From the New York Packet. Tuesday, November 27, 1787.
HAMILTON
To the People of the State of New York:
THE effects of union upon the commercial prosperity of the States have been sufficiently1 delineated. Its tendency to promote the interests of revenue will be the subject of our present inquiry2.
The prosperity of commerce is now perceived and acknowledged by all enlightened statesmen to be the most useful as well as the most productive source of national wealth, and has accordingly become a primary object of their political cares. By multiplying the means of gratification, by promoting the introduction and circulation of the precious metals, those darling objects of human avarice3 and enterprise, it serves to vivify and invigorate the channels of industry, and to make them flow with greater activity and copiousness5. The assiduous merchant, the laborious7 husbandman, the active mechanic, and the industrious8 manufacturer,—all orders of men, look forward with eager expectation and growing alacrity9 to this pleasing reward of their toils10. The often-agitated question between agriculture and commerce has, from indubitable experience, received a decision which has silenced the rivalship that once subsisted11 between them, and has proved, to the satisfaction of their friends, that their interests are intimately blended and interwoven. It has been found in various countries that, in proportion as commerce has flourished, land has risen in value. And how could it have happened otherwise? Could that which procures12 a freer vent13 for the products of the earth, which furnishes new incitements to the cultivation14 of land, which is the most powerful instrument in increasing the quantity of money in a state—could that, in fine, which is the faithful handmaid of labor6 and industry, in every shape, fail to augment15 that article, which is the prolific16 parent of far the greatest part of the objects upon which they are exerted? It is astonishing that so simple a truth should ever have had an adversary17; and it is one, among a multitude of proofs, how apt a spirit of ill-informed jealousy18, or of too great abstraction and refinement19, is to lead men astray from the plainest truths of reason and conviction.
The ability of a country to pay taxes must always be proportioned, in a great degree, to the quantity of money in circulation, and to the celerity with which it circulates. Commerce, contributing to both these objects, must of necessity render the payment of taxes easier, and facilitate the requisite20 supplies to the treasury21. The hereditary22 dominions23 of the Emperor of Germany contain a great extent of fertile, cultivated, and populous24 territory, a large proportion of which is situated25 in mild and luxuriant climates. In some parts of this territory are to be found the best gold and silver mines in Europe. And yet, from the want of the fostering influence of commerce, that monarch26 can boast but slender revenues. He has several times been compelled to owe obligations to the pecuniary27 succors28 of other nations for the preservation29 of his essential interests, and is unable, upon the strength of his own resources, to sustain a long or continued war.
But it is not in this aspect of the subject alone that union will be seen to conduce to the purpose of revenue. There are other points of view, in which its influence will appear more immediate30 and decisive. It is evident from the state of the country, from the habits of the people, from the experience we have had on the point itself, that it is impracticable to raise any very considerable sums by direct taxation31. Tax laws have in vain been multiplied; new methods to enforce the collection have in vain been tried; the public expectation has been uniformly disappointed, and the treasuries32 of the States have remained empty. The popular system of administration inherent in the nature of popular government, coinciding with the real scarcity33 of money incident to a languid and mutilated state of trade, has hitherto defeated every experiment for extensive collections, and has at length taught the different legislatures the folly34 of attempting them.
No person acquainted with what happens in other countries will be surprised at this circumstance. In so opulent a nation as that of Britain, where direct taxes from superior wealth must be much more tolerable, and, from the vigor4 of the government, much more practicable, than in America, far the greatest part of the national revenue is derived35 from taxes of the indirect kind, from imposts, and from excises37. Duties on imported articles form a large branch of this latter description.
In America, it is evident that we must a long time depend for the means of revenue chiefly on such duties. In most parts of it, excises must be confined within a narrow compass. The genius of the people will ill brook38 the inquisitive39 and peremptory40 spirit of excise36 laws. The pockets of the farmers, on the other hand, will reluctantly yield but scanty41 supplies, in the unwelcome shape of impositions on their houses and lands; and personal property is too precarious42 and invisible a fund to be laid hold of in any other way than by the imperceptible agency of taxes on consumption.
