(AUGUST-DECEMBER, 1917)
WHAT reasons had the Council of Ministers for transporting the Imperial family to Tobolsk?
It is difficult to say definitely. When Kerensky told the Czar of the proposed transfer he explained the necessity by saying that the Provisional Government had resolved to take energetic measures against the Bolsheviks; this would result in a period of disturbance2 and armed conflict of which the Imperial family might be the first victims; it was therefore his duty to put them out of danger. It has been claimed in other quarters that it was an act of weakness in face of the Extremists, who, uneasy at seeing in the army the beginnings of a movement in favour of the Czar, demanded his exile to Siberia. However this may be, the journey of the Imperial family from Tsarsko?e-Selo to Tobolsk was effected under comfortable conditions and without any noteworthy incidents.
Leaving on August 14th at 6 a.m., we reached Tioumen—the nearest railway station to Tobolsk—on the evening of the 17th, and a few hours later boarded the Rouss.
On the following day we passed the native village of Rasputin, and the family, gathered on the deck, were able to observe the house of the staretz, which stood out clearly from among the isbas. There was nothing to surprise them in this{240} event, for Rasputin had foretold3 that it would be so, and chance once more seemed to confirm his prophetic words.
On the 19th, towards the end of the afternoon, we suddenly saw at a bend in the river the crenellated silhouette4 of the Kremlin, which dominates Tobolsk, and an hour later we reached our destination.
The house which was to receive us not being ready, we were forced to remain for some days on the boat which had brought us, and it was not until August 26th that we moved into our new quarters.
The family occupied the whole of the first floor of the Governor’s house, a spacious5 and comfortable building. The suite6 lived in Korniloff’s house, belonging to a rich merchant of Tobolsk, and situated7 on the other side of the road almost facing ours. The guard was formed by soldiers of the former rifle regiments8 of the Imperial family who had come with us from Tsarsko?e-Selo. They were under the orders of Colonel Kobylinsky, a generous man who had become sincerely attached to those in his charge; he did all he could to ameliorate their lot.
At first the conditions of our captivity were very similar to those at Tsarko?e-Selo. We had all that was necessary. The Czar and children nevertheless suffered from lack of space. Their exercise was confined to a very small kitchen garden and a yard which had been formed by enclosing with a fence a broad and little-frequented street running along the south-east side of the house in which they lived. It was very little, and they were exposed to the observation of the soldiers, whose barracks overlooked the whole of the space reserved for us. On the other hand, the members of the suite and servants were freer than at Tsarsko?e-Selo, at any rate to begin with, and
[Image unavailable.]
GRAND-DUCHESS TATIANA SITTING AT THE FURTHEST POINT THE PRISONERS WERE ALLOWED TO GO IN THE PARK OF TSARSKO?E-SELO.
[Image unavailable.]
ALEXIS NICOLA?EVITCH JOINS HIS SISTER, THE GRAND-DUCHESS TATIANA.
[Facing page 240.{241}
In September Commissary Pankratof arrived at Tobolsk, having been sent by Kerensky. He was accompanied by his deputy, Nikolsky—like himself, an old political exile. Pankratof was quite a well-informed man, of gentle character, the typical enlightened fanatic11. He made a good impression on the Czar and subsequently became attached to the children. But Nikolsky was a low type, whose conduct was most brutal12. Narrow and stubborn, he applied13 his whole mind to the daily invention of fresh annoyances15. Immediately after his arrival he demanded of Colonel Kobylinsky that we should be forced to have our photographs taken. When the latter objected that this was superfluous16, since all the soldiers knew us—they were the same as had guarded us at Tsarsko?e-Selo—he replied: “It was forced on us in the old days, now it’s their turn.” It had to be done, and henceforward we had to carry our identity cards with a photograph and identity number.
The religious services were at first held in the house, in the large hall on the first floor. The priest of the Church of the Annunciation, his deacon, and four nuns17 from the Yvanovsky Convent, were authorised to attend the services. As, however, there was no consecrated18 altar, it was impossible to celebrate Mass. This was a great privation for the family. Finally, on September 21st, the festival of the Nativity of the Virgin19, the prisoners were allowed for the first time to go to the church. This pleased them greatly, but the consolation20 was only to be repeated very rarely. On these occasions we rose very early and, when everyone had collected in the yard, went out through a little gate leading on to the public garden, which we crossed between two lines of soldiers. We always attended the first Mass of the morning, and were almost alone in the{242} church, which was dimly lighted by a few candles; the public was rigorously excluded. While going and returning I have often seen people cross themselves or fall on their knees as Their Majesties21 passed. On the whole, the inhabitants of Tobolsk were still very attached to the Imperial family, and our guards had repeatedly to intervene to prevent them standing22 under the windows or removing their hats and crossing themselves as they passed the house.
