It is not so with the Distribution of Wealth. That is a matter of human institution solely11. The things once there, mankind, individually or collectively, can do with them as they like. They can place them at the disposal of whomsoever they please, and on whatever terms. Further, in the social state, in every state except total solitude12, any disposal whatever of them can only take place by the consent of society, or rather of those who dispose of its active force. Even what a person has produced by his individual toil13, unaided by any one, he cannot keep, unless by the permission of society. Not only can society take it from him, but individuals could and would take it from him, if society only remained passive; if it did not either interfere14 en masse, or employ and pay people for the purpose of preventing him from being disturbed in the possession. The distribution of wealth, therefore, depends on the laws and customs of society. The rules by which it is determined15, are what the opinions and feelings of the ruling portion of the community make them, and are very different in different ages and countries; and might be still more different, if mankind so chose.
The opinions and feelings of mankind, doubtless, are not a matter of chance. They are consequences of the fundamental laws of human nature, combined with the existing state of knowledge and experience, and the existing condition of social institutions and intellectual and moral culture. But the laws of the generation of human opinions are not within our present subject. They are part of the general theory of human progress, a far larger and more difficult subject of inquiry16 than political economy. We have here to consider, not the causes, but the consequences, of the rules according to which wealth may be distributed. Those, at least, are as little arbitrary, and have as much the character of physical laws, as the laws of production. Human beings can control their own acts, but not the consequences of their acts neither to themselves or to others. Society can subject the distribution of wealth to whatever rules it thinks best: but what practical results will flow from the operation of those rules, must be discovered, like any other physical or mental truths, by observation and reasoning.
We proceed, then, to the consideration of the different modes of distributing the produce of land and labour, which have been adopted in practice, or may be conceived in theory. Among these, our attention is first claimed by that primary and fundamental institution, on which, unless in some exceptional and very limited cases, the economical arrangements of society have always rested, though in its secondary features it has varied17, and is liable to vary. I mean, of course, the institution of individual property.
§2. Private property, as an institution, did not owe its origin to any of those considerations of utility, which plead for the maintenance of it when established. Enough is known of rude ages, both from history and from analogous18 states of society in our own time, to show, that tribunals (which always precede laws) were originally established, not to determine rights, but to repress violence and terminate quarrels. With this object chiefly in view, they naturally enough gave legal effect to first occupancy, by treating as the aggressor the person who first commenced violence, by turning, or attempting to turn, another out of possession. The preservation19 of the peace, which was the original object of civil government, was thus attained20; while by confirming, to those who already possessed21 it, even what was not the fruit of personal exertion22, a guarantee was incidentally given to them and others that they would be protected in what was so.
In considering the institution of property as a question in social philosophy, we must leave out of consideration its actual origin in any of the existing nations of Europe. We may suppose a community unhampered by any previous possession; a body of colonists23, occupying for the first time an uninhabited country’. bringing nothing with them but what belonged to them in common, and having a clear field for the adoption24 of the institutions and polity which they judged most expedient25; required, therefore, to choose whether they would conduct the work of production on the principle of individual property, or on some system of common ownership and collective agency.
If private property were adopted, we must presume that it would be accompanied by none of the initial inequalities and injustices27 which obstruct28 the beneficial operation of the principle in old societies. Every full grown man or woman, we must suppose, would be secured in the unfettered use and disposal of his or her bodily and mental faculties29; and the instruments of production, the land and tools, would be divided fairly among them, so that all might start, in respect to outward appliances, on equal terms. It is possible also to conceive that in this original apportionment, compensation might be made for the injuries of nature, and the balance redressed30 by assigning to the less robust31 members of the community advantages in the distribution, sufficient to put them on a par2 with the rest. But the division, once made, would not again be interfered32 with; individuals would be left to their own exertions33 and to the ordinary chances, for making an advantageous34 use of what was assigned to them. If individual property, on the contrary, were excluded, the plan which must be adopted would be to hold the land and all instruments of production as the joint35 property of the community, and to carry on the operations of industry on the common account. The direction of the labour of the community would devolve upon a magistrate36 or magistrates37, whom we may suppose elected by the suffrages39 of the community, and whom we must assume to be voluntarily obeyed by them. The division of the produce would in like manner be a public act. The principle might either be that of complete equality, or of apportionment to the necessities or deserts of individuals, in whatever manner might be conformable to the ideas of justice or policy prevailing40 in the community.
