We have frequently observed elsewhere, how rash and injudicious it is to controvert1 with any nation, such as the Chinese, its authentic2 pretensions3. There is no house in Europe, the antiquity4 of which is so well proved as that of the Empire of China. Let us figure to ourselves a learned Maronite of Mount Athos questioning the nobility of the Morozini, the Tiepolo, and other ancient houses of Venice; of the princes of Germany, of the Montmorencys, the Chatillons, or the Talleyrands, of France, under the pretence5 that they are not mentioned in St. Thomas, or St. Bonaventure. We must impeach6 either his sense or his sincerity7.
Many of the learned of our northern climes have felt confounded at the antiquity claimed by the Chinese. The question, however, is not one of learning. Leaving all the Chinese literati, all the mandarins, all the emperors, to acknowledge Fo-hi as one of the first who gave laws to China, about two thousand five hundred years before our vulgar era; admit that there must be people before there are kings. Allow that a long period of time is necessary before a numerous people, having discovered the necessary arts of life, unite in the choice of a common governor. But if you do not make these admissions, it is not of the slightest consequence. Whether you agree with us or not, we shall always believe that two and two make four.
In a western province, formerly8 called Celtica, the love of singularity and paradox9 has been carried so far as to induce some to assert that the Chinese were only an Egyptian, or rather perhaps a Ph?nician colony. It was attempted to prove, in the same way as a thousand other things have been proved, that a king of Egypt, called Menes by the Greeks, was the Chinese King Yu; and that Atoes was Ki, by the change of certain letters. In addition to which, the following is a specimen10 of the reasoning applied11 to the subject:
The Egyptians sometimes lighted torches at night. The Chinese light lanterns: the Chinese are, therefore, evidently a colony from Egypt. The Jesuit Parennin who had, at the time, resided five and twenty years in China, and was master both of its language and its sciences, has rejected all these fancies with a happy mixture of elegance12 and sarcasm13. All the missionaries14, and all the Chinese, on receiving the intelligence that a country in the extremity15 of the west was developing a new formation of the Chinese Empire, treated it with a contemptuous ridicule16. Father Parennin replied with somewhat more seriousness: “Your Egyptians,” said he, “when going to people China, must evidently have passed through India.” Was India at that time peopled or not? If it was, would it permit a foreign army to pass through it? If it was not, would not the Egyptians have stopped in India? Would they have continued their journey through barren deserts, and over almost impracticable mountains, till they reached China, in order to form colonies there, when they might so easily have established them on the fertile banks of the Indus or the Ganges?
The compilers of a universal history, printed in England, have also shown a disposition18 to divest19 the Chinese of their antiquity, because the Jesuits were the first who made the world acquainted with China. This is unquestionably a very satisfactory reason for saying to a whole nation —“You are liars20.”
It appears to me a very important reflection, which may be made on the testimony21 given by Confucius, to the antiquity of his nation; and which is, that Confucius had no interest in falsehood: he did not pretend to be a prophet; he claimed no inspiration; he taught no new religion; he used no delusions22; flattered not the emperor under whom he lived: he did not even mention him. In short, he is the only founder23 of institutions among mankind who was not followed by a train of women.
I knew a philosopher who had no other portrait than that of Confucius in his study. At the bottom of it were written the following lines:
Without assumption he explored the mind,
Unveiled the light of reason to mankind;
Spoke24 as a sage25, and never as a seer,
Yet, strange to say, his country held him dear.
I have read his books with attention; I have made extracts from them; I have found in them nothing but the purest morality, without the slightest tinge26 of charlatanism27. He lived six hundred years before our vulgar era. His works were commented on by the most learned men of the nation. If he had falsified, if he had introduced a false chronology, if he had written of emperors who never existed, would not some one have been found, in a learned nation, who would have reformed his chronology? One Chinese only has chosen to contradict him, and he met with universal execration28.
Were it worth our while, we might here compare the great wall of China with the monuments of other nations, which have never even approached it; and remark, that, in comparison with this extensive work, the pyramids of Egypt are only puerile29 and useless masses. We might dwell on the thirty-two eclipses calculated in the ancient chronology of China, twenty-eight of which have been verified by the mathematicians31 of Europe. We might show, that the respect entertained by the Chinese for their ancestors is an evidence that such ancestors have existed; and repeat the observation, so often made, that this reverential respect has in so small degree impeded32, among this people, the progress of natural philosophy, geometry, and astronomy.