Meanwhile our life gradually settled down along definite lines, and by mobilising all our resources we managed to resume the education of the Czarevitch and two youngest Grand-Duchesses. The lessons began at nine o’clock, and were broken off from eleven to twelve for a walk, which was always shared by the Czar. As there was no schoolroom, the lessons were given sometimes in the large hall on the first floor, sometimes in Alexis Nicola?evitch’s room or mine. I lived on the ground floor in what had been the Governor’s study. At one o’clock we all assembled for lunch. The Czarina, when she was not well, often took her meals in her own apartments with Alexis Nicola?evitch. About two o’clock we used to go out again and walk about or play until four.
The Czar was suffering a great deal from lack of physical exercise. Colonel Kobylinsky, to whom he complained of this, had beech-trunks brought and bought some saws and axes, and we were able to cut the wood we required for the kitchen and stoves. This was one of our great outdoor distractions23 during our captivity at Tobolsk, even the Grand-Duchesses becoming very keen on this new pastime.
After tea, lessons were resumed until about half-past six. Dinner was an hour later, after which we went up to the large hall for coffee. We had all been invited to spend the evening{243} with the family, and this soon became a regular habit for several of us. Games were organised and ingenuity24 shown in finding amusements to break the monotony of our captivity. When it began to get very cold, and the large hall became impossible, we took refuge in the adjoining room, which was Their Majesties’ drawing-room, the only really comfortable apartment in the house. The Czar would often read aloud while the Grand-Duchesses did needlework or played with us. The Czarina regularly played one or two games of bezique with General Tatichtchef and then took up her work or reclined in her arm-chair. In this atmosphere of family peace we passed the long winter evenings, lost in the immensity of distant Siberia.
One of the greatest privations during our captivity at Tobolsk was the almost complete absence of news. Letters only reached us very irregularly and after long delay. As for newspapers, we were reduced to a nasty local rag printed on packing paper, which only gave us telegrams several days old and generally distorted and cut down.
The Czar eagerly followed the development of events in Russia. He realised that the country was rushing towards ruin. He had a moment of fresh hope when General Kornilof offered Kerensky to march on Petrograd to put an end to the Bolshevik agitation25, which was becoming more and more menacing. His disappointment was very great when the Provisional Government rejected this final chance of salvation26. He saw in this the only means that remained perhaps of avoiding the imminent27 catastrophe28. I then for the first time heard the Czar regret his abdication29. He had made this decision in the hope that those who had wished to get rid of him would be capable of making a success of the war and saving Russia. He had feared that resistance on his part might give rise to a{244} civil war in the presence of the enemy, and had been unwilling30 that the blood of a single Russian should be shed for him. But had not his departure been almost immediately followed by the appearance of Lenin and his acolytes31, the paid agents of Germany, whose criminal propaganda had destroyed the army and corrupted32 the country? It now gave him pain to see that his renunciation had been in vain, and that by his departure in the interests of his country he had in reality done her an ill turn. This idea was to haunt him more and more, and finally gave rise to grave moral anxiety.
About November 15th we learnt that the Provisional Government was overthrown33 and that the Bolsheviks had again come into power. But this event did not immediately react on our life, and it was not until some months later, as we shall see, that it occurred to them to turn their attention to us.
The weeks passed and the news which reached us grew worse and worse. It was, however, very difficult for us to follow events and grasp their purport34, for the information at our disposal did not allow us to understand the causes or calculate the consequences; we were, so far, so isolated35 from the entire world. And even if we succeeded in getting a rough knowledge of what was happening in Russia, the rest of Europe was almost a closed book.
Meanwhile the Bolshevik doctrines36 had begun their destructive work in the detachment which was guarding us and which hitherto had been fairly proof against them. It was composed of very varied37 elements: the men of the 1st and 4th Regiments were for the most part favourably38 disposed towards the Imperial family, and especially towards the children. The Grand-Duchesses, with that simplicity39 which{245} was their charm, loved to talk to these men, who seemed to them to be linked with the past in the same way as themselves. They questioned them about their families, their villages, or the battles in which they had taken part in the great war. Alexis Nicola?evitch, who to them was still “the Heir,” had also won their hearts, and they took trouble to please him and find amusements for him. One section of the 4th Regiment9, composed almost exclusively of the older classes, was particularly conspicuous40 in its attachment41, and it was always a delight to the family to see these good fellows come back on duty. On these days the Czar and children used to go secretly to the guardhouse and converse42 or play draughts43 with the men, whose conduct was never in a single instance anything but strictly44 correct. Here they were once surprised by Commissary Pankratof, who stood astounded45 on the doorstep, looking through his spectacles at this unexpected sight. The Czar, seeing his disconcerted appearance, motioned to him to come and sit at the table. But the Commissary evidently thought he was out of place; muttering a few unintelligible46 words, he turned on his heel and fled, discomfited47.
Pankratof, as I have said, was a fanatic imbued48 with humanitarian49 principles; he was not a bad fellow. Immediately after his arrival he had organised classes for the soldiers to initiate50 them in Liberal doctrines, and did all he could to develop their patriotism51 and citizenship52. But his efforts recoiled53 upon himself. A convinced adversary54 of the Bolsheviks, he was in reality merely preparing the ground for them and, without realising it, helping55 towards the success of their ideas. As will be seen, he was destined56 to be the first victim.