Examples of such associations, on a small scale, are the monastic orders, the Moravians, the followers41 of Rapp, and others: and from the hopes which they hold out of relief from the miseries42 and iniquities43 of a state of much inequality of wealth, schemes for a larger application of the same idea have reappeared and become popular at all periods of active speculation44 on the first principles of society. In an age like the present, when a general reconsideration of all first principles is felt to be inevitable45, and when more than at any former period of history the suffering portions of the community have a voice in the discussion, it was impossible but that ideas of this nature should spread far and wide. The late revolutions in Europe have thrown up a great amount of speculation of this character, and an unusual share of attention has consequently been drawn46 to the various forms which these ideas have assumed: nor is this attention likely to diminish, but on the contrary, to increase more and more.
The assailants of the principle of individual property may be divided into two classes: those whose scheme implies absolute equality in the distribution of the physical means of life and enjoyment47, and those who admit inequality, but grounded on some principle, or supposed principle, of justice or general expediency48, and not, like so many of the existing social inequalities, dependent on accident alone. At the head of the first class, as the earliest of those belonging to the present generation, must be placed Mr. Owen and his followers. M. Louis Blanc and M. Cabet have more recently become conspicuous49 as apostles of similar doctrines50 (though the former advocates equality of distribution only as a transition to a still higher standard of justice, that all should work according to their capacity, and receive according to their wants). The characteristic name for this economical system is Communism, a word of continental52 origin, only of late introduced into this country. The word Socialism, which originated among the English Communists, and was assumed by them as a name to designate their own doctrine51, is now, on the Continent, employed in a larger sense; not necessarily implying Communism, or the entire abolition53 of private property, but applied54 to any system which requires that the land and the instruments of production should be the property, not of individuals, but of communities or associations, or of the government. Among such systems, the two of highest intellectual pretension55 are those which, from the names of their real or reputed authors, have been called St. Simonism and Fourierism; the former defunct56 as a system, but which during the few years of its public promulgation57, sowed the seeds of nearly all the Socialist58 tendencies which have since spread so widely in France: the second, still flourishing in the number, talent, and zeal59 of its adherents60.
§3. Whatever may be the merits or defects of these various schemes, they cannot be truly said to be impracticable. No reasonable person can doubt that a village community, composed of a few thousand inhabitants cultivating in joint ownership the same extent of land which at present feeds that number of people, and producing by combined labour and the most improved processes the manufactured articles which they required, could raise an amount of productions sufficient to maintain them in comfort; and would find the means of obtaining, and if need be, exacting61, the quantity of labour necessary for this purpose, from every member of the association who was capable of work.
The objection ordinarily made to a system of community of property and equal distribution of the produce, that each person would be incessantly62 occupied in evading63 his fair share of the work, points, undoubtedly64, to a real difficulty. But those who urge this objection, forget to how great an extent the same difficulty exists under the system on which nine-tenths of the business of society is now conducted. The objection supposes, that honest and efficient labour is only to be had from those who are themselves individually to reap the benefit of their own exertions. But how small a part of all the labour performed in England, from the lowest-paid to the highest, is done by persons working for their own benefit. From the Irish reaper65 or hodman to the chief justice or the minister of state, nearly all the work of society is remunerated by day wages or fixed66 salaries. A factory operative has less personal interest in his work than a member of a Communist association, since he is not, like him, working for a partnership67 of which he is himself a member. It will no doubt be said, that though the labourers themselves have not, in most cases, a personal interest in their work, they are watched and superintended, and their labour directed, and the mental part of the labour performed, by persons who have. Even this, however, is far from being universally the fact. In all public, and many of the largest and most successful private undertakings68, not only the labours of detail but the control and superintendence are entrusted69 to salaried officers. And though the “master’s eye,” when the master is vigilant70 and intelligent, is of proverbial value, it must be remembered that in a Socialist farm or manufactory, each labourer would be under the eye not of one master, but of the whole community. In the extreme case of obstinate71 perseverance72 in not performing the due share of work, the community would have the same resources which society