For the Independent Journal. Wednesday, November 14, 1787
HAMILTON
To the People of the State of New York:
THE three last numbers of this paper have been dedicated1 to an enumeration2 of the dangers to which we should be exposed, in a state of disunion, from the arms and arts of foreign nations. I shall now proceed to delineate dangers of a different and, perhaps, still more alarming kind—those which will in all probability flow from dissensions between the States themselves, and from domestic factions3 and convulsions. These have been already in some instances slightly anticipated; but they deserve a more particular and more full investigation5.
A man must be far gone in Utopian speculations6 who can seriously doubt that, if these States should either be wholly disunited, or only united in partial confederacies, the subdivisions into which they might be thrown would have frequent and violent contests with each other. To presume a want of motives8 for such contests as an argument against their existence, would be to forget that men are ambitious, vindictive9, and rapacious10. To look for a continuation of harmony between a number of independent, unconnected sovereignties in the same neighborhood, would be to disregard the uniform course of human events, and to set at defiance11 the accumulated experience of ages.
The causes of hostility12 among nations are innumerable. There are some which have a general and almost constant operation upon the collective bodies of society. Of this description are the love of power or the desire of pre-eminence and dominion13—the jealousy14 of power, or the desire of equality and safety. There are others which have a more circumscribed15 though an equally operative influence within their spheres. Such are the rivalships and competitions of commerce between commercial nations. And there are others, not less numerous than either of the former, which take their origin entirely16 in private passions; in the attachments17, enmities, interests, hopes, and fears of leading individuals in the communities of which they are members. Men of this class, whether the favorites of a king or of a people, have in too many instances abused the confidence they possessed19; and assuming the pretext20 of some public motive7, have not scrupled21 to sacrifice the national tranquillity22 to personal advantage or personal gratification.
The celebrated23 Pericles, in compliance24 with the resentment25 of a prostitute,(1) at the expense of much of the blood and treasure of his countrymen, attacked, vanquished26, and destroyed the city of the SAMMIANS. The same man, stimulated27 by private pique28 against the MEGARENSIANS,(2) another nation of Greece, or to avoid a prosecution29 with which he was threatened as an accomplice30 of a supposed theft of the statuary Phidias,(3) or to get rid of the accusations31 prepared to be brought against him for dissipating the funds of the state in the purchase of popularity,(4) or from a combination of all these causes, was the primitive32 author of that famous and fatal war, distinguished33 in the Grecian annals by the name of the PELOPONNESIAN war; which, after various vicissitudes34, intermissions, and renewals35, terminated in the ruin of the Athenian commonwealth36.
The ambitious cardinal37, who was prime minister to Henry VIII., permitting his vanity to aspire38 to the triple crown,(5) entertained hopes of succeeding in the acquisition of that splendid prize by the influence of the Emperor Charles V. To secure the favor and interest of this enterprising and powerful monarch39, he precipitated40 England into a war with France, contrary to the plainest dictates41 of policy, and at the hazard of the safety and independence, as well of the kingdom over which he presided by his counsels, as of Europe in general. For if there ever was a sovereign who bid fair to realize the project of universal monarchy42, it was the Emperor Charles V., of whose intrigues43 Wolsey was at once the instrument and the dupe.
The influence which the bigotry44 of one female,(6) the petulance45 of another,(7) and the cabals46 of a third,(8) had in the contemporary policy, ferments47, and pacifications, of a considerable part of Europe, are topics that have been too often descanted upon not to be generally known.
To multiply examples of the agency of personal considerations in the production of great national events, either foreign or domestic, according to their direction, would be an unnecessary waste of time. Those who have but a superficial acquaintance with the sources from which they are to be drawn48, will themselves recollect49 a variety of instances; and those who have a tolerable knowledge of human nature will not stand in need of such lights to form their opinion either of the reality or extent of that agency. Perhaps, however, a reference, tending to illustrate50 the general principle, may with propriety51 be made to a case which has lately happened among ourselves. If Shays had not been a DESPERATE DEBTOR52, it is much to be doubted whether Massachusetts would have been plunged53 into a civil war.
But notwithstanding the concurring54 testimony55 of experience, in this particular, there are still to be found visionary or designing men, who stand ready to advocate the paradox56 of perpetual peace between the States, though dismembered and alienated57 from each other. The genius of republics (say they) is pacific; the spirit of commerce has a tendency to soften58 the manners of men, and to extinguish those inflammable humors which have so often kindled59 into wars. Commercial republics, like ours, will never be disposed to waste themselves in ruinous contentions60 with each other. They will be governed by mutual61 interest, and will cultivate a spirit of mutual amity62 and concord63.