It is sufficiently33 known, that they are, at the present day, what we all were three hundred years ago, very ignorant reasoners. The most learned Chinese is like one of the learned of Europe in the fifteenth century, in possession of his Aristotle. But it is possible to be a very bad natural philosopher, and at the same time an excellent moralist. It is, in fact, in morality, in political economy, in agriculture, in the necessary arts of life, that the Chinese have made such advances towards perfection. All the rest they have been taught by us: in these we might well submit to become their disciples34.
Of the Expulsion of the Missionaries from China.
Humanly speaking, independently of the service which the Jesuits might confer on the Christian35 religion, are they not to be regarded as an ill-fated class of men, in having travelled from so remote a distance to introduce trouble and discord36 into one of the most extended and best-governed kingdoms of the world? And does not their conduct involve a dreadful abuse of the liberality and indulgence shown by the Orientals, more particularly after the torrents37 of blood shed, through their means, in the empire of Japan? A scene of horror, to prevent the consequence of which the government believed it absolutely indispensable to shut their ports against all foreigners.
The Jesuits had obtained permission of the emperor of China, Cam-hi, to teach the Catholic religion. They made use of it, to instil38 into the small portion of the people under their direction, that it was incumbent39 on them to serve no other master than him who was the vicegerent of God on earth, and who dwelt in Italy on the banks of a small river called the Tiber; that every other religious opinion, every other worship, was an abomination in the sight of God, and whoever did not believe the Jesuits would be punished by Him to all eternity40; that their emperor and benefactor41, Cam-hi, who could not even pronounce the name of Christ, as the Chinese language possesses not the letter “r,” would suffer eternal damnation; that the Emperor Youtchin would experience, without mercy, the same fate; that all the ancestors, both of Chinese and Tartars, would incur42 a similar penalty; that their descendants would undergo it also, as well as the rest of the world; and that the reverend fathers, the Jesuits, felt a sincere and paternal43 commiseration44 for the damnation of so many souls.
They, at length, succeeded in making converts of three princes of the Tartar race. In the meantime, the Emperor Cam-hi died, towards the close of the year 1722. He bequeathed the empire to his fourth son, who has been so celebrated45 through the whole world for the justice and the wisdom of his government, for the affection entertained for him by his subjects, and for the expulsion of the Jesuits.
They began by baptizing the three princes, and many persons of their household. These neophytes had the misfortune to displease46 the emperor on some points which merely respected military duty. About this very period the indignation of the whole empire against the missionaries broke out into a flame. All the governors of provinces, all the Colaos, presented memorials against them. The accusations47 against them were urged so far that the three princes, who had become disciples of the Jesuits, were put into irons.
It is clear that they were not treated with this severity simply for having been baptized, since the Jesuits themselves acknowledge in their letters, that they experienced no violence, and that they were even admitted to an audience of the emperor, who honored them with some presents. It is evident, therefore, that the Emperor Youtchin was no persecutor48; and, if the princes were confined in a prison on the borders of Tartary, while those who had converted them were treated so liberally, it is a decided49 proof that they were state prisoners, and not martyrs50.
The emperor, soon after this, yielded to the supplications of all his people. They petitioned that the Jesuits might be sent away, as their abolition51 has been since prayed for in France and other countries. All the tribunals of China urged their being immediately sent to Macao, which is considered as a place without the limits of the empire, and the possession of which has always been left to the Portuguese52, with a Chinese garrison53.
Youtchin had the humanity to consult the tribunals and governors, whether any danger could result from conveying all the Jesuits to the province of Canton. While awaiting the reply, he ordered three of them to be introduced to his presence, and addressed them in the following words, which Father Parennin, with great ingenuousness54, records: “Your Europeans, in the province of Fo-Kien, intended to abolish our laws, and disturbed our people. The tribunals have denounced them before me. It is my positive duty to provide against such disorders55: the good of the empire requires it. . . . . What would you say were I to send over to your country a company of bonzes and lamas to preach their law? How would you receive them? . . . . If you deceived my father, hope not also to deceive me. . . . . You wish to make the Chinese Christians56: your law, I well know, requires this of you. But in case you should succeed, what should we become? the subjects of your kings. Christians believe none but you: in a time of confusion they would listen to no voice but yours. I know that, at present, there is nothing to fear; but on the arrival of a thousand, or perhaps ten thousand vessels57, great disturbances58 might ensue.