now has for compelling conformity73 to the necessary conditions of the association. Dismissal, the only remedy at present, is no remedy when any other labourer who may be engaged does no better than his predecessor74: the power of dismissal only enables an employer to obtain from his workmen the customary amount of labour, but that customary labour may be of any degree of inefficiency75. Even the labourer who loses his employment by idleness or negligence76, has nothing worse to suffer, in the most unfavourable case, than the discipline of a workhouse, and if the desire to avoid this be a sufficient motive78 in the one system, it would be sufficient in the other. I am not undervaluing the strength of the incitement79 given to labour when the whole or a large share of the benefit of extra exertion belongs to the labourer. But under the present system of industry this incitement, in the great majority of cases, does not exist. If Communistic labour might be less vigorous than that of a peasant proprietor80, or a workman labouring on his own account, it would probably be more energetic than that of a labourer for hire, who has no personal interest in the matter at all. The neglect by the uneducated classes of labourers for hire, of the duties which they engage to perform, is in the present state of society most flagrant. Now it is an admitted condition of the Communist scheme that all shall be educated: and this being supposed, the duties of the members of the association would doubtless be as diligently81 performed as those of the generality of salaried officers in the middle or higher classes; who are not supposed to be necessarily unfaithful to their trust, because so long as they are not dismissed, their pay is the same in however lax a manner their duty is fulfilled. Undoubtedly, as a general rule, remuneration by fixed salaries does not in any class of functionaries82 produce the maximum of zeal: and this is as much as can be reasonably alleged83 against Communistic labour.
That even this inferiority would necessarily exist, is by no means so certain as is assumed by those who are little used carry to their minds beyond the state of things with which they are familiar. Mankind are capable of a far greater amount of public spirit than the present age is accustomed to suppose possible. History bears witness to the success with which large bodies of human beings may be trained to feel the public interest their own. And no soil could be more favourable77 to the growth of such a feeling, than a Communist association, since all the ambition, and the bodily and mental activity, which are now exerted in the pursuit of separate and self-regarding interests, would require another sphere of employment, and would naturally find it in the pursuit of the general benefit of the community. The same cause, so often assigned in explanation of the devotion of the Catholic priest or monk84 to the interest of his order — that he has no interest apart from it — would, under Communism, attach the citizen to the community. And independently of the public motive, every member of the association would be amenable85 to the most universal, and one of the strongest, of personal motives86, that of public opinion. The force of this motive in deterring87 from any act or omission88 positively89 reproved by the community, no one is likely to deny; but the power also of emulation90, in exciting to the most strenuous91 exertions for the sake of the approbation92 and admiration93 of others, is borne witness to by experience in every situation in which human beings publicly compete with one another, even if it be in things frivolous94, or from which the public derive95 no benefit. A contest, who can do most for the common good, is not the kind of competition which Socialists96 repudiate97. To what extent, therefore, the energy of labour would be diminished by Communism, or whether in the long run it would be diminished at all, must be considered for the present an undecided question.
Another of the objections to Communism is similar to that, so often urged against poor-laws: that if every member of the community were assured of subsistence for himself and any number of children, on the sole condition of willingness to work, prudential restraint on the multiplication98 of mankind would be at an end, and population would start forward at a rate which would reduce the community, through successive stages of increasing discomfort99, to actual starvation. There would certainly be much ground for this apprehension100 if Communism provided no motives to restraint, equivalent to those which it would take away. But Communism is precisely101 the state of things m which opinion might be expected to declare itself with greatest intensity102 against this kind of selfish intemperance103. Any augmentation of numbers which diminished the comfort or increased the toil of the mass, would then cause (which now it does not) immediate104 and unmistakeable inconvenience to every individual in the association; inconvenience which could not then be imputed105 to the avarice106 of employers, or the unjust privileges of the rich. In such altered circumstances opinion could not fail to reprobate107, and if reprobation108 did not suffice, to repress by penalties of some description, this or any other culpable109 self-indulgence at the expense of the community. The Communistic scheme, instead of being peculiarly open to the objection drawn from danger of over-population, has the recommendation of tending in an especial degree to the prevention of that evil.