Is it not (we may ask these projectors64 in politics) the true interest of all nations to cultivate the same benevolent65 and philosophic66 spirit? If this be their true interest, have they in fact pursued it? Has it not, on the contrary, invariably been found that momentary67 passions, and immediate68 interest, have a more active and imperious control over human conduct than general or remote considerations of policy, utility or justice? Have republics in practice been less addicted69 to war than monarchies70? Are not the former administered by MEN as well as the latter? Are there not aversions, predilections71, rivalships, and desires of unjust acquisitions, that affect nations as well as kings? Are not popular assemblies frequently subject to the impulses of rage, resentment, jealousy, avarice72, and of other irregular and violent propensities73? Is it not well known that their determinations are often governed by a few individuals in whom they place confidence, and are, of course, liable to be tinctured by the passions and views of those individuals? Has commerce hitherto done anything more than change the objects of war? Is not the love of wealth as domineering and enterprising a passion as that of power or glory? Have there not been as many wars founded upon commercial motives since that has become the prevailing74 system of nations, as were before occasioned by the cupidity75 of territory or dominion? Has not the spirit of commerce, in many instances, administered new incentives76 to the appetite, both for the one and for the other? Let experience, the least fallible guide of human opinions, be appealed to for an answer to these inquiries77.
Sparta, Athens, Rome, and Carthage were all republics; two of them, Athens and Carthage, of the commercial kind. Yet were they as often engaged in wars, offensive and defensive78, as the neighboring monarchies of the same times. Sparta was little better than a wellregulated camp; and Rome was never sated of carnage and conquest.
Carthage, though a commercial republic, was the aggressor in the very war that ended in her destruction. Hannibal had carried her arms into the heart of Italy and to the gates of Rome, before Scipio, in turn, gave him an overthrow79 in the territories of Carthage, and made a conquest of the commonwealth.
Venice, in later times, figured more than once in wars of ambition, till, becoming an object to the other Italian states, Pope Julius II. found means to accomplish that formidable league,(9) which gave a deadly blow to the power and pride of this haughty80 republic.
The provinces of Holland, till they were overwhelmed in debts and taxes, took a leading and conspicuous81 part in the wars of Europe. They had furious contests with England for the dominion of the sea, and were among the most persevering82 and most implacable of the opponents of Louis XIV.
In the government of Britain the representatives of the people compose one branch of the national legislature. Commerce has been for ages the predominant pursuit of that country. Few nations, nevertheless, have been more frequently engaged in war; and the wars in which that kingdom has been engaged have, in numerous instances, proceeded from the people.
There have been, if I may so express it, almost as many popular as royal wars. The cries of the nation and the importunities of their representatives have, upon various occasions, dragged their monarchs83 into war, or continued them in it, contrary to their inclinations84, and sometimes contrary to the real interests of the State. In that memorable85 struggle for superiority between the rival houses of AUSTRIA and BOURBON, which so long kept Europe in a flame, it is well known that the antipathies86 of the English against the French, seconding the ambition, or rather the avarice, of a favorite leader,(10) protracted87 the war beyond the limits marked out by sound policy, and for a considerable time in opposition88 to the views of the court.
The wars of these two last-mentioned nations have in a great measure grown out of commercial considerations,—the desire of supplanting89 and the fear of being supplanted90, either in particular branches of traffic or in the general advantages of trade and navigation, and sometimes even the more culpable91 desire of sharing in the commerce of other nations without their consent.
The last war but between Britain and Spain sprang from the attempts of the British merchants to prosecute92 an illicit93 trade with the Spanish main. These unjustifiable practices on their part produced severity on the part of the Spaniards toward the subjects of Great Britain which were not more justifiable94, because they exceeded the bounds of a just retaliation95 and were chargeable with inhumanity and cruelty. Many of the English who were taken on the Spanish coast were sent to dig in the mines of Potosi; and by the usual progress of a spirit of resentment, the innocent were, after a while, confounded with the guilty in indiscriminate punishment. The complaints of the merchants kindled a violent flame throughout the nation, which soon after broke out in the House of Commons, and was communicated from that body to the ministry96. Letters of reprisal97 were granted, and a war ensued, which in its consequences overthrew98 all the alliances that but twenty years before had been formed with sanguine99 expectations of the most beneficial fruits.