If these remarks have any foundation, that state of things which will best enable us to improve and extend so valuable a resource must be best adapted to our political welfare. And it cannot admit of a serious doubt, that this state of things must rest on the basis of a general union. As far as this would be conducive43 to the interests of commerce, so far it must tend to the extension of the revenue to be drawn44 from that source. As far as it would contribute to rendering45 regulations for the collection of the duties more simple and efficacious, so far it must serve to answer the purposes of making the same rate of duties more productive, and of putting it into the power of the government to increase the rate without prejudice to trade.
The relative situation of these States; the number of rivers with which they are intersected, and of bays that wash there shores; the facility of communication in every direction; the affinity46 of language and manners; the familiar habits of intercourse;—all these are circumstances that would conspire47 to render an illicit48 trade between them a matter of little difficulty, and would insure frequent evasions49 of the commercial regulations of each other. The separate States or confederacies would be necessitated50 by mutual51 jealousy to avoid the temptations to that kind of trade by the lowness of their duties. The temper of our governments, for a long time to come, would not permit those rigorous precautions by which the European nations guard the avenues into their respective countries, as well by land as by water; and which, even there, are found insufficient52 obstacles to the adventurous53 stratagems54 of avarice.
In France, there is an army of patrols (as they are called) constantly employed to secure their fiscal55 regulations against the inroads of the dealers56 in contraband57 trade. Mr. Neckar computes58 the number of these patrols at upwards59 of twenty thousand. This shows the immense difficulty in preventing that species of traffic, where there is an inland communication, and places in a strong light the disadvantages with which the collection of duties in this country would be encumbered60, if by disunion the States should be placed in a situation, with respect to each other, resembling that of France with respect to her neighbors. The arbitrary and vexatious powers with which the patrols are necessarily armed, would be intolerable in a free country.
If, on the contrary, there be but one government pervading61 all the States, there will be, as to the principal part of our commerce, but ONE SIDE to guard—the ATLANTIC COAST. Vessels62 arriving directly from foreign countries, laden63 with valuable cargoes64, would rarely choose to hazard themselves to the complicated and critical perils65 which would attend attempts to unlade prior to their coming into port. They would have to dread66 both the dangers of the coast, and of detection, as well after as before their arrival at the places of their final destination. An ordinary degree of vigilance would be competent to the prevention of any material infractions upon the rights of the revenue. A few armed vessels, judiciously67 stationed at the entrances of our ports, might at a small expense be made useful sentinels of the laws. And the government having the same interest to provide against violations68 everywhere, the co-operation of its measures in each State would have a powerful tendency to render them effectual. Here also we should preserve by union, an advantage which nature holds out to us, and which would be relinquished69 by separation. The United States lie at a great distance from Europe, and at a considerable distance from all other places with which they would have extensive connections of foreign trade. The passage from them to us, in a few hours, or in a single night, as between the coasts of France and Britain, and of other neighboring nations, would be impracticable. This is a prodigious70 security against a direct contraband with foreign countries; but a circuitous71 contraband to one State, through the medium of another, would be both easy and safe. The difference between a direct importation from abroad, and an indirect importation through the channel of a neighboring State, in small parcels, according to time and opportunity, with the additional facilities of inland communication, must be palpable to every man of discernment.
It is therefore evident, that one national government would be able, at much less expense, to extend the duties on imports, beyond comparison, further than would be practicable to the States separately, or to any partial confederacies. Hitherto, I believe, it may safely be asserted, that these duties have not upon an average exceeded in any State three per cent. In France they are estimated to be about fifteen per cent., and in Britain they exceed this proportion.(1) There seems to be nothing to hinder their being increased in this country to at least treble their present amount. The single article of ardent72 spirits, under federal regulation, might be made to furnish a considerable revenue. Upon a ratio to the importation into this State, the whole quantity imported into the United States may be estimated at four millions of gallons; which, at a shilling per gallon, would produce two hundred thousand pounds. That article would well bear this rate of duty; and if it should tend to diminish the consumption of it, such an effect would be equally favorable to the agriculture, to the economy, to the morals, and to the health of the society. There is, perhaps, nothing so much a subject of national extravagance as these spirits.