A more real difficulty is that of fairly apportioning111 the labour of the community among its members. There are many kinds of work, and by what standard are they to be measured one against another? Who is to judge how much cotton spinning, or distributing goods from the stores, or bricklaying, or chimney sweeping112, is equivalent to so much ploughing? The difficulty of making the adjustment between different qualities of labour is so strongly felt by Communist writers, that they have usually thought it necessary to provide that all should work by turns at every description of useful labour. an arrangement which, by putting an end to the division of employments, would sacrifice so much of the advantage of co-operative production as greatly to diminish the productiveness of labour. Besides, even in the same kind of work, nominal113 equality of labour would be so great a real inequality, that the feeling of justice would revolt against its being enforced. All persons are not equally fit for all labour; and the same quantity of labour is an unequal burthen on the weak and the strong, the hardy114 and the delicate, the quick and the slow, the dull and the intelligent.
But these difficulties, though real, are not necessarily insuperable. The apportionment of work to the strength and capacities of individuals, the mitigation of a general rule to provide for cases in which it would operate harshly, are not problems to which human intelligence, guided by a sense of justice, would be inadequate115. And the worst and most unjust arrangement which could be made of these points, under a system aiming at equality, would be so far short of the inequality and injustice26 with which labour (not to speak of remuneration) is now apportioned116, as to be scarcely worth counting in comparison. We must remember too, that Communism, as a system of society, exists only in idea; that its difficulties, at present, are much better understood than its resources; and that the intellect of mankind is only beginning to contrive117 the means of organizing it in detail, so as to overcome the one and derive the greatest advantage from the other.
If, therefore, the choice were to be made between Communism with all its chances, and the present state of society with all its sufferings and injustices; if the institution of private property necessarily carried with it as a consequence, that the produce of labour should be apportioned as we now see it, almost in an inverse118 ratio to the labour — the largest portions to those who have never worked at all, the next largest to those whose work is almost nominal, and so in a descending119 scale, the remuneration dwindling120 as the work grows harder and more disagreeable, until the most fatiguing121 and exhausting bodily labour cannot count with certainty on being able to earn even the necessaries of life; if this or Communism were the alternative, all the difficulties, great or small, of Communism would be but as dust in the balance. But to make the comparison applicable, we must compare Communism at its best, with the regime of individual property, not as it is, but as it might be made. The principle of private property has never yet had a fair trial in any country; and less so, perhaps, in this country than in some others. The social arrangements of modern Europe commenced from a distribution of property which was the result, not of just partition, or acquisition by industry, but of conquest and violence: and notwithstanding what industry has been doing for many centuries to modify the work of force, the system still retains many and large traces of its origin. The laws of property have never yet conformed to the principles on which the justification122 of private property rests. They have made property of things which never ought to be property, and absolute property where only a qualified123 property ought to exist. They have not held the balance fairly between human beings, but have heaped impediments upon some, to give advantage to others; they have purposely fostered inequalities, and prevented all from starting fair in the race. That all should indeed start on perfectly124 equal terms, is inconsistent with any law of private property: but if as much pains as has been taken to aggravate125 the inequality of chances arising from the natural working of the principle, had been taken to temper that inequality by every means not subversive126 of the principle itself; if the tendency of legislation had been to favour the diffusion127, instead of the concentration of wealth — to encourage the subdivision of the large masses, instead of striving to keep them together; the principle of individual property would have been found to have no necessary connexion with the physical and social evils which almost all Socialist writers assume to be inseparable from it.
