From the Daily Advertiser. Thursday, November 22, 1787.
MADISON
To the People of the State of New York:
AMONG the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed union, none deserves to be more accurately2 developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. The friend of popular governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate, as when he contemplates3 their propensity4 to this dangerous vice5. He will not fail, therefore, to set a due value on any plan which, without violating the principles to which he is attached, provides a proper cure for it. The instability, injustice6, and confusion introduced into the public councils, have, in truth, been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished; as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries7 to liberty derive8 their most specious9 declamations. The valuable improvements made by the American constitutions on the popular models, both ancient and modern, cannot certainly be too much admired; but it would be an unwarrantable partiality, to contend that they have as effectually obviated10 the danger on this side, as was wished and expected. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous11 citizens, equally the friends of public and private faith, and of public and personal liberty, that our governments are too unstable12, that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties, and that measures are too often decided13, not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor14 party, but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation, the evidence, of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true. It will be found, indeed, on a candid15 review of our situation, that some of the distresses16 under which we labor17 have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments; but it will be found, at the same time, that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes; and, particularly, for that prevailing18 and increasing distrust of public engagements, and alarm for private rights, which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other. These must be chiefly, if not wholly, effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious19 spirit has tainted21 our public administrations.
By a faction, I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adversed to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate22 interests of the community.
There are two methods of curing the mischiefs23 of faction: the one, by removing its causes; the other, by controlling its effects.
There are again two methods of removing the causes of faction: the one, by destroying the liberty which is essential to its existence; the other, by giving to every citizen the same opinions, the same passions, and the same interests.
It could never be more truly said than of the first remedy, that it was worse than the disease. Liberty is to faction what air is to fire, an aliment without which it instantly expires. But it could not be less folly24 to abolish liberty, which is essential to political life, because it nourishes faction, than it would be to wish the annihilation of air, which is essential to animal life, because it imparts to fire its destructive agency.
The second expedient25 is as impracticable as the first would be unwise. As long as the reason of man continues fallible, and he is at liberty to exercise it, different opinions will be formed. As long as the connection subsists26 between his reason and his self-love, his opinions and his passions will have a reciprocal influence on each other; and the former will be objects to which the latter will attach themselves. The diversity in the faculties27 of men, from which the rights of property originate, is not less an insuperable obstacle to a uniformity of interests. The protection of these faculties is the first object of government. From the protection of different and unequal faculties of acquiring property, the possession of different degrees and kinds of property immediately results; and from the influence of these on the sentiments and views of the respective proprietors29, ensues a division of the society into different interests and parties.
The latent causes of faction are thus sown in the nature of man; and we see them everywhere brought into different degrees of activity, according to the different circumstances of civil society. A zeal30 for different opinions concerning religion, concerning government, and many other points, as well of speculation31 as of practice; an attachment32 to different leaders ambitiously contending for pre-eminence and power; or to persons of other descriptions whose fortunes have been interesting to the human passions, have, in turn, divided mankind into parties, inflamed33 them with mutual34 animosity, and rendered them much more disposed to vex35 and oppress each other than to co-operate for their common good. So strong is this propensity of mankind to fall into mutual animosities, that where no substantial occasion presents itself, the most frivolous36 and fanciful distinctions have been sufficient to kindle37 their unfriendly passions and excite their most violent conflicts. But the most common and durable38 source of factions39 has been the various and unequal distribution of property. Those who hold and those who are without property have ever formed distinct interests in society. Those who are creditors40, and those who are debtors41, fall under a like discrimination. A landed interest, a manufacturing interest, a mercantile interest, a moneyed interest, with many lesser42 interests, grow up of necessity in civilized43 nations, and divide them into different classes, actuated by different sentiments and views. The regulation of these various and interfering44 interests forms the principal task of modern legislation, and involves the spirit of party and faction in the necessary and ordinary operations of the government.
No man is allowed to be a judge in his own cause, because his interest would certainly bias45 his judgment46, and, not improbably, corrupt47 his integrity. With equal, nay48 with greater reason, a body of men are unfit to be both judges and parties at the same time; yet what are many of the most important acts of legislation, but so many judicial49 determinations, not indeed concerning the rights of single persons, but concerning the rights of large bodies of citizens? And what are the different classes of legislators but advocates and parties to the causes which they determine? Is a law proposed concerning private debts? It is a question to which the creditors are parties on one side and the debtors on the other. Justice ought to hold the balance between them. Yet the parties are, and must be, themselves the judges; and the most numerous party, or, in other words, the most powerful faction must be expected to prevail. Shall domestic manufactures be encouraged, and in what degree, by restrictions50 on foreign manufactures? are questions which would be differently decided by the landed and the manufacturing classes, and probably by neither with a sole regard to justice and the public good. The apportionment of taxes on the various descriptions of property is an act which seems to require the most exact impartiality51; yet there is, perhaps, no legislative52 act in which greater opportunity and temptation are given to a predominant party to trample53 on the rules of justice. Every shilling with which they overburden the inferior number, is a shilling saved to their own pockets.