“China, on the north, joins the kingdom of Russia, which is by no means contemptible60; to the south it has the Europeans, and their kingdoms, which are still more considerable; and to the west, the princes of Tartary, with whom we have been at war eight years. . . . . Laurence Lange, companion of Prince Ismailoff, ambassador from the czar, requested that the Russians might have permission to establish factories in each of the provinces. The permission was confined to Pekin, and within the limits of Calcas. In like manner I permit you to remain here and at Canton as long as you avoid giving any cause of complaint. Should you give any, I will not suffer you to remain either here or at Canton.”
In the other provinces their houses and churches were levelled to the ground. At length the clamor against them redoubled. The charges most strenuously61 insisted upon against them were, that they weakened the respect of children for their parents, by not paying the honors due to ancestors; that they indecently brought together young men and women in retired62 places, which they called churches; that they made girls kneel before them, and enclosed them with their legs, and conversed63 with them, while in this posture64, in undertones. To Chinese delicacy65, nothing appeared more revolting than this. Their emperor, Youtchin, even condescended66 to inform the Jesuits of this fact; after which he sent away the greater part of the missionaries to Macao, but with all that polite attention which perhaps the Chinese alone are capable of displaying.
Some Jesuits, possessed68 of mathematical science, were retained at Pekin; and among others, that same Parennin whom we have mentioned; and who, being a perfect master both of the Chinese and of the Tartar language, had been frequently employed as an interpreter. Many of the Jesuits concealed69 themselves in the distant provinces; others even in Canton itself; and the affair was connived70 at.
At length, after the death of the Emperor Youtchin, his son and successor, Kien-Lung, completed the satisfaction of the nation by compelling all the missionaries who were in concealment71 throughout his empire to remove to Macao: a solemn edict prevented them from ever returning. If any appear, they are civilly requested to carry their talents somewhere else. There is nothing of severity, nothing of persecution72. I have been told that, in 1760, a Jesuit having gone from Rome to Canton, and been informed against by a Dutch factor, the Colao governor of Canton had him sent away, presenting him at the same time with a piece of silk, some provisions, and money.
Of the pretended Atheism73 of China.
The charge of Atheism, alleged74 by our theologians of the west, against the Chinese government at the other end of the world, has been frequently examined, and is, it must be admitted, the meanest excess of our follies75 and pedantic76 inconsistencies. It was sometimes pretended, in one of our learned faculties77, that the Chinese tribunals or parliaments were idolatrous; sometimes that they acknowledged no divinity whatever: and these reasoners occasionally pushed their logic78 so far as to maintain that the Chinese were, at the same time, atheists and idolaters.
In the month of October, 1700, the Sorbonne declared every proposition which maintained that the emperor and the Colaos believed in God to be heretical. Bulky volumes were composed in order to demonstrate, conformably to the system of theological demonstration80, that the Chinese adored nothing but the material heaven.
Nil81 praeter nubes et coeli numen adorant.
They worship clouds and firmament82 alone.
But if they did adore the material heaven, that was their God. They resembled the Persians, who are said to have adored the sun: they resembled the ancient Arabians, who adored the stars: they were neither worshippers of idols83 nor atheists. But a learned doctor, when it is an object to denounce from his tripod any proposition as heretical or obnoxious84, does not distinguish with much clearness.
Those contemptible creatures who, in 1700, created such a disturbance59 about the material heaven of the Chinese, did not know that, in 1689, the Chinese, having made peace with the Russians at Nicptchou, which divides the two empires, erected85, in September of the same year, a marble monument, on which the following memorable86 words were engraved87 in the Chinese and Latin languages:
“Should any ever determine to rekindle88 the flames of war, we pray the sovereign reign17 of all things, who knows the heart, to punish their perfidy,” etc.
A very small portion of modern history is sufficient to put an end to these ridiculous disputes: but those who believe that the duty of man consists in writing commentaries on St. Thomas, or Scotus, cannot condescend67 to inform themselves of what is going on among the great empires of the world.
§ II.
We travel to China to obtain clay for porcelain89, as if we had none ourselves; stuffs, as if we were destitute90 of stuffs; and a small herb to be infused in water, as if we had no simples in our own countries. In return for these benefits, we are desirous of converting the Chinese. It is a very commendable91 zeal92; but we must avoid controverting93 their antiquity, and also calling them idolaters. Should we think it well of a capuchin, if, after having been hospitably94 entertained at the chateau95 of the Montmorencys, he endeavored to persuade them that they were new nobility, like the king’s secretaries; or accused them of idolatry, because he found two or three statues of constables96, for whom they cherished the most profound respect?
