For the New York Packet. Friday, December 7, 1787
MADISON, with HAMILTON
To the People of the State of New York:
AMONG the confederacies of antiquity1, the most considerable was that of the Grecian republics, associated under the Amphictyonic council. From the best accounts transmitted of this celebrated2 institution, it bore a very instructive analogy to the present Confederation of the American States.
The members retained the character of independent and sovereign states, and had equal votes in the federal council. This council had a general authority to propose and resolve whatever it judged necessary for the common welfare of Greece; to declare and carry on war; to decide, in the last resort, all controversies3 between the members; to fine the aggressing party; to employ the whole force of the confederacy against the disobedient; to admit new members. The Amphictyons were the guardians4 of religion, and of the immense riches belonging to the temple of Delphos, where they had the right of jurisdiction5 in controversies between the inhabitants and those who came to consult the oracle6. As a further provision for the efficacy of the federal powers, they took an oath mutually to defend and protect the united cities, to punish the violators of this oath, and to inflict8 vengeance9 on sacrilegious despoilers of the temple.
In theory, and upon paper, this apparatus10 of powers seems amply sufficient for all general purposes. In several material instances, they exceed the powers enumerated11 in the articles of confederation. The Amphictyons had in their hands the superstition12 of the times, one of the principal engines by which government was then maintained; they had a declared authority to use coercion13 against refractory14 cities, and were bound by oath to exert this authority on the necessary occasions.
Very different, nevertheless, was the experiment from the theory. The powers, like those of the present Congress, were administered by deputies appointed wholly by the cities in their political capacities; and exercised over them in the same capacities. Hence the weakness, the disorders15, and finally the destruction of the confederacy. The more powerful members, instead of being kept in awe17 and subordination, tyrannized successively over all the rest. Athens, as we learn from Demosthenes, was the arbiter18 of Greece seventy-three years. The Lacedaemonians next governed it twenty-nine years; at a subsequent period, after the battle of Leuctra, the Thebans had their turn of domination.
It happened but too often, according to Plutarch, that the deputies of the strongest cities awed19 and corrupted20 those of the weaker; and that judgment21 went in favor of the most powerful party.
Even in the midst of defensive22 and dangerous wars with Persia and Macedon, the members never acted in concert, and were, more or fewer of them, eternally the dupes or the hirelings of the common enemy. The intervals23 of foreign war were filled up by domestic vicissitudes24 convulsions, and carnage.
After the conclusion of the war with Xerxes, it appears that the Lacedaemonians required that a number of the cities should be turned out of the confederacy for the unfaithful part they had acted. The Athenians, finding that the Lacedaemonians would lose fewer partisans25 by such a measure than themselves, and would become masters of the public deliberations, vigorously opposed and defeated the attempt. This piece of history proves at once the inefficiency26 of the union, the ambition and jealousy27 of its most powerful members, and the dependent and degraded condition of the rest. The smaller members, though entitled by the theory of their system to revolve28 in equal pride and majesty29 around the common center, had become, in fact, satellites of the orbs30 of primary magnitude.
Had the Greeks, says the Abbe Milot, been as wise as they were courageous31, they would have been admonished32 by experience of the necessity of a closer union, and would have availed themselves of the peace which followed their success against the Persian arms, to establish such a reformation. Instead of this obvious policy, Athens and Sparta, inflated33 with the victories and the glory they had acquired, became first rivals and then enemies; and did each other infinitely34 more mischief35 than they had suffered from Xerxes. Their mutual7 jealousies36, fears, hatreds37, and injuries ended in the celebrated Peloponnesian war; which itself ended in the ruin and slavery of the Athenians who had begun it.
As a weak government, when not at war, is ever agitated38 by internal dissentions, so these never fail to bring on fresh calamities40 from abroad. The Phocians having ploughed up some consecrated41 ground belonging to the temple of Apollo, the Amphictyonic council, according to the superstition of the age, imposed a fine on the sacrilegious offenders42. The Phocians, being abetted43 by Athens and Sparta, refused to submit to the decree. The Thebans, with others of the cities, undertook to maintain the authority of the Amphictyons, and to avenge44 the violated god. The latter, being the weaker party, invited the assistance of Philip of Macedon, who had secretly fostered the contest. Philip gladly seized the opportunity of executing the designs he had long planned against the liberties of Greece. By his intrigues45 and bribes46 he won over to his interests the popular leaders of several cities; by their influence and votes, gained admission into the Amphictyonic council; and by his arts and his arms, made himself master of the confederacy.