Private property, in every defence made of it, is supposed to mean, the guarantee to individuals of the fruits of their own labour and abstinence. The guarantee to them of the fruits of the labour and abstinence of others, transmitted to them without any merit or exertion of their own, is not of the essence of the institution, but a mere128 incidental consequence, which, when it reaches a certain height, does not promote, but conflicts with, the ends which render private property legitimate129. To judge of the final destination of the institution of property, we must suppose everything rectified130, which causes the institution to work in a manner opposed to that equitable131 principle, of proportion between remuneration and exertion, on which in every vindication132 of it that will bear the light, it is assumed to be grounded. We must also suppose two conditions realized, without which neither Communism nor any other laws or institutions could make the condition of the mass of mankind other than degraded and miserable133. One of these conditions is, universal education; the other, a due limitation of the numbers of the community. With these, there could be no poverty, even under the present social institutions: and these being supposed, the question of Socialism is not, as generally stated by Socialists, a question of flying to the sole refuge against the evils which now bear down humanity; but a mere question of comparative advantages, which futurity must determine. We are too ignorant either of what individual agency in its best form, or Socialism in its best form, can accomplish, to be qualified to decide which of the two will be the ultimate form of human society.
If a conjecture134 may be hazarded, the decision will probably depend mainly on one consideration, viz. which of the two systems is consistent with the greatest amount of human liberty and spontaneity. After the means of subsistence are assured, the next in strength of the personal wants of human beings is liberty; and (unlike the physical wants, which as civilization advances become more moderate and more amenable to control) it increases instead of diminishing in intensity, as the intelligence and the moral faculties are more developed. The perfection both of social arrangements and of practical morality would be, to secure to all persons complete independence and freedom of action, subject to no restriction136 but that of not doing injury to others: and the education which taught or the social institutions which required them to exchange the control of their own actions for any amount of comfort or affluence137, or to renounce138 liberty for the sake of equality, would deprive them of one of the most eLevated characteristics of human nature. It remains139 to be discovered how far the preservation of this characteristic would be found compatible with the Communistic organization of society. No doubt, this, like all the other objections to the Socialist schemes, is vastly exaggerated. The members of the association need not be required to live together more than they do now, nor need they be controlled in the disposal of their individual share of the produce, and of the probably large amount of leisure which, if they limited their production to things really worth producing, they would possess. Individuals need not be chained to an occupation, or to a particular locality. The restraints of Communism would be freedom in comparison with the present condition of the majority of the human race. The generality of labourers in this and most other countries, have as little choice of occupation or freedom of locomotion140, are practically as dependent on fixed rules and on the will of others, as they could be on any system short of actual slavery; to say nothing of the entire domestic subjection of one half the species, to which it is the signal honour of Owenism and most other forms of Socialism that they assign equal rights, in all respects, with those of the hitherto dominant141 sex. But it is not by comparison with the present bad state of society that the claims of Communism can be estimated; nor is it sufficient that it should promise greater personal and mental freedom than is now enjoyed by those who have not enough of either to deserve the name. The question is, whether there would be any asylum142 left for individuality of character; whether public opinion would not be a tyrannical yoke143; whether the absolute dependence135 of each on all, and surveillance of each by all, would not grind all down into a tame uniformity of thoughts, feelings, and actions. This is already one of the glaring evils of the existing state of society, notwithstanding a much greater diversity of education and pursuits, and a much less absolute dependence of the individual on the mass, than would exist in the Communistic regime. No society in which eccentricity144 is a matter of reproach, can be in a wholesome145 state. It is yet to be ascertained146 whether the Communistic scheme would be consistent with that multiform development of human nature, those manifold unlikenesses, that diversity of tastes and talents, and variety of intellectual points of view, which not only form a great part of the interest of human life, but by bringing intellects into stimulating147 collision, and by presenting to each innumerable notions that he would not have conceived of himself, are the mainspring of mental and moral progression.
§4. I have thus far observations to the Communistic doctrine, which forms the extreme limit of Socialism; according to which not only the instruments of the land and capital, are the joint property of the community, but the produce is divided and the labour apportioned, as far as possible, equally. The objections, whether well or ill grounded, to which Socialism is liable, apply to this form of it in their greatest force. The other varieties of Socialism mainly differ from Communism, in not relying solely on what M. Louis Blanc calls the point of honour of industry, but retaining more or less of the incentives148 to labour derived149 from private pecuniary150 interest. Thus it is already a modification151 of the strict theory of Communism, when the principle is professed152 of proportioning remuneration to labour. The attempts which have been made in France to carry Socialism into practical effect, by associations of workmen manufacturing on their own account, mostly began by sharing the remuneration equally, without regard to the quantity of work done by the individual: but in almost every case this plan was after a short time abandoned, and recourse was had to working by the piece. The original principle appeals to a higher standard of justice, and is adapted to a much higher moral condition of human nature. The proportioning of remuneration to work done, is really just, only in so far as the more or less of the work is a matter of choice: when it depends on natural difference of strength or capacity, this principle of remuneration is in itself an injustice: it is giving to those who have; assigning most to those who are already most favoured by nature. Considered, however, as a compromise with the selfish type of character formed by the present standard of morality, and fostered by the existing social institutions, it is highly expedient; and until education shall have been entirely153 regenerated154, is far more likely to prove immediately successful, than an attempt at a higher ideal.
