ALTHOUGH IT HAS BEEN CLEAR THAT AUGUSTUS'S POWERS were failing and that he had not many more years to live, Rome could not accustom1 itself to the idea of his death. It is not an idle comparison to say that the City felt much as a boy feels when he loses his father. Whether the father has been a brave man or a coward, just or unjust, generous or mean, signifies little: he has been that boy's father, and no uncle or elder brother can ever take his place. For Augustus's rule had been a very long one and a man had to be already past middle age to remember back behind it. It was therefore not altogether unnatural2 that the Senate met to deliberate whether the divine honours which had, even in his lifetime, been paid him by the provinces should now be voted him in the City itself.
Pollio's son. Callus-hated by Tiberius because he had married Vipsania (Tiberius's first wife, you will recall, whom he had been forced to divorce on Julia's account), and because he had never given a public denial of the rumour3 which made him the real father of Castor, and because he had a witty4 tongue-this Gallus was the only senator who had dared to question the propriety5 of the motion. He rose to ask what divine portent6 had occurred to suggest that Augustus would be welcomed in the Heavenly Mansions-merely at the recommendation of his mortal friends and admirers?
There followed an uncomfortable silence but at last Tiberius rose slowly and said: "One hundred days ago, it will be recalled, the pediment of my rather Augustus's statue was struck by lightning. The first letter of his name was blotted8 out, which left the words ESAR AUGUSTUS. What is the meaning of the letter C? It is the sign for one hundred. What does ESAR mean? I will tell you. It means God, in the Etruscan tongue. Clearly, in a hundred days from that lightning stroke Augustus is to become a God in Rome. What clearer portent than this can you require?" Though Tiberius took the sole credit for this interpretation9 it was I who had first given meaning to ESAR (the queer word had been much discussed), being the only person at Rome who was acquainted with the Etruscan language. I told my mother about it and she called me a fanciful fool; but she must have been sufficiently10 impressed to repeat what I said to Tiberius; for I told nobody but her.
Gallus asked why Jove should give his message in Etruscan rather than in Greek or Latin? Could nobody swear to having observed any other more conclusive11 omen12? It was all very well to decree new gods to ignorant Asiatic provincials13, but the honourable14 House ought to pause before ordering educated citizens to worship one of their own number, however distinguished15. It is possible that Gallus would have succeeded in blocking the decree by this appeal to Roman pride and sanity16 had it not been for a man called Atticus, a senior magistrate17. He solemnly rose to say that when Augustus's corpse18 had been burned on Mars Field he had seen a cloud descending19 from heaven and the dead man's spirit then ascending20 on it, precisely21 in the way in which tradition relates that the spirits of Romulus and Hercules ascended22. He would swear by all the Gods that he was testifying the truth.
This speech was greeted with resounding23 applause and Tiberius triumphantly24 asked whether Gallus had any further remarks to make. Gallus said that he had. He recalled, he said, another early tradition about the sudden death and disappearance25 of Romulus, which appeared in the works of even the gravest historians as an alternative to the one quoted by his honourable and veracious26 friend Atticus: namely, that Romulus was so hated for his tyranny over a free people that one day, taking advantage of a sudden fog, the Senate murdered him, cut him up and carried the pieces away under their robes.
"But what about Hercules?" someone hurriedly asked.
Gallus said: "Tiberius himself in his eloquent27 oration28 at the funeral repudiated29 the comparison between Augustus and Hercules, His words were: 'Hercules in his childhood dealt only with serpents, and even when a man only with a stag or two, and a wild boar which he killed, and a lion; and even this he did reluctantly and at somebody's command; whereas Augustus fought not with beasts but with men and of his own free-will'-and so forth30 and so forth. But my reason for repudiating31 the comparison lies in the circumstances of Hercules's death." Then he sat down. The reference was perfectly32 clear to anybody who considered the matter; for the legend was that Hercules died of poison administered by his wife.
But the motion for Augustus's deification was carried. Shrines33 were built to him in Rome and the neighbouring cities. An order of priests was formed for administering his rites34 and Livia, who had at the same time been granted the titles of Julia and Augusta, was made his High Priestess. Atticus was rewarded by Livia with a gift of ten thousand gold pieces, and was appointed one of the new priests of Augustus, being even excused the heavy initiation35 fee. I was also appointed a priest, but had to pay a higher initiation fee than anyone, because I was Livia's grandson. Nobody dared ask why this vision of Augustus's ascent36 had only been seen by Atticus. And the joke was that on the night before the funeral Livia had concealed37 an eagle in a cage at the top of the pyre, which was to be opened as soon as the pyre was lit by someone secretly pulling a string from below. The eagle would then fly up and was intended to be taken for Augustus's spirit. Unfortunately the miracle had not come off. The cage door refused to open. Instead of saying nothing and letting the eagle burn, the officer who was in charge clambered up the pyre and opened the cage door with his hands. Livia had to say that the eagle had been thus released at her orders, as a symbolic38 act.