It is in vain to say that enlightened statesmen will be able to adjust these clashing interests, and render them all subservient54 to the public good. Enlightened statesmen will not always be at the helm. Nor, in many cases, can such an adjustment be made at all without taking into view indirect and remote considerations, which will rarely prevail over the immediate28 interest which one party may find in disregarding the rights of another or the good of the whole.
The inference to which we are brought is, that the CAUSES of faction cannot be removed, and that relief is only to be sought in the means of controlling its EFFECTS.
If a faction consists of less than a majority, relief is supplied by the republican principle, which enables the majority to defeat its sinister55 views by regular vote. It may clog56 the administration, it may convulse the society; but it will be unable to execute and mask its violence under the forms of the Constitution. When a majority is included in a faction, the form of popular government, on the other hand, enables it to sacrifice to its ruling passion or interest both the public good and the rights of other citizens. To secure the public good and private rights against the danger of such a faction, and at the same time to preserve the spirit and the form of popular government, is then the great object to which our inquiries57 are directed. Let me add that it is the great desideratum by which this form of government can be rescued from the opprobrium58 under which it has so long labored59, and be recommended to the esteem60 and adoption61 of mankind.
By what means is this object attainable62? Evidently by one of two only. Either the existence of the same passion or interest in a majority at the same time must be prevented, or the majority, having such coexistent passion or interest, must be rendered, by their number and local situation, unable to concert and carry into effect schemes of oppression. If the impulse and the opportunity be suffered to coincide, we well know that neither moral nor religious motives63 can be relied on as an adequate control. They are not found to be such on the injustice and violence of individuals, and lose their efficacy in proportion to the number combined together, that is, in proportion as their efficacy becomes needful.
From this view of the subject it may be concluded that a pure democracy, by which I mean a society consisting of a small number of citizens, who assemble and administer the government in person, can admit of no cure for the mischiefs of faction. A common passion or interest will, in almost every case, be felt by a majority of the whole; a communication and concert result from the form of government itself; and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party or an obnoxious65 individual. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence66 and contention67; have ever been found incompatible68 with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths. Theoretic politicians, who have patronized this species of government, have erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights, they would, at the same time, be perfectly69 equalized and assimilated in their possessions, their opinions, and their passions.
A republic, by which I mean a government in which the scheme of representation takes place, opens a different prospect70, and promises the cure for which we are seeking. Let us examine the points in which it varies from pure democracy, and we shall comprehend both the nature of the cure and the efficacy which it must derive from the union.
The two great points of difference between a democracy and a republic are: first, the delegation71 of the government, in the latter, to a small number of citizens elected by the rest; secondly72, the greater number of citizens, and greater sphere of country, over which the latter may be extended.
The effect of the first difference is, on the one hand, to refine and enlarge the public views, by passing them through the medium of a chosen body of citizens, whose wisdom may best discern the true interest of their country, and whose patriotism73 and love of justice will be least likely to sacrifice it to temporary or partial considerations. Under such a regulation, it may well happen that the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more consonant74 to the public good than if pronounced by the people themselves, convened75 for the purpose. On the other hand, the effect may be inverted76. Men of factious tempers, of local prejudices, or of sinister designs, may, by intrigue77, by corruption78, or by other means, first obtain the suffrages79, and then betray the interests, of the people. The question resulting is, whether small or extensive republics are more favorable to the election of proper guardians80 of the public weal; and it is clearly decided in favor of the latter by two obvious considerations:
In the first place, it is to be remarked that, however small the republic may be, the representatives must be raised to a certain number, in order to guard against the cabals81 of a few; and that, however large it may be, they must be limited to a certain number, in order to guard against the confusion of a multitude. Hence, the number of representatives in the two cases not being in proportion to that of the two constituents82, and being proportionally greater in the small republic, it follows that, if the proportion of fit characters be not less in the large than in the small republic, the former will present a greater option, and consequently a greater probability of a fit choice.
In the next place, as each representative will be chosen by a greater number of citizens in the large than in the small republic, it will be more difficult for unworthy candidates to practice with success the vicious arts by which elections are too often carried; and the suffrages of the people being more free, will be more likely to centre in men who possess the most attractive merit and the most diffusive83 and established characters.
It must be confessed that in this, as in most other cases, there is a mean, on both sides of which inconveniences will be found to lie. By enlarging too much the number of electors, you render the representatives too little acquainted with all their local circumstances and lesser interests; as by reducing it too much, you render him unduly84 attached to these, and too little fit to comprehend and pursue great and national objects. The federal Constitution forms a happy combination in this respect; the great and aggregate interests being referred to the national, the local and particular to the State legislatures.