The celebrated Wolf, professor of mathematics in the university of Halle, once delivered an excellent discourse97 in praise of the Chinese philosophy. He praised that ancient species of the human race, differing, as it does, in respect to the beard, the eyes, the nose, the ears, and even the reasoning powers themselves; he praised the Chinese, I say, for their adoration98 of a supreme99 God, and their love of virtue100. He did that justice to the emperors of China, to the tribunals, and to the literati. The justice done to the bonzes was of a different kind.
It is necessary to observe, that this Professor Wolf had attracted around him a thousand pupils of all nations. In the same university there was also a professor of theology, who attracted no one. This man, maddened at the thought of freezing to death in his own deserted101 hall, formed the design, which undoubtedly102 was only right and reasonable, of destroying the mathematical professor. He scrupled103 not, according to the practice of persons like himself, to accuse him of not believing in God.
Some European writers, who had never been in China, had pretended that the government of Pekin was atheistical104. Wolf had praised the philosophers of Pekin; therefore Wolf was an atheist79. Envy and hatred105 seldom construct the best syllogisms. This argument of Lange, supported by a party and by a protector, was considered conclusive106 by the sovereign of the country, who despatched a formal dilemma107 to the mathematician30. This dilemma gave him the option of quitting Halle in twenty-four hours, or of being hanged; and as Wolf was a very accurate reasoner, he did not fail to quit. His withdrawing deprived the king of two or three hundred thousand crowns a year, which were brought into the kingdom in consequence of the wealth of this philosopher’s disciples.
This case should convince sovereigns that they should not be over ready to listen to calumny108, and sacrifice a great man to the madness of a fool. But let us return to China.
Why should we concern ourselves, we who live at the extremity of the west — why should we dispute with abuse and fury, whether there were fourteen princes or not before Fo-hi, emperor of China, and whether the said Fo-hi lived three thousand, or two thousand nine hundred years before our vulgar era? I should like to see two Irishmen quarrelling at Dublin, about who was the owner, in the twelfth century, of the estate I am now in possession of. Is it not clear, that they should refer to me, who possess the documents and titles relating to it? To my mind, the case is the same with respect to the first emperors of China, and the tribunals of that country are the proper resort upon the subject.
Dispute as long as you please about the fourteen princes who reigned109 before Fo-hi, your very interesting dispute cannot possibly fail to prove that China was at that period populous110, and that laws were in force there. I now ask you, whether a people’s being collected together, under laws and kings, involves not the idea of very considerable antiquity? Reflect how long a time is requisite111, before by a singular concurrence112 of circumstances, the iron is discovered in the mine, before it is applied to purposes of agriculture, before the invention of the shuttle, and all the arts of life.
Some who multiply mankind by a dash of the pen, have produced very curious calculations. The Jesuit Petau, by a very singular computation, gives the world, two hundred and twenty-five years after the deluge113, one hundred times as many inhabitants as can be easily conceived to exist on it at present. The Cumberlands and Whistons have formed calculations equally ridiculous; had these worthies114 only consulted the registers of our colonies in America, they would have been perfectly115 astonished, and would have perceived not only how slowly mankind increase in number, but that frequently instead of increasing they actually diminish.
Let us then, who are merely of yesterday, descendants of the Celts, who have only just finished clearing the forests of our savage116 territories, suffer the Chinese and Indians to enjoy in peace their fine climate and their antiquity. Let us, especially, cease calling the emperor of China, and the souba of the Deccan, idolaters. There is no necessity for being a zealot in estimating Chinese merit. The constitution of their empire is the only one entirely117 established upon paternal authority; the only one in which the governor of a province is punished, if, on quitting his station, he does not receive the acclamations of the people; the only one which has instituted rewards for virtue, while, everywhere else, the sole object of the laws is the punishment of crime; the only one which has caused its laws to be adopted by its conquerors118, while we are still subject to the customs of the Burgundians, the Franks, and the Goths, by whom we were conquered. Yet, we must confess, that the common people, guided by the bonzes, are equally knavish119 with our own; that everything is sold enormously dear to foreigners, as among ourselves; that, with respect to the sciences, the Chinese are just where we were two hundred years ago; that, like us, they labor120 under a thousand ridiculous prejudices; and that they believe in talismans121 and judicial122 astrology, as we long did ourselves.
We must admit also, that they were astonished at our thermometer, at our method of freezing fluids by means of saltpetre, and at all the experiments of Torricelli and Otto von Guericke; as we were also, on seeing for the first time those curious processes. We add, that their physicians do not cure mortal diseases any more than our own; and that minor123 diseases, both here and in China, are cured by nature alone. All this, however, does not interfere124 with the fact, that the Chinese, for four thousand years, when we were unable even to read, knew everything essentially125 useful of which we boast at the present day.
