For the Independent Journal. Saturday, November 24, 1787
HAMILTON
To the People of the State of New York:
THE importance of the union, in a commercial light, is one of those points about which there is least room to entertain a difference of opinion, and which has, in fact, commanded the most general assent1 of men who have any acquaintance with the subject. This applies as well to our intercourse2 with foreign countries as with each other.
There are appearances to authorize3 a supposition that the adventurous4 spirit, which distinguishes the commercial character of America, has already excited uneasy sensations in several of the maritime5 powers of Europe. They seem to be apprehensive6 of our too great interference in that carrying trade, which is the support of their navigation and the foundation of their naval7 strength. Those of them which have colonies in America look forward to what this country is capable of becoming, with painful solicitude8. They foresee the dangers that may threaten their American dominions9 from the neighborhood of States, which have all the dispositions11, and would possess all the means, requisite13 to the creation of a powerful marine14. Impressions of this kind will naturally indicate the policy of fostering divisions among us, and of depriving us, as far as possible, of an ACTIVE COMMERCE in our own bottoms. This would answer the threefold purpose of preventing our interference in their navigation, of monopolizing15 the profits of our trade, and of clipping the wings by which we might soar to a dangerous greatness. Did not prudence16 forbid the detail, it would not be difficult to trace, by facts, the workings of this policy to the cabinets of ministers.
If we continue united, we may counteract17 a policy so unfriendly to our prosperity in a variety of ways. By prohibitory regulations, extending, at the same time, throughout the States, we may oblige foreign countries to bid against each other, for the privileges of our markets. This assertion will not appear chimerical18 to those who are able to appreciate the importance of the markets of three millions of people—increasing in rapid progression, for the most part exclusively addicted19 to agriculture, and likely from local circumstances to remain so—to any manufacturing nation; and the immense difference there would be to the trade and navigation of such a nation, between a direct communication in its own ships, and an indirect conveyance20 of its products and returns, to and from America, in the ships of another country. Suppose, for instance, we had a government in America, capable of excluding Great Britain (with whom we have at present no treaty of commerce) from all our ports; what would be the probable operation of this step upon her politics? Would it not enable us to negotiate, with the fairest prospect21 of success, for commercial privileges of the most valuable and extensive kind, in the dominions of that kingdom? When these questions have been asked, upon other occasions, they have received a plausible22, but not a solid or satisfactory answer. It has been said that prohibitions23 on our part would produce no change in the system of Britain, because she could prosecute24 her trade with us through the medium of the Dutch, who would be her immediate25 customers and paymasters for those articles which were wanted for the supply of our markets. But would not her navigation be materially injured by the loss of the important advantage of being her own carrier in that trade? Would not the principal part of its profits be intercepted26 by the Dutch, as a compensation for their agency and risk? Would not the mere27 circumstance of freight occasion a considerable deduction28? Would not so circuitous29 an intercourse facilitate the competitions of other nations, by enhancing the price of British commodities in our markets, and by transferring to other hands the management of this interesting branch of the British commerce?
A mature consideration of the objects suggested by these questions will justify30 a belief that the real disadvantages to Britain from such a state of things, conspiring31 with the pre-possessions of a great part of the nation in favor of the American trade, and with the importunities of the West India islands, would produce a relaxation32 in her present system, and would let us into the enjoyment33 of privileges in the markets of those islands elsewhere, from which our trade would derive34 the most substantial benefits. Such a point gained from the British government, and which could not be expected without an equivalent in exemptions35 and immunities36 in our markets, would be likely to have a correspondent effect on the conduct of other nations, who would not be inclined to see themselves altogether supplanted37 in our trade.
A further resource for influencing the conduct of European nations toward us, in this respect, would arise from the establishment of a federal navy. There can be no doubt that the continuance of the union under an efficient government would put it in our power, at a period not very distant, to create a navy which, if it could not vie with those of the great maritime powers, would at least be of respectable weight if thrown into the scale of either of two contending parties. This would be more peculiarly the case in relation to operations in the West Indies. A few ships of the line, sent opportunely39 to the reinforcement of either side, would often be sufficient to decide the fate of a campaign, on the event of which interests of the greatest magnitude were suspended. Our position is, in this respect, a most commanding one. And if to this consideration we add that of the usefulness of supplies from this country, in the prosecution40 of military operations in the West Indies, it will readily be perceived that a situation so favorable would enable us to bargain with great advantage for commercial privileges. A price would be set not only upon our friendship, but upon our neutrality. By a steady adherence41 to the union we may hope, erelong, to become the arbiter42 of Europe in America, and to be able to incline the balance of European competitions in this part of the world as our interest may dictate43.