I will not write more about Augustus's funeral, though a more magnificent one has never been seen at Rome, for I must now begin to omit all things in my story except those of the first importance: I have already filled more than thirteen rolls of the best paper-from the new paper-making factory I have recently equipped-and not reached a third of the way through it. But I must not fail to tell about the contents of Augustus's will, the reading of which was awaited with general interest and impatience39. Nobody was more anxious to know what it contained than I was, and I shall explain why.
A month before his death Augustus had suddenly appeared at the door of my study-he had been visiting my mother who was just convalescent after a long illness-and after dismissing his attendants had begun to talk to me in a rambling40 way, not looking directly at me, but behaving as shyly as though he were Claudius and I were Augustus. He picked up a book of my history and read a passage. "Excellent writing!" he said. "And how soon will the work be finished?"
I told him, "In a month or less," and he congratulated me and said that he would then give orders to have a pub lie reading of it at his own expense, inviting41 his friends to attend. I was perfectly astonished at this but he went on in a friendly way to ask if I would not prefer a professional reciter to do justice to it rather than read myself: he said that public reading of one's own work must always be very embarrassing-even tough old Pollio had confessed that he was always nervous on such occasions. I thanked him most sincerely and heartily42 and said that a professional would obviously be more suitable, if my work indeed deserved such an honour.
Then he suddenly held out his hand to me: "Claudius, do you bear me any ill-will?"
What could I say to that? Tears came to my eyes and I muttered that I reverenced43 him and that he had never done anything to deserve my ill-will. He said with a sign: "No, but on the other hand little to earn your love. Wait a few months longer, Claudius, and I hope to be able to earn both your love and your gratitude44. Germanicus has told me about you. He says that you are loyal to three things-to your friends, to Rome, and to the truth. I would be very proud if Germanicus thought the same of me."
"Gennanicus's love for you falls only a little short of outright45 worship," I said. "He has often told me so."
His face brightened. "You swear it? I am very happy. So now, Claudius, there's a strong bond between us-the good opinion of Germanicus. And what I came to tell you was this: I have treated you very badly all these years and I'm sincerely sorry and from now on you'll see that things will change." He quoted in Greek: "Who wounded thee, shall make thee whole" and with that he embraced me. As he turned to go he said over his shoulder: "I have just paid a visit to the Vestal Virgins46 and made some important alterations47 in a document of mine in their charge: and since you yourself are partly responsible for these I have given your name greater prominence48 there than it had before. But not a word!"
"You can trust me," I said.
He could only have meant one thing by this: that he had believed Postumus's story as I had reported it to Germanicus and was now restoring him in his will (which was in charge of the Vestals) as his heir; and that I was to benefit too as a reward for my loyalty49 to him. I did not then, of course, know of Augustus's visit to Planasia but confidently expected that Postumus would be brought back and treated with honour. Well, I was disappointed. Since Augustus had been so secretive about the new will, which had been witnessed by Fabius Maximus and a few decrepit50 old priests, it was easy to suppress it in favour of one which had been made six years before at the time of the disinheriting of Postumus. The opening sentence was:
"Forasmuch as a sinister51 fate has bereft52 me of Gaius and Lucius, my sons, it is now my will that Tiberius Claudius Nero Cassar become heir, in the first range, of two-thirds of my estate; and of the remaining third, in the first range also, it is now my will that my beloved wife Livia shall become my heir, if so be that the Senate will graciously permit her to inherit this much (for it is in excess of the statutory allowance for a widow's legacy), making an exception in her case as having deserved so well of the State." In the second range-that is, in the event of the first-mentioned legatees dying or becoming otherwise incapable53 to inherit-he put such of his grandchildren and great-grandchildren as were members of the Julian house and had incurred54 no public disgrace; but Postumus had been disinherited, so this meant Germanicus, as Tiberius's adopted son and Agrippina's husband, and Agrippina herself and their children, and Castor, Livilla and their children. In this second range Castor was to inherit a third, and Germanicus and his family two-thirds of the estate. In the third range the will named various senators and distant connections; but as a mark of favour rather than as likely to benefit. Augustus cannot have expected to outlive so many heirs of the first and second ranges. The third range heirs were grouped in three categories: the most favoured ten were set down to be joint-heirs of half the estate, the next most favoured fifty were set down to share a third of the estate, and the third class contained the names of fifty more who were to inherit the remaining sixth. The last name in this last list of the last range was Tiberius Claudius Drusus Nero Germanicus, which meant Clau-Clau-Claudius, or Claudius the Idiot, or as Germanicus's little boys were already learning to call him: "Poor Uncle Claudius"- in fact, myself. There was no mention of Julia or Julilla except a clause forbidding their ashes to be interred55 in the mausoleum beside his own when they came to die.