From this summary of what has taken place in other countries, whose situations have borne the nearest resemblance to our own, what reason can we have to confide18 in those reveries which would seduce100 us into an expectation of peace and cordiality between the members of the present confederacy, in a state of separation? Have we not already seen enough of the fallacy and extravagance of those idle theories which have amused us with promises of an exemption101 from the imperfections, weaknesses and evils incident to society in every shape? Is it not time to awake from the deceitful dream of a golden age, and to adopt as a practical maxim102 for the direction of our political conduct that we, as well as the other inhabitants of the globe, are yet remote from the happy empire of perfect wisdom and perfect virtue103?
Let the point of extreme depression to which our national dignity and credit have sunk, let the inconveniences felt everywhere from a lax and ill administration of government, let the revolt of a part of the State of North Carolina, the late menacing disturbances104 in Pennsylvania, and the actual insurrections and rebellions in Massachusetts, declare—!
So far is the general sense of mankind from corresponding with the tenets of those who endeavor to lull105 asleep our apprehensions106 of discord107 and hostility between the States, in the event of disunion, that it has from long observation of the progress of society become a sort of axiom in politics, that vicinity or nearness of situation, constitutes nations natural enemies. An intelligent writer expresses himself on this subject to this effect: "NEIGHBORING NATIONS (says he) are naturally enemies of each other unless their common weakness forces them to league in a CONFEDERATE REPUBLIC, and their constitution prevents the differences that neighborhood occasions, extinguishing that secret jealousy which disposes all states to aggrandize108 themselves at the expense of their neighbors."(11) This passage, at the same time, points out the EVIL and suggests the REMEDY.
PUBLIUS
1. Aspasia, vide "Plutarch's Life of Pericles."
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid. Phidias was supposed to have stolen some public gold, with the connivance109 of Pericles, for the embellishment of the statue of Minerva.
5. Worn by the popes.
6. Madame de Maintenon.
7. Duchess of Marlborough.
8. Madame de Pompadour.
9. The League of Cambray, comprehending the Emperor, the King of France, the King of Aragon, and most of the Italian princes and states.
10. The Duke of Marlborough.
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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enumeration
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| n.计数，列举；细目；详表；点查 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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circumscribed
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| adj.[医]局限的：受限制或限于有限空间的v.在…周围划线( circumscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；划定…范围；限制；限定 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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attachments
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| n.（用电子邮件发送的）附件( attachment的名词复数 )；附着；连接；附属物 | |
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confide
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| v.向某人吐露秘密 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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scrupled
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| v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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pique
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| v.伤害…的自尊心，使生气 n.不满，生气 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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renewals
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| 重建( renewal的名词复数 )； 更新； 重生； 合同的续订 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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bigotry
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| n.偏见，偏执，持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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petulance
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| n.发脾气，生气，易怒，暴躁，性急 | |
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cabals
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| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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ferments
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| n.酵素( ferment的名词复数 )；激动；骚动；动荡v.（使）发酵( ferment的第三人称单数 )；（使）激动；骚动；骚扰 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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debtor
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| n.借方，债务人 | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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concurring
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| 同时发生的，并发的 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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kindled
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| （使某物）燃烧，着火( kindle的过去式和过去分词 )； 激起（感情等）； 发亮，放光 | |
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contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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amity
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| n.友好关系 | |
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concord
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| n.和谐；协调 | |
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projectors
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| 电影放映机，幻灯机( projector的名词复数 ) | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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monarchies
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| n. 君主政体, 君主国, 君主政治 | |
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predilections
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| n.偏爱，偏好，嗜好( predilection的名词复数 ) | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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incentives
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| 激励某人做某事的事物( incentive的名词复数 )； 刺激； 诱因； 动机 | |
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inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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80
haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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81
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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82
persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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83
monarchs
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| 君主，帝王( monarch的名词复数 ) | |
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84
inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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85
memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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86
antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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87
protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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88
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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89
supplanting
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的现在分词 ) | |
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90
supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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culpable
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| adj.有罪的，该受谴责的 | |
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92
prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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94
justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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96
ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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97
reprisal
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| n.报复，报仇，报复性劫掠 | |
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98
overthrew
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| overthrow的过去式 | |
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99
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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100
seduce
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| vt.勾引，诱奸，诱惑，引诱 | |
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101
exemption
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| n.豁免，免税额，免除 | |
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102
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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103
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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104
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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105
lull
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| v.使安静，使入睡，缓和，哄骗；n.暂停，间歇 | |
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106
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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107
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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108
aggrandize
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| v.增大，扩张，吹捧 | |
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109
connivance
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| n.纵容；默许 | |
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