Such were the consequences of the fallacious principle on which this interesting establishment was founded. Had Greece, says a judicious47 observer on her fate, been united by a stricter confederation, and persevered48 in her union, she would never have worn the chains of Macedon; and might have proved a barrier to the vast projects of Rome.
The Achaean league, as it is called, was another society of Grecian republics, which supplies us with valuable instruction.
The union here was far more intimate, and its organization much wiser, than in the preceding instance. It will accordingly appear, that though not exempt49 from a similar catastrophe50, it by no means equally deserved it.
The cities composing this league retained their municipal jurisdiction, appointed their own officers, and enjoyed a perfect equality. The senate, in which they were represented, had the sole and exclusive right of peace and war; of sending and receiving ambassadors; of entering into treaties and alliances; of appointing a chief magistrate51 or praetor, as he was called, who commanded their armies, and who, with the advice and consent of ten of the senators, not only administered the government in the recess52 of the senate, but had a great share in its deliberations, when assembled. According to the primitive53 constitution, there were two praetors associated in the administration; but on trial a single one was preferred.
It appears that the cities had all the same laws and customs, the same weights and measures, and the same money. But how far this effect proceeded from the authority of the federal council is left in uncertainty54. It is said only that the cities were in a manner compelled to receive the same laws and usages. When Lacedaemon was brought into the league by Philopoemen, it was attended with an abolition55 of the institutions and laws of Lycurgus, and an adoption56 of those of the Achaeans. The Amphictyonic confederacy, of which she had been a member, left her in the full exercise of her government and her legislation. This circumstance alone proves a very material difference in the genius of the two systems.
It is much to be regretted that such imperfect monuments remain of this curious political fabric57. Could its interior structure and regular operation be ascertained58, it is probable that more light would be thrown by it on the science of federal government, than by any of the like experiments with which we are acquainted.
One important fact seems to be witnessed by all the historians who take notice of Achaean affairs. It is, that as well after the renovation59 of the league by Aratus, as before its dissolution by the arts of Macedon, there was infinitely more of moderation and justice in the administration of its government, and less of violence and sedition60 in the people, than were to be found in any of the cities exercising SINGLY all the prerogatives61 of sovereignty. The Abbe Mably, in his observations on Greece, says that the popular government, which was so tempestuous62 elsewhere, caused no disorders in the members of the Achaean republic, BECAUSE IT WAS THERE TEMPERED BY THE GENERAL AUTHORITY AND LAWS OF THE CONFEDERACY.
We are not to conclude too hastily, however, that faction63 did not, in a certain degree, agitate39 the particular cities; much less that a due subordination and harmony reigned64 in the general system. The contrary is sufficiently65 displayed in the vicissitudes and fate of the republic.
Whilst the Amphictyonic confederacy remained, that of the Achaeans, which comprehended the less important cities only, made little figure on the theatre of Greece. When the former became a victim to Macedon, the latter was spared by the policy of Philip and Alexander. Under the successors of these princes, however, a different policy prevailed. The arts of division were practiced among the Achaeans. Each city was seduced66 into a separate interest; the union was dissolved. Some of the cities fell under the tyranny of Macedonian garrisons67; others under that of usurpers springing out of their own confusions. Shame and oppression erelong awaken68 their love of liberty. A few cities reunited. Their example was followed by others, as opportunities were found of cutting off their tyrants69. The league soon embraced almost the whole Peloponnesus. Macedon saw its progress; but was hindered by internal dissensions from stopping it. All Greece caught the enthusiasm and seemed ready to unite in one confederacy, when the jealousy and envy in Sparta and Athens, of the rising glory of the Achaeans, threw a fatal damp on the enterprise. The dread70 of the Macedonian power induced the league to court the alliance of the Kings of Egypt and Syria, who, as successors of Alexander, were rivals of the king of Macedon. This policy was defeated by Cleomenes, king of Sparta, who was led by his ambition to make an unprovoked attack on his neighbors, the Achaeans, and who, as an enemy to Macedon, had interest enough with the Egyptian and Syrian princes to effect a breach71 of their engagements with the league.