But in the reverse of this eligible44 situation, we shall discover that the rivalships of the parts would make them checks upon each other, and would frustrate45 all the tempting46 advantages which nature has kindly47 placed within our reach. In a state so insignificant48 our commerce would be a prey49 to the wanton intermeddlings of all nations at war with each other; who, having nothing to fear from us, would with little scruple50 or remorse51, supply their wants by depredations52 on our property as often as it fell in their way. The rights of neutrality will only be respected when they are defended by an adequate power. A nation, despicable by its weakness, forfeits53 even the privilege of being neutral.
Under a vigorous national government, the natural strength and resources of the country, directed to a common interest, would baffle all the combinations of European jealousy55 to restrain our growth. This situation would even take away the motive56 to such combinations, by inducing an impracticability of success. An active commerce, an extensive navigation, and a flourishing marine would then be the offspring of moral and physical necessity. We might defy the little arts of the little politicians to control or vary the irresistible57 and unchangeable course of nature.
But in a state of disunion, these combinations might exist and might operate with success. It would be in the power of the maritime nations, availing themselves of our universal impotence, to prescribe the conditions of our political existence; and as they have a common interest in being our carriers, and still more in preventing our becoming theirs, they would in all probability combine to embarrass our navigation in such a manner as would in effect destroy it, and confine us to a PASSIVE COMMERCE. We should then be compelled to content ourselves with the first price of our commodities, and to see the profits of our trade snatched from us to enrich our enemies and persecutors. That unequaled spirit of enterprise, which signalizes the genius of the American merchants and navigators, and which is in itself an inexhaustible mine of national wealth, would be stifled58 and lost, and poverty and disgrace would overspread a country which, with wisdom, might make herself the admiration59 and envy of the world.
There are rights of great moment to the trade of America which are rights of the union—I allude60 to the fisheries, to the navigation of the Western lakes, and to that of the Mississippi. The dissolution of the Confederacy would give room for delicate questions concerning the future existence of these rights; which the interest of more powerful partners would hardly fail to solve to our disadvantage. The disposition12 of Spain with regard to the Mississippi needs no comment. France and Britain are concerned with us in the fisheries, and view them as of the utmost moment to their navigation. They, of course, would hardly remain long indifferent to that decided61 mastery, of which experience has shown us to be possessed62 in this valuable branch of traffic, and by which we are able to undersell those nations in their own markets. What more natural than that they should be disposed to exclude from the lists such dangerous competitors?
This branch of trade ought not to be considered as a partial benefit. All the navigating63 States may, in different degrees, advantageously participate in it, and under circumstances of a greater extension of mercantile capital, would not be unlikely to do it. As a nursery of seamen64, it now is, or when time shall have more nearly assimilated the principles of navigation in the several States, will become, a universal resource. To the establishment of a navy, it must be indispensable.
To this great national object, a NAVY, union will contribute in various ways. Every institution will grow and flourish in proportion to the quantity and extent of the means concentred towards its formation and support. A navy of the United States, as it would embrace the resources of all, is an object far less remote than a navy of any single State or partial confederacy, which would only embrace the resources of a single part. It happens, indeed, that different portions of confederated America possess each some peculiar38 advantage for this essential establishment. The more southern States furnish in greater abundance certain kinds of naval stores—tar, pitch, and turpentine. Their wood for the construction of ships is also of a more solid and lasting65 texture66. The difference in the duration of the ships of which the navy might be composed, if chiefly constructed of Southern wood, would be of signal importance, either in the view of naval strength or of national economy. Some of the Southern and of the Middle States yield a greater plenty of iron, and of better quality. Seamen must chiefly be drawn67 from the Northern hive. The necessity of naval protection to external or maritime commerce does not require a particular elucidation68, no more than the conduciveness of that species of commerce to the prosperity of a navy.
An unrestrained intercourse between the States themselves will advance the trade of each by an interchange of their respective productions, not only for the supply of reciprocal wants at home, but for exportation to foreign markets. The veins69 of commerce in every part will be replenished70, and will acquire additional motion and vigor54 from a free circulation of the commodities of every part. Commercial enterprise will have much greater scope, from the diversity in the productions of different States. When the staple71 of one fails from a bad harvest or unproductive crop, it can call to its aid the staple of another. The variety, not less than the value, of products for exportation contributes to the activity of foreign commerce. It can be conducted upon much better terms with a large number of materials of a given value than with a small number of materials of the same value; arising from the competitions of trade and from the fluctuations72 of markets. Particular articles may be in great demand at certain periods, and unsalable at others; but if there be a variety of articles, it can scarcely happen that they should all be at one time in the latter predicament, and on this account the operations of the merchant would be less liable to any considerable obstruction73 or stagnation74. The speculative75 trader will at once perceive the force of these observations, and will acknowledge that the aggregate76 balance of the commerce of the United States would bid fair to be much more favorable than that of the thirteen States without union or with partial unions.