Now, although Augustus had in the previous twenty years benefited under the wills of the old friends he had outlived, to the extent of no less than one hundred and forty million gold pieces and had lived a most parsimonious56 life, he had spent so much on temples and public works, on doles57 and entertainments for the populace, on frontier wars (when there was no money left in the military treasury), and on similar State expenses, that of those one hundred and forty millions and a great mass of private treasure besides, accumulated from various sources, a mere7 fifteen million remained for bequest58, much of this not easily realizable in cash. This did not, however, include certain important sums of money, not reckoned in the estate and already tied up in sacks in the vaults59 of the Capitol, which had been set aside as particular bequests60 to confederate kings, to senators and knights62, to his soldiers, and to the citizens of Rome. These amounted to two million more. There was also a sum set aside for the expenses of his funeral. Everyone was surprised at the smallness of the estate, and all sorts of ugly rumours63 went round until Augustus's accounts were produced and it was clear that there was no fraud on the part of the executors. The citizens were most discontented with their meagre bequests, and when a memorial play was exhibited in Augustus's honour at the public expense there was a riot in the theatre: the Senate had so stinted64 the grant that one of the actors in the play refused to appear for the fee offered him. Of the discontent in the Army I shall tell shortly. But first about Tiberius.
Augustus had made Tiberius his colleague and his heir but could not bequeath him the monarchy65, or not in so many words. He could only recommend him to the Senate, to whom all the powers he had exercised now reverted66. The Senate did not like Tiberius or wish him to be Emperor, but Germanicus, whom they would have chosen if they had been given the chance, was away. And Tiberius's claims could not be disregarded.
So nobody dared to mention any name but that of Tiberius, and there were no dissentients from the motion, introduced by the Consuls67, inviting him to take over Augustus's task where he had laid it down. He gave an evasive answer, emphasizing the immense responsibility that they were trying to put on him and his own unaspiring disposition68. He said that the God Augustus alone had been capable of this mighty69 charge, and that in his opinion it would be best to divide up Augustus's offices into three parts and so divide the responsibility.
Senators anxious to curry70 favour with him pleaded that the triumvirate, or three-men rule, had been tried more than once in the preceding century and that a monarchy had been found the only remedy for the resulting civil wars. A disgraceful scene followed. Senators pretended to weep and lament71, and embraced Tiberius's knees, imploring72 him to do as they asked. Tiberius, to cut this business short, said that he did not wish to shirk any charge laid upon him, but held by his assertion that he was not equal to the whole burden. He was no longer a young man: he was fifty-six years old, and his eyesight was not good. But he would undertake any particular part entrusted73 to him. All this was done so that nobody would be able to accuse him of seizing power too eagerly: and especially so that Germanicus and Postumus (wherever he happened to be) might be impressed by the strength of his position in the City. For he was afraid of Germanicus, whose popularity with the Army was infinitely74 greater than his own. He did not believe Germanicus capable of seizing the power for his own selfish ends but thought that if he knew of the sup Dressed will he might try to restore Postumus to his rightful inheritance and even to make him the third-Tiberius, Germanicus and Postumus-in a new triumvirate. Agrippina was devoted75 to Postumus, and Germanicus took her advice as consistently as Augustus had taken Livia's. If Germanicus marched on Rome the Senate would go out in a body to welcome him: Tiberius knew that. And, at the worst, by behaving modestly now he would be able to escape with his life and live in honourable retirement76.
The Senate realized that Tiberius really wanted what he was so modestly refusing and were about to renew their pleas when Gallus interposed in a practical voice: "Very well then, Tiberius, which part of the government do you want to be entrusted to you?"
Tiberius was confounded by this awkward and unforeseen question. He was silent for some time and at last said:
"The same man cannot both make the division and choose; and even if this were possible it would be immodest for me to choose or reject any particular branch of the administration when, as I have explained, I really want to be excused from the whole of it."
Gallus pressed his advantage: "The only possible division of the Empire would be: first, Rome and all Italy; second, the armies; and third, the provinces. Which of these would you choose?"