The Achaeans were now reduced to the dilemma72 of submitting to Cleomenes, or of supplicating73 the aid of Macedon, its former oppressor. The latter expedient74 was adopted. The contests of the Greeks always afforded a pleasing opportunity to that powerful neighbor of intermeddling in their affairs. A Macedonian army quickly appeared. Cleomenes was vanquished75. The Achaeans soon experienced, as often happens, that a victorious76 and powerful ally is but another name for a master. All that their most abject77 compliances could obtain from him was a toleration of the exercise of their laws. Philip, who was now on the throne of Macedon, soon provoked by his tyrannies, fresh combinations among the Greeks. The Achaeans, though weakened by internal dissensions and by the revolt of Messene, one of its members, being joined by the AEtolians and Athenians, erected78 the standard of opposition79. Finding themselves, though thus supported, unequal to the undertaking80, they once more had recourse to the dangerous expedient of introducing the succor81 of foreign arms. The Romans, to whom the invitation was made, eagerly embraced it. Philip was conquered; Macedon subdued82. A new crisis ensued to the league. Dissensions broke out among it members. These the Romans fostered. Callicrates and other popular leaders became mercenary instruments for inveigling83 their countrymen. The more effectually to nourish discord84 and disorder16 the Romans had, to the astonishment85 of those who confided86 in their sincerity87, already proclaimed universal liberty(1) throughout Greece. With the same insidious88 views, they now seduced the members from the league, by representing to their pride the violation89 it committed on their sovereignty. By these arts this union, the last hope of Greece, the last hope of ancient liberty, was torn into pieces; and such imbecility and distraction90 introduced, that the arms of Rome found little difficulty in completing the ruin which their arts had commenced. The Achaeans were cut to pieces, and Achaia loaded with chains, under which it is groaning91 at this hour.
I have thought it not superfluous92 to give the outlines of this important portion of history; both because it teaches more than one lesson, and because, as a supplement to the outlines of the Achaean constitution, it emphatically illustrates93 the tendency of federal bodies rather to anarchy94 among the members, than to tyranny in the head.
PUBLIUS
1. This was but another name more specious95 for the independence of the members on the federal head.
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1
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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controversies
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| 争论 | |
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guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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inflict
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| vt.(on)把…强加给，使遭受，使承担 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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apparatus
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| n.装置，器械；器具，设备 | |
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enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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coercion
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| n.强制，高压统治 | |
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refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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arbiter
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| n.仲裁人，公断人 | |
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awed
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| adj.充满敬畏的，表示敬畏的v.使敬畏，使惊惧( awe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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inefficiency
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| n.无效率，无能；无效率事例 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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revolve
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| vi.(使)旋转；循环出现 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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orbs
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| abbr.off-reservation boarding school 在校寄宿学校n.球，天体，圆形物( orb的名词复数 ) | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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admonished
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| v.劝告( admonish的过去式和过去分词 )；训诫；（温和地）责备；轻责 | |
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inflated
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| adj.（价格）飞涨的；（通货）膨胀的；言过其实的；充了气的v.使充气（于轮胎、气球等）( inflate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）膨胀；（使）通货膨胀；物价上涨 | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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jealousies
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| n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 )；妒羡 | |
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hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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agitate
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| vi.(for,against)煽动，鼓动；vt.搅动 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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offenders
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| n.冒犯者( offender的名词复数 )；犯规者；罪犯；妨害…的人（或事物） | |
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abetted
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| v.教唆（犯罪）( abet的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；怂恿；支持 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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bribes
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| n.贿赂( bribe的名词复数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂v.贿赂( bribe的第三人称单数 )；向（某人）行贿，贿赂 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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persevered
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| v.坚忍，坚持( persevere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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fabric
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| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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renovation
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| n.革新，整修 | |
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sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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tempestuous
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| adj.狂暴的 | |
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faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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awaken
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| vi.醒，觉醒；vt.唤醒，使觉醒，唤起，激起 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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supplicating
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| v.祈求，哀求，恳求( supplicate的现在分词 ) | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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vanquished
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| v.征服( vanquish的过去式和过去分词 )；战胜；克服；抑制 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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abject
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| adj.极可怜的，卑屈的 | |
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78
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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79
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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80
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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81
succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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82
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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83
inveigling
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| v.诱骗，引诱( inveigle的现在分词 ) | |
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84
discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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85
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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86
confided
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| v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的过去式和过去分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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87
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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88
insidious
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| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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89
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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90
distraction
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| n.精神涣散，精神不集中，消遣，娱乐 | |
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91
groaning
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| adj. 呜咽的, 呻吟的 动词groan的现在分词形式 | |
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92
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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93
illustrates
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| 给…加插图( illustrate的第三人称单数 )； 说明； 表明； （用示例、图画等）说明 | |
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94
anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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95
specious
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| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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