The men of the 2nd Regiment had from the outset been{246} distinguished57 by revolutionary sentiments; at Tsarsko?e-Selo they had already been the cause of a good deal of annoyance14 to their prisoners. The Bolshevik coup58 d’état increased their authority and audacity59; they had managed to form a “Soldiers’ Committee,” which tended further to restrict our régime and gradually to substitute its authority for that of Colonel Kobylinsky. We had proof of its ill-will on the occasion of Baroness60 Buxh?veden’s arrival (the end of December O.S.). She had shared our captivity at Tsarsko?e-Selo, and it was only the state of her health that had prevented her from leaving with us. She had no sooner recovered than she came, with Kerensky’s permission, to rejoin the Czarina. The Soldiers’ Committee flatly refused to let her enter the house, and she had to find accommodation in the town. This was a great grief to the Czarina and the whole family, who had been looking forward very impatiently to her arrival.
Thus we reached Christmas.
The Czarina and Grand-Duchesses had for many weeks been preparing with their own hands a present for each of us and each of the servants. Her Majesty61 distributed some woollen waistcoats which she had knitted herself. With such touching62 thoughtfulness as this she tried to show her gratitude63 to those who had remained faithful.
On December 24th the priest came to the house for Vespers; everyone then assembled in the large hall, and the children were full of delight at the “surprise” prepared for us. We now felt part of one large family; we did our best to forget the preoccupations and distresses64 of the time in order to enjoy to the full and in complete unity65 these moments of peaceful intimacy66.
The next day, Christmas Day, we went to church. By the
[Image unavailable.]
AT TOBOLSK, WHERE THEY WERE INTERNED67 FROM SEPTEMBER, 1917, TO APRIL, 1918. THE CZAR AND HIS CHILDREN ENJOY THE SIBERIAN SUNSHINE ON THE ROOF OF A GREENHOUSE.
From left to right: The Grand-Duchesses Olga and Anastasie, the Czar and the Czarevitch, the Grand-Duchess Tatiana, the Grand-Duchess Marie (standing). The Czarina was confined to her room, indisposed.
[Facing page 246.{247}
orders of the priest the deacon intoned the Mnogoletié (the prayer for the long life of the Imperial family). This was an imprudence which was bound to bring reprisals68. The soldiers, with threats of death, demanded that the prayer should be revoked69. This incident marred70 the pleasant memories which this day should have left in our minds. It also brought us fresh annoyances and the supervision71 became still stricter.
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1
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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3
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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4
silhouette
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| n.黑色半身侧面影，影子，轮廓；v.描绘成侧面影，照出影子来，仅仅显出轮廓 | |
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5
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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10
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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11
fanatic
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| n.狂热者，入迷者；adj.狂热入迷的 | |
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12
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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13
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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14
annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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annoyances
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| n.恼怒( annoyance的名词复数 )；烦恼；打扰；使人烦恼的事 | |
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superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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nuns
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| n.（通常指基督教的）修女， （佛教的）尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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consolation
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| n.安慰，慰问 | |
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majesties
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| n.雄伟( majesty的名词复数 )；庄严；陛下；王权 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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distractions
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| n.使人分心的事[人]( distraction的名词复数 )；娱乐，消遣；心烦意乱；精神错乱 | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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salvation
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| n.（尤指基督）救世，超度，拯救，解困 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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acolytes
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| n.助手( acolyte的名词复数 )；随从；新手；（天主教）侍祭 | |
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corrupted
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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draughts
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| n. <英>国际跳棋 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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45
astounded
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| v.使震惊(astound的过去式和过去分词)；愕然；愕；惊讶 | |
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unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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discomfited
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| v.使为难( discomfit的过去式和过去分词)；使狼狈；使挫折；挫败 | |
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imbued
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| v.使（某人/某事）充满或激起（感情等）( imbue的过去式和过去分词 )；使充满；灌输；激发（强烈感情或品质等） | |
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49
humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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50
initiate
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| vt.开始，创始，发动；启蒙，使入门；引入 | |
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51
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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citizenship
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| n.市民权，公民权，国民的义务(身份) | |
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53
recoiled
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| v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 )；退缩；报应；返回 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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coup
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| n.政变；突然而成功的行动 | |
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audacity
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| n.大胆，卤莽，无礼 | |
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baroness
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| n.男爵夫人，女男爵 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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distresses
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| n.悲痛( distress的名词复数 )；痛苦；贫困；危险 | |
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unity
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| n.团结，联合，统一；和睦，协调 | |
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intimacy
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| n.熟悉，亲密，密切关系，亲昵的言行 | |
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interned
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| v.拘留，关押( intern的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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69
revoked
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| adj.[法]取消的v.撤销，取消，废除( revoke的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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marred
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| adj. 被损毁, 污损的 | |
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supervision
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| n.监督，管理 | |
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