As long as several men in assembly regard themselves as a single body, they have only a single will which is concerned with their common preservation1 and general well-being2. In this case, all the springs of the State are vigorous and simple and its rules clear and luminous3; there are no embroilments or conflicts of interests; the common good is everywhere clearly apparent, and only good sense is needed to perceive it. Peace, unity4 and equality are the enemies of political subtleties5. Men who are upright and simple are difficult to deceive because of their simplicity6; lures7 and ingenious pretexts8 fail to impose upon them, and they are not even subtle enough to be dupes. When, among the happiest people in the world, bands of peasants are seen regulating affairs of State under an oak, and always acting9 wisely, can we help scorning the ingenious methods of other nations, which make themselves illustrious and wretched with so much art and mystery?
A State so governed needs very few laws; and, as it becomes necessary to issue new ones, the necessity is universally seen. The first man to propose them merely says what all have already felt, and there is no question of factions10 or intrigues11 or eloquence12 in order to secure the passage into law of what every one has already decided13 to do, as soon as he is sure that the rest will act with him.
Theorists are led into error because, seeing only States that have been from the beginning wrongly constituted, they are struck by the impossibility of applying such a policy to them. They make great game of all the absurdities14 a clever rascal15 or an insinuating16 speaker might get the people of Paris or London to believe. They do not know that Cromwell would have been put to "the bells" by the people of Berne, and the Due de Beaufort on the treadmill17 by the Genevese.
But when the social bond begins to be relaxed and the State to grow weak, when particular interests begin to make themselves felt and the smaller societies to exercise an influence over the larger, the common interest changes and finds opponents: opinion is no longer unanimous; the general will ceases to be the will of all; contradictory18 views and debates arise; and the best advice is not taken without question.
Finally, when the State, on the eve of ruin, maintains only a vain, illusory and formal existence, when in every heart the social bond is broken, and the meanest interest brazenly19 lays hold of the sacred name of "public good," the general will becomes mute: all men, guided by secret motives20, no more give their views as citizens than if the State had never been; and iniquitous21 decrees directed solely22 to private interest get passed under the name of laws.
Does it follow from this that the general will is exterminated23 or corrupted24? Not at all: it is always constant, unalterable and pure; but it is subordinated to other wills which encroach upon its sphere. Each man, in detaching, his interest from the common interest, sees clearly that he cannot entirely25 separate them; but his share in the public mishaps26 seems to him negligible beside the exclusive good he aims at making his own. Apart from this particular good, he wills the general good in his own interest, as strongly as any one else. Even in selling his vote for money, he does not extinguish in himself the general will, but only eludes27 it. The fault he commits is that of changing the state of the question, and answering something different from what he is asked. Instead of saying, by his vote, "It is to the advantage of the State," he says, "It is of advantage to this or that man or party that this or that view should prevail." Thus the law of public order in assemblies is not so much to maintain in them the general will as to secure that the question be always put to it, and the answer always given by it.
I could here set down many reflections on the simple right of voting in every act of Sovereignty—a right which no-one can take from the citizens—and also on the right of stating views, making proposals, dividing and discussing, which the government is always most careful to leave solely to its members; but this important subject would need a treatise28 to itself, and it is impossible to say everything in a single work.
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1 preservation | |
n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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2 well-being | |
n.安康,安乐,幸福 | |
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3 luminous | |
adj.发光的,发亮的;光明的;明白易懂的;有启发的 | |
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4 unity | |
n.团结,联合,统一;和睦,协调 | |
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5 subtleties | |
细微( subtlety的名词复数 ); 精细; 巧妙; 细微的差别等 | |
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6 simplicity | |
n.简单,简易;朴素;直率,单纯 | |
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7 lures | |
吸引力,魅力(lure的复数形式) | |
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8 pretexts | |
n.借口,托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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9 acting | |
n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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10 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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11 intrigues | |
n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 );神秘气氛;引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 );激起…的好奇心 | |
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12 eloquence | |
n.雄辩;口才,修辞 | |
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13 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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14 absurdities | |
n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 );荒谬;谬论;荒谬的行为 | |
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15 rascal | |
n.流氓;不诚实的人 | |
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16 insinuating | |
adj.曲意巴结的,暗示的v.暗示( insinuate的现在分词 );巧妙或迂回地潜入;(使)缓慢进入;慢慢伸入 | |
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17 treadmill | |
n.踏车;单调的工作 | |
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18 contradictory | |
adj.反驳的,反对的,抗辩的;n.正反对,矛盾对立 | |
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19 brazenly | |
adv.厚颜无耻地;厚脸皮地肆无忌惮地 | |
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20 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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21 iniquitous | |
adj.不公正的;邪恶的;高得出奇的 | |
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22 solely | |
adv.仅仅,唯一地 | |
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23 exterminated | |
v.消灭,根绝( exterminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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24 corrupted | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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25 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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26 mishaps | |
n.轻微的事故,小的意外( mishap的名词复数 ) | |
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27 eludes | |
v.(尤指机敏地)避开( elude的第三人称单数 );逃避;躲避;使达不到 | |
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28 treatise | |
n.专著;(专题)论文 | |
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