I must again repeat, the religion of their learned is admirable, and free from superstitions126, from absurd legends, from dogmas insulting both to reason and nature, to which the bonzes give a thousand different meanings, because they really often have none. The most simple worship has appeared to them the best, for a series of forty centuries. They are, what we conceive Seth, Enoch, and Noah to have been; they are contented127 to adore one God in communion with the sages128 of the world, while Europe is divided between Thomas and Bonaventure, between Calvin and Luther, between Jansenius and Molina.
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controvert
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| v.否定；否认 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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impeach
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| v.弹劾；检举 | |
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sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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divest
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| v.脱去，剥除 | |
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liars
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| 说谎者( liar的名词复数 ) | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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delusions
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| n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 )；谬见；错觉；妄想 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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sage
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| n.圣人，哲人；adj.贤明的，明智的 | |
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tinge
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| vt.(较淡)着色于，染色；使带有…气息；n.淡淡色彩，些微的气息 | |
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charlatanism
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execration
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| n.诅咒，念咒，憎恶 | |
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puerile
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| adj.幼稚的，儿童的 | |
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mathematician
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| n.数学家 | |
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mathematicians
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| 数学家( mathematician的名词复数 ) | |
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impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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sufficiently
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disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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Christian
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discord
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torrents
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instil
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incumbent
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| adj.成为责任的，有义务的；现任的，在职的 | |
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eternity
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| n.不朽，来世；永恒，无穷 | |
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benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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commiseration
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| n.怜悯，同情 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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displease
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| vt.使不高兴，惹怒；n.不悦，不满，生气 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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persecutor
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| n. 迫害者 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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50
martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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51
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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52
Portuguese
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| n.葡萄牙人；葡萄牙语 | |
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53
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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54
ingenuousness
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| n.率直；正直；老实 | |
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55
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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56
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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57
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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58
disturbances
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| n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 )；打扰；困扰；障碍 | |
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59
disturbance
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| n.动乱，骚动；打扰，干扰；(身心)失调 | |
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60
contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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61
strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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62
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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63
conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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posture
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| n.姿势，姿态，心态，态度；v.作出某种姿势 | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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66
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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67
condescend
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| v.俯就，屈尊；堕落，丢丑 | |
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68
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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connived
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| v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 )；搞阴谋；默许；纵容 | |
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71
concealment
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| n.隐藏, 掩盖，隐瞒 | |
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72
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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73
atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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74
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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75
follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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76
pedantic
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| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
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77
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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78
logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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79
atheist
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| n.无神论者 | |
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80
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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81
nil
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| n.无，全无，零 | |
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firmament
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| n.苍穹；最高层 | |
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83
idols
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| 偶像( idol的名词复数 )； 受崇拜的人或物； 受到热爱和崇拜的人或物； 神像 | |
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obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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85
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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memorable
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| adj.值得回忆的，难忘的，特别的，显著的 | |
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engraved
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| v.在（硬物）上雕刻（字，画等）( engrave的过去式和过去分词 )；将某事物深深印在（记忆或头脑中） | |
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88
rekindle
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| v.使再振作；再点火 | |
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89
porcelain
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| n.瓷；adj.瓷的，瓷制的 | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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commendable
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| adj.值得称赞的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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controverting
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| v.争论，反驳，否定( controvert的现在分词 ) | |
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hospitably
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| 亲切地，招待周到地，善于款待地 | |
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chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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96
constables
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| n.警察( constable的名词复数 ) | |
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97
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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99
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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100
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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101
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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102
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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103
scrupled
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| v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
atheistical
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| adj.无神论（者）的 | |
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105
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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106
conclusive
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| adj.最后的，结论的；确凿的，消除怀疑的 | |
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107
dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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108
calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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109
reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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110
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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111
requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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112
concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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113
deluge
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| n./vt.洪水，暴雨，使泛滥 | |
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114
worthies
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| 应得某事物( worthy的名词复数 )； 值得做某事； 可尊敬的； 有（某人或事物）的典型特征 | |
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115
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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116
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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117
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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118
conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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119
knavish
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| adj.无赖（似）的，不正的；刁诈 | |
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120
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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121
talismans
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| n.护身符( talisman的名词复数 )；驱邪物；有不可思议的力量之物；法宝 | |
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122
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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123
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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124
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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125
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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126
superstitions
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| 迷信，迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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127
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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128
sages
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| n.圣人( sage的名词复数 )；智者；哲人；鼠尾草（可用作调料） | |
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