When Tiberius was silent Gallus continued: “Very well. I know there's no answer. That's why I asked the question. I wanted you to admit by your silence that it was nonsense to speak of splitting into three an administrative77 system that has been built up and centrally coordinated78 by a single individual. Either we must return to the republican form of government or we must continue with the monarchy. It is wasting the time of the House, which appears to have decided79 in favour of the monarchy, to go on talking about triumvirates. You have been offered the monarchy. Take it or leave it."
Another senator, a friend of Callus's, said: "As Protector of the People you have the power of vetoing the motion of the Consuls offering you the monarchy. If you really don't want it you should have used your veto half an hour ago."
So Tiberius was forced to beg the Senate's pardon and to say that the suddenness and unexpectedness of the honour had overcome him: he begged leave to consider his answer a little longer.
The Senate then adjourned80, and in succeeding sessions Tiberius gradually allowed himself to be voted, one by one, all Augustus's offices. But he never used the name Augustus, which had been bequeathed him, except when writing letters to foreign kings; and was careful to discourage any tendency to pay him divine honours. There was another explanation of this cautious behaviour of his, namely that Livia had boasted in public that he was receiving the monarchy as a gift from her hands. She made the boast not only to strengthen her position as Augustus's widow but to warn Tiberius that if her crimes ever came to light he would be regarded as her accomplice81, being the person who principally benefited from them. Naturally he wished to appear under no obligation to her but as having had the monarchy forced on him against his will by the Senate.
The Senate were profuse82 in their Hattery of Livia and wanted to confer many unheard-of honours on her. But Livia as a woman could not attend the debates in the Senate and was legally now under Tiberius's guardianship- he had become head of the Julian house. So having himself refused the title "Father of the Country" he had refused, on her behalf, the title "Mother of the Country" which had been offered her, on the ground that modesty83 would not allow her to accept it. Nevertheless, he was greatly afraid of Livia and at first wholly dependent on her for learning the inner secrets of the Imperial system. It was not merely a matter of understanding the routine. The criminal dossiers of every man of importance in the two Orders and of most of the important women, secret service reports of various sorts, Augustus's private correspondence with confederate kings and their relatives, copies of treasonable letters intercepted84 but duly forwarded-all these were in Livia's keeping and written in cipher85, and Tiberius could not read them without her help. But he also knew that she was extremely dependent on him. There was an understanding between them of guarded co-operation. She even thanked him for refusing the title offered her, saying that he had been right to do so; and in return he promised to have her voted whatever titles she wished as soon as their position seemed secure. As a proof of his good faith he put her own name alongside his own in all letters of State. As a proof of hers she gave him the key of the common cipher, though not that of the cipher extraordinary, the secret of which, she pretended, had died with Augustus. It was in the cipher extraordinary that the dossiers were written.
Now about Germanicus. When, at Lyons, he heard of Augustus's death and of the terms of his will, and of Tiberius's succession, he felt it his duty to stand loyally by the new regime. He was Tiberius's nephew and adopted son, and though there was not true affection between the two they had been able to work together without friction86 both at home and on campaign. He did not suspect Tiberius of complicity in the plot that had brought about Postumus's banishment87; and he knew nothing of the suppressed will, and further, he still believed Postumus to be on PIanasia-for Augustus had told nobody but Fabius either of the visit or of the substitution. He decided, however, to return to Rome as soon as he could and frankly88 discuss the case of Postumus with Tiberius. He would explain that Augustus had told him privately89 that he intended to restore Postumus to favour as soon as he had evidence of his innocence90 to offer the Senate; and that though death had prevented him from putting his intentions into execution, they should be respected. He would insist on Postumus's immediate91 recall, the restoration of his confiscated92 estates and his elevation93 to honourable office; and lastly on Livia's compulsory94 retirement from State affairs as having unjustly engineered his banishment. But before he could do anything in the matter news came from Mainz of an army mutiny on the Rhine, and then, as he was hurrying to put it down, news of Postumus's death. Postumus, it was reported, had been killed by the captain of the guard, who was under orders from Augustus not to let his grandson survive him. Germanicus was shocked and grieved that Postumus had been executed but had no leisure for the moment to think of anything but the mutiny. You may be sure, though, that it caused poor Claudius the greatest possible grief, for poor Claudius at this time never wanted for leisure. On the contrary poor Claudius was hard put to it often to find occupation for his mind. Nobody can write history for more than five or six hours a day, especially when there is little hope of anyone ever reading it. So I gave myself up to my misery95. How was I to know that it was Clement96 who had been killed, and that not only was the murder not ordered by Augustus but that Livia and Tiberius were also innocent of it?