What will be the consequence, if we are not able to avail ourselves of the resource in question in its full extent? A nation cannot long exist without revenues. Destitute73 of this essential support, it must resign its independence, and sink into the degraded condition of a province. This is an extremity74 to which no government will of choice accede75. Revenue, therefore, must be had at all events. In this country, if the principal part be not drawn from commerce, it must fall with oppressive weight upon land. It has been already intimated that excises, in their true signification, are too little in unison76 with the feelings of the people, to admit of great use being made of that mode of taxation; nor, indeed, in the States where almost the sole employment is agriculture, are the objects proper for excise sufficiently numerous to permit very ample collections in that way. Personal estate (as has been before remarked), from the difficulty in tracing it, cannot be subjected to large contributions, by any other means than by taxes on consumption. In populous cities, it may be enough the subject of conjecture77, to occasion the oppression of individuals, without much aggregate78 benefit to the State; but beyond these circles, it must, in a great measure, escape the eye and the hand of the tax-gatherer. As the necessities of the State, nevertheless, must be satisfied in some mode or other, the defect of other resources must throw the principal weight of public burdens on the possessors of land. And as, on the other hand, the wants of the government can never obtain an adequate supply, unless all the sources of revenue are open to its demands, the finances of the community, under such embarrassments79, cannot be put into a situation consistent with its respectability or its security. Thus we shall not even have the consolations80 of a full treasury, to atone81 for the oppression of that valuable class of the citizens who are employed in the cultivation of the soil. But public and private distress82 will keep pace with each other in gloomy concert; and unite in deploring83 the infatuation of those counsels which led to disunion.
PUBLIUS
1. If my memory be right they amount to twenty per cent.
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1
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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2
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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3
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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4
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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5
copiousness
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| n.丰裕，旺盛 | |
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6
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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8
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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9
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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10
toils
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| 网 | |
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11
subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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procures
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的第三人称单数 )；拉皮条 | |
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13
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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15
augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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16
prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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17
adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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20
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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21
treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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succors
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| n.救助，帮助（尤指需要时）( succor的名词复数 )v.给予帮助( succor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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30
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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treasuries
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| n.（政府的）财政部( treasury的名词复数 )；国库，金库 | |
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scarcity
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| n.缺乏，不足，萧条 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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36
excise
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| n.(国产)货物税；vt.切除，删去 | |
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excises
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| n.国内货物税，消费税( excise的名词复数 )v.切除，删去( excise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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brook
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| n.小河，溪；v.忍受，容让 | |
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39
inquisitive
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| adj.求知欲强的，好奇的，好寻根究底的 | |
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40
peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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41
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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42
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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43
conducive
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| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
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44
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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45
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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46
affinity
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| n.亲和力，密切关系 | |
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47
conspire
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| v.密谋，（事件等）巧合，共同导致 | |
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48
illicit
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| adj.非法的，禁止的，不正当的 | |
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49
evasions
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| 逃避( evasion的名词复数 )； 回避； 遁辞； 借口 | |
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50
necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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51
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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52
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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53
adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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54
stratagems
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| n.诡计，计谋( stratagem的名词复数 )；花招 | |
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55
fiscal
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| adj.财政的，会计的，国库的，国库岁入的 | |
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56
dealers
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| n.商人( dealer的名词复数 )；贩毒者；毒品贩子；发牌者 | |
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contraband
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| n.违禁品，走私品 | |
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58
computes
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| v.计算，估算( compute的第三人称单数 ) | |
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59
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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60
encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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pervading
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的现在分词 ) | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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cargoes
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| n.（船或飞机装载的）货物( cargo的名词复数 )；大量，重负 | |
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65
perils
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| 极大危险( peril的名词复数 )； 危险的事（或环境） | |
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66
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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67
judiciously
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| adv.明断地，明智而审慎地 | |
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68
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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69
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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70
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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71
circuitous
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| adj.迂回的路的，迂曲的，绕行的 | |
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72
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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73
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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74
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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75
accede
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| v.应允，同意 | |
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unison
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| n.步调一致，行动一致 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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78
aggregate
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| adj.总计的，集合的；n.总数；v.合计；集合 | |
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embarrassments
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| n.尴尬( embarrassment的名词复数 )；难堪；局促不安；令人难堪或耻辱的事 | |
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80
consolations
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| n.安慰，慰问( consolation的名词复数 )；起安慰作用的人（或事物） | |
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atone
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| v.赎罪，补偿 | |
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82
distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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83
deploring
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的现在分词 ) | |
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