I had began to learn at Gardiner’s. Here I rapidly became expert in the use of my calking tools; and, in the course of a single year, I was able to command the highest wages paid to journeymen calkers in Baltimore.
The reader will observe that I was now of some pecuniary92 value to my master. During the busy season, I was bringing six and seven dollars per week. I have, sometimes, brought him as much as nine dollars a week, for the wages were a dollar and a half per day.
After learning to calk, I sought my own employment, made my own contracts, and collected my own earnings; giving Master Hugh no trouble in any part of the transactions to which I was a party.
Here, then, were better days for the Eastern Shore slave. I was now free from the vexatious assalts(sic) of the apprentices at Mr. Gardiner’s; and free from the perils93 of plantation94 life, and once more in a favorable condition to increase my little stock of education, which had been at a dead stand since my removal from Baltimore. I had, on the Eastern Shore, been only a teacher, when in company with other slaves, but now there were colored persons who could instruct me. Many of the young calkers could read, write and cipher95. Some of them had high notions about mental improvement; and the free ones, on Fell’s Point, organized what they called the “East Baltimore Mental Improvement Society.” To this society, notwithstanding it was intended that only free persons should attach themselves, I was admitted, and was, several times, assigned a prominent part in its debates. I owe much to the society of these young men.
The reader already knows enough of the ill effects of good treatment on a slave, to anticipate what was now the case in my improved condition. It was not long before I began to show signs of disquiet96 with slavery, and to look around for means to get out of that condition by the shortest route. I was living among free[247] men; and was, in all respects, equal to them by nature and by attainments97. Why should I be a slave? There was no reason why I should be the thrall98 of any man.
Besides, I was now getting—as I have said—a dollar and fifty cents per day. I contracted for it, worked for it, earned it, collected it; it was paid to me, and it was rightfully my own; and yet, upon every returning Saturday night, this money—my own hard earnings, every cent of it—was demanded of me, and taken from me by Master Hugh. He did not earn it; he had no hand in earning it; why, then, should he have it? I owed him nothing. He had given me no schooling99, and I had received from him only my food and raiment; and for these, my services were supposed to pay, from the first. The right to take my earnings, was the right of the robber. He had the power to compel me to give him the fruits of my labor, and this power was his only right in the case. I became more and more dissatisfied with this state of things; and, in so becoming, I only gave proof of the same human nature which every reader of this chapter in my life—slaveholder, or nonslaveholder—is conscious of possessing.
To make a contented slave, you must make a thoughtless one. It is necessary to darken his moral and mental vision, and, as far as possible, to annihilate100 his power of reason. He must be able to detect no inconsistencies in slavery. The man that takes his earnings, must be able to convince him that he has a perfect right to do so. It must not depend upon mere force; the slave must know no Higher Law than his master’s will. The whole relationship must not only demonstrate, to his mind, its necessity, but its absolute rightfulness. If there be one crevice101 through which a single drop can fall, it will certainly rust102 off the slave’s chain.
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1
tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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disastrously
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| ad.灾难性地 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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allured
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| 诱引，吸引( allure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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emancipated
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| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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instigator
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| n.煽动者 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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tampering
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| v.窜改( tamper的现在分词 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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profaning
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| v.不敬( profane的现在分词 )；亵渎，玷污 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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atoned
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| v.补偿，赎（罪）( atone的过去式和过去分词 )；补偿，弥补，赎回 | |
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unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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clemency
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| n.温和，仁慈，宽厚 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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auld
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| adj.老的，旧的 | |
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accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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30
forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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cant
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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chisel
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| n.凿子；v.用凿子刻，雕，凿 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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apprentices
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| 学徒，徒弟( apprentice的名词复数 ) | |
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mangle
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| vt.乱砍，撕裂，破坏，毁损，损坏，轧布 | |
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mangled
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| vt.乱砍（mangle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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bruised
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| [医]青肿的，瘀紫的 | |
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sundry
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| adj.各式各样的，种种的 | |
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socket
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| n.窝，穴，孔，插座，插口 | |
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illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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craftiness
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| 狡猾，狡诈 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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laboring
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| n.劳动，操劳v.努力争取(for)( labor的现在分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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maliciously
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| adv.有敌意地 | |
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rascality
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| 流氓性，流氓集团 | |
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beset
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| v.镶嵌；困扰，包围 | |
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killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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stunned
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| adj. 震惊的，惊讶的 动词stun的过去式和过去分词 | |
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stunning
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| adj.极好的；使人晕倒的 | |
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interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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frenzied
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| a.激怒的；疯狂的 | |
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battered
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| adj.磨损的；v.连续猛击；磨损 | |
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inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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outright
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| adv.坦率地；彻底地；立即；adj.无疑的；彻底的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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darted
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| v.投掷，投射( dart的过去式和过去分词 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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attentively
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| adv.聚精会神地；周到地；谛；凝神 | |
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narration
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| n.讲述，叙述；故事；记叙体 | |
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manifestation
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| n.表现形式；表明；现象 | |
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bruises
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| n.瘀伤，伤痕，擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
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procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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83
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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85
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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sable
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| n.黑貂；adj.黑色的 | |
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denizens
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| n.居民，住户( denizen的名词复数 ) | |
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redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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89
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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90
overthrew
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| overthrow的过去式 | |
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91
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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92
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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93
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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cipher
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| n.零；无影响力的人；密码 | |
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disquiet
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| n.担心，焦虑 | |
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97
attainments
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| 成就，造诣； 获得( attainment的名词复数 )； 达到； 造诣； 成就 | |
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98
thrall
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| n.奴隶；奴隶制 | |
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99
schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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100
annihilate
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| v.使无效；毁灭；取消 | |
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101
crevice
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| n.(岩石、墙等)裂缝；缺口 | |
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rust
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| n.锈；v.生锈；(脑子)衰退 | |
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