For the man really responsible for Clement's murder was an old knight61 called Crispus, the owner of the Gardens of Sallust and a close friend of Augustus. At Rome, as soon as he heard of Augustus's death, he had not waited to consult Livia and Tiberius at Nola but immediately dispatched the warrant for Postumus's execution to the captain of the guard at PIanasia, attaching Tiberius's seal to it. Tiberius had entrusted him with this duplicate seal for the signing of some business papers which he had not been able to deal with before being sent to the Balkans. Crispus knew that Tiberius would be angry or pretend to be angry, but explained to Livia, whose protection he at once claimed, that he had put Fostumus out of the way on learning of a plot among some of the Guards officers to send a ship to rescue Julia and Postumus and carry them off to the regiments97 at Cologne; there Germanicus and Agrippina could hardly fail to welcome and shelter them and the officers would then force Germanicus and Postumus to march on Rome. Tiberius was furious that his name had been used in this way, but Livia made the best of things and pretended that it really was Postumus who had been killed. Crispus was not prosecuted98 and the Senate was unofficially informed that Postumus had died by the orders of his deified grandfather who had wisely foreseen that the savage-tempered young man would attempt to usurp99 supreme100 power as soon as news came of his grandfather's death; as indeed he had done. Crispus's motive101 in having Postumus murdered was not a wish to curry favour with Tiberius and Uvia or to prevent civil war. He was revenging an insult. For Crispus, who was as lazy as he was rich, had once boasted that he had never stood for office, content to be a simple Roman knight. Postumus had replied: "A simple Roman knight, Crispus? Then you had better take a few simple Roman riding-lessons."
Tiberius had not yet heard of the mutiny. He wrote Germanicus a friendly letter condoling102 with him on the loss of Augustus and saying that Rome now looked to him and his adoptive brother Castor for the defence of the frontiers, himself being now too old for foreign service and required by the Senate to manage affairs at Rome. Writing of Postumus's death, he said that he deplored103 its violence but could not question the wisdom of Augustus in the matter. He did not mention Crispus. Germanicus could only conclude that Augustus had once more changed his mind about Postumus on the strength of some information of which he himself knew nothing; and was content for awhile to let the matter rest there.
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accustom
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| vt.使适应，使习惯 | |
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unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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portent
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| n.预兆；恶兆；怪事 | |
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mere
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blotted
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| 涂污( blot的过去式和过去分词 )； （用吸墨纸）吸干 | |
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interpretation
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sufficiently
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conclusive
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omen
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provincials
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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distinguished
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sanity
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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corpse
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descending
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ascending
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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ascended
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resounding
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triumphantly
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disappearance
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veracious
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eloquent
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oration
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repudiated
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forth
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repudiating
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perfectly
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shrines
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rites
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initiation
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ascent
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concealed
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symbolic
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impatience
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rambling
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inviting
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heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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reverenced
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| v.尊敬，崇敬( reverence的过去式和过去分词 )；敬礼 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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outright
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| adv.坦率地；彻底地；立即；adj.无疑的；彻底的 | |
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virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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48
prominence
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| n.突出；显著；杰出；重要 | |
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49
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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decrepit
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| adj.衰老的，破旧的 | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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52
bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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53
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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54
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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interred
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| v.埋，葬( inter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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parsimonious
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| adj.吝啬的，质量低劣的 | |
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57
doles
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| 救济物( dole的名词复数 )； 失业救济金 | |
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bequest
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| n.遗赠；遗产，遗物 | |
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vaults
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| n.拱顶( vault的名词复数 )；地下室；撑物跳高；墓穴 | |
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bequests
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| n.遗赠( bequest的名词复数 )；遗产，遗赠物 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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stinted
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| v.限制，节省（stint的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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curry
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| n.咖哩粉，咖哩饭菜；v.用咖哩粉调味，用马栉梳，制革 | |
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lament
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| n.悲叹，悔恨，恸哭；v.哀悼，悔恨，悲叹 | |
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imploring
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| 恳求的，哀求的 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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administrative
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| adj.行政的，管理的 | |
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coordinated
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| adj.协调的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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accomplice
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| n.从犯，帮凶，同谋 | |
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82
profuse
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| adj.很多的，大量的，极其丰富的 | |
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modesty
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| n.谦逊，虚心，端庄，稳重，羞怯，朴素 | |
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intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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85
cipher
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| n.零；无影响力的人；密码 | |
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86
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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87
banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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89
privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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92
confiscated
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| 没收，充公( confiscate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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compulsory
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| n.强制的，必修的；规定的，义务的 | |
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95
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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96
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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97
regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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98
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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99
usurp
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| vt.篡夺，霸占；vi.篡位 | |
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100
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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101
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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102
condoling
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| v.表示同情，吊唁( condole的现在分词 ) | |
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103
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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