It may perhaps be replied to this, that whether the States are united or disunited, there would still be an intimate intercourse between them which would answer the same ends; this intercourse would be fettered77, interrupted, and narrowed by a multiplicity of causes, which in the course of these papers have been amply detailed78. A unity79 of commercial, as well as political, interests, can only result from a unity of government.
There are other points of view in which this subject might be placed, of a striking and animating80 kind. But they would lead us too far into the regions of futurity, and would involve topics not proper for a newspaper discussion. I shall briefly81 observe, that our situation invites and our interests prompt us to aim at an ascendant in the system of American affairs. The world may politically, as well as geographically82, be divided into four parts, each having a distinct set of interests. Unhappily for the other three, Europe, by her arms and by her negotiations83, by force and by fraud, has, in different degrees, extended her dominion10 over them all. Africa, Asia, and America, have successively felt her domination. The superiority she has long maintained has tempted84 her to plume85 herself as the Mistress of the World, and to consider the rest of mankind as created for her benefit. Men admired as profound philosophers have, in direct terms, attributed to her inhabitants a physical superiority, and have gravely asserted that all animals, and with them the human species, degenerate86 in America—that even dogs cease to bark after having breathed awhile in our atmosphere.(1) Facts have too long supported these arrogant87 pretensions88 of the Europeans. It belongs to us to vindicate89 the honor of the human race, and to teach that assuming brother, moderation. union will enable us to do it. Disunion will will add another victim to his triumphs. Let Americans disdain90 to be the instruments of European greatness! Let the thirteen States, bound together in a strict and indissoluble union, concur91 in erecting92 one great American system, superior to the control of all transatlantic force or influence, and able to dictate the terms of the connection between the old and the new world!
PUBLIUS "Recherches philosophiques sur les Americains."
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1
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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authorize
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| v.授权，委任；批准，认可 | |
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4
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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solicitude
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| n.焦虑 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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marine
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| adj.海的；海生的；航海的；海事的；n.水兵 | |
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monopolizing
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| v.垄断( monopolize的现在分词 )；独占；专卖；专营 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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addicted
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| adj.沉溺于....的，对...上瘾的 | |
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conveyance
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| n.(不动产等的)转让，让与；转让证书；传送；运送；表达；（正）运输工具 | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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prohibitions
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| 禁令，禁律( prohibition的名词复数 )； 禁酒； 禁例 | |
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prosecute
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| vt.告发；进行；vi.告发，起诉，作检察官 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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deduction
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| n.减除，扣除，减除额；推论，推理，演绎 | |
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circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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conspiring
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| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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exemptions
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| n.（义务等的）免除( exemption的名词复数 )；免（税）；（收入中的）免税额 | |
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immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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supplanted
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| 把…排挤掉，取代( supplant的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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opportunely
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| adv.恰好地，适时地 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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adherence
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| n.信奉，依附，坚持，固着 | |
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arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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frustrate
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| v.使失望；使沮丧；使厌烦 | |
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tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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depredations
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| n.劫掠，毁坏( depredation的名词复数 ) | |
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forfeits
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| 罚物游戏 | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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stifled
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| （使）窒息， （使）窒闷( stifle的过去式和过去分词 )； 镇压，遏制； 堵 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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navigating
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| v.给（船舶、飞机等）引航，导航( navigate的现在分词 )；（从海上、空中等）横越；横渡；飞跃 | |
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seamen
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| n.海员 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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elucidation
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| n.说明，阐明 | |
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veins
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| n.纹理；矿脉( vein的名词复数 )；静脉；叶脉；纹理 | |
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replenished
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| 补充( replenish的过去式和过去分词 )； 重新装满 | |
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staple
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| n.主要产物，常用品，主要要素，原料，订书钉，钩环；adj.主要的，重要的；vt.分类 | |
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fluctuations
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| 波动，涨落，起伏( fluctuation的名词复数 ) | |
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obstruction
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| n.阻塞，堵塞；障碍物 | |
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stagnation
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| n. 停滞 | |
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speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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fettered
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| v.给…上脚镣，束缚( fetter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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81
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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82
geographically
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| adv.地理学上，在地理上，地理方面 | |
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83
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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84
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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85
plume
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| n.羽毛；v.整理羽毛，骚首弄姿，用羽毛装饰 | |
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86
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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87
arrogant
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的 | |
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88
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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89
vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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90
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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91
concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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92
erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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