The other point of difference is, the greater number of citizens and extent of territory which may be brought within the compass of republican than of democratic government; and it is this circumstance principally which renders factious combinations less to be dreaded85 in the former than in the latter. The smaller the society, the fewer probably will be the distinct parties and interests composing it; the fewer the distinct parties and interests, the more frequently will a majority be found of the same party; and the smaller the number of individuals composing a majority, and the smaller the compass within which they are placed, the more easily will they concert and execute their plans of oppression. Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive64 to invade the rights of other citizens; or if such a common motive exists, it will be more difficult for all who feel it to discover their own strength, and to act in unison86 with each other. Besides other impediments, it may be remarked that, where there is a consciousness of unjust or dishonorable purposes, communication is always checked by distrust in proportion to the number whose concurrence87 is necessary.
Hence, it clearly appears, that the same advantage which a republic has over a democracy, in controlling the effects of faction, is enjoyed by a large over a small republic,—is enjoyed by the union over the States composing it. Does the advantage consist in the substitution of representatives whose enlightened views and virtuous sentiments render them superior to local prejudices and schemes of injustice? It will not be denied that the representation of the union will be most likely to possess these requisite88 endowments. Does it consist in the greater security afforded by a greater variety of parties, against the event of any one party being able to outnumber and oppress the rest? In an equal degree does the increased variety of parties comprised within the union, increase this security. Does it, in fine, consist in the greater obstacles opposed to the concert and accomplishment89 of the secret wishes of an unjust and interested majority? Here, again, the extent of the union gives it the most palpable advantage.
The influence of factious leaders may kindle a flame within their particular States, but will be unable to spread a general conflagration90 through the other States. A religious sect91 may degenerate92 into a political faction in a part of the Confederacy; but the variety of sects93 dispersed94 over the entire face of it must secure the national councils against any danger from that source. A rage for paper money, for an abolition95 of debts, for an equal division of property, or for any other improper96 or wicked project, will be less apt to pervade97 the whole body of the union than a particular member of it; in the same proportion as such a malady98 is more likely to taint20 a particular county or district, than an entire State.
In the extent and proper structure of the union, therefore, we behold99 a republican remedy for the diseases most incident to republican government. And according to the degree of pleasure and pride we feel in being republicans, ought to be our zeal in cherishing the spirit and supporting the character of Federalists.
PUBLIUS
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1
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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3
contemplates
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| 深思，细想，仔细考虑( contemplate的第三人称单数 )； 注视，凝视； 考虑接受（发生某事的可能性）； 深思熟虑，沉思，苦思冥想 | |
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propensity
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| n.倾向；习性 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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8
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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9
specious
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| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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10
obviated
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| v.避免，消除（贫困、不方便等）( obviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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11
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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14
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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15
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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distresses
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| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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factious
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| adj.好搞宗派活动的，派系的，好争论的 | |
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taint
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| n.污点；感染；腐坏；v.使感染；污染 | |
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tainted
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| adj.腐坏的；污染的；沾污的；感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 )；使污染；败坏；被污染，腐坏，败坏 | |
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aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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mischiefs
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| 损害( mischief的名词复数 )； 危害； 胡闹； 调皮捣蛋的人 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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subsists
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的第三人称单数 ) | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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inflamed
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| adj.发炎的，红肿的v.（使）变红，发怒，过热( inflame的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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vex
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| vt.使烦恼，使苦恼 | |
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frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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kindle
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| v.点燃，着火 | |
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durable
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| adj.持久的，耐久的 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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debtors
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| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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48
nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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49
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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50
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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51
impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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subservient
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| adj.卑屈的，阿谀的 | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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clog
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| vt.塞满，阻塞；n.[常pl.]木屐 | |
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inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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opprobrium
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| n.耻辱，责难 | |
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labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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attainable
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| a.可达到的，可获得的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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turbulence
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| n.喧嚣，狂暴，骚乱，湍流 | |
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contention
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| n.争论，争辩，论战；论点，主张 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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delegation
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| n.代表团；派遣 | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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consonant
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| n.辅音；adj.[音]符合的 | |
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convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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inverted
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| adj.反向的，倒转的v.使倒置，使反转( invert的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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suffrages
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| （政治性选举的）选举权，投票权( suffrage的名词复数 ) | |
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guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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cabals
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| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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constituents
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| n.选民( constituent的名词复数 )；成分；构成部分；要素 | |
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diffusive
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| adj.散布性的，扩及的，普及的 | |
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unduly
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| adv.过度地，不适当地 | |
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dreaded
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| adj.令人畏惧的；害怕的v.害怕，恐惧，担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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unison
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| n.步调一致，行动一致 | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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accomplishment
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| n.完成，成就，（pl.）造诣，技能 | |
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conflagration
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| n.建筑物或森林大火 | |
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sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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pervade
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| v.弥漫，遍及，充满，渗透，漫延 | |
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malady
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| n.病，疾病(通常做比喻) | |
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behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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