The two elaborate forms of non-communistic Socialism known as St. Simonism and Fourierism, are totally free from the objections usually urged against Communism; and though they are open to others of their own, yet by the great intellectual power which in many respects distinguishes them, and by their large and philosophic155 treatment of some of the fundamental problems of society and morality, they may justly be counted among the most remarkable156 productions of the past and present age.
The St. Simonian scheme does not contemplate157 an equal, but an unequal division of the produce; it does not propose that all should be occupied alike, but differently, according to their vocation158 or capacity., the function of each being assigned, like grades in a regiment159, by the choice of the directing authority, and the remuneration being by salary, proportioned to the importance, in the eyes of that authority, of the function itself, and the merits of the person who fulfils it. For the constitution of the ruling body, different plans might be adopted, consistently with the essentials of the system. It might be appointed by popuLar suffrage38. In the idea of the original authors, the rulers were supposed to be persons of genius and virtue160, who obtained the voluntary adhesion of the rest by the force of mental superiority. That the scheme might in some peculiar110 states of society work with advantage, is not improbable. There is indeed a successful experiment, of a somewhat similar kind, on record, to which I have once alluded161; that of the Jesuits in Paraguay. A race of savages162, belonging to a portion of mankind more averse163 to consecutive164 exertion for a distant object than any other authentically165 known to us, was brought under the mental dominion166 of civilized167 and instructed men who were united among themselves by a system of community of goods. To the absolute authority of these men they reverentially submitted themselves, and were induced by them to learn the arts of civilized life, and to practise labours for the community, which no inducement that could have been offered would have prevailed on them to practise for themselves. This social system was of short duration, being prematurely168 destroyed by diplomatic arrangements and foreign force. That it could be brought into action at all was probably owing to the immense distance in point of knowledge and intellect which separated the few rulers from the whole body of the ruled, without any intermediate orders, either social or intellectual. In any other circumstances it would probably have been a complete failure. It supposes an absolute despotism in the heads of the association; which would probably not be much improved if the depositaries of the despotism (contrary to the views of the authors of the system) were varied from time to time according to the result of a popular canvass169. But to suppose that one or a few human beings, howsoever selected, could, by whatever machinery of subordinate agency, be qualified to adapt each person’s work to his capacity, and proportion each person’s remuneration to his merits — to be, in fact, the dispensers of distributive justice to every member of a community; or that any use which they could make of this power would give general satisfaction, or would be submitted to without the aid of force — is a supposition almost too chimerical170 to be reasoned against. A fixed rule, like that of equality, might be acquiesced171 in, and so might chance, or an external necessity; but that a handful of human beings should weigh everybody in the balance, and give more to one and less to another at their sole pleasure and judgment172 would not be borne, unless from persons believed to be more than men, and backed by supernatural terrors.
The most skilfully173 combined, and with the greatest foresight174 of objections, of all the forms of Socialism, is that commonly known as Fourierism. This system does not contemplate the abolition of private property, nor even of inheritance; on the contrary, it avowedly175 takes into consideration, as an element in the distribution of the produce, capital as well as labour. It proposes that the operations of industry should be carried on by associations of about two thousand members, combining their labour on a district of about a square league in extent, under the guidance of chiefs selected by themselves. In the distribution, a certain minimum is first assigned for the subsistence of every member of the community, whether capable or not of labour. The remainder of the produce is shared in certain proportions, to be deterred176 beforehand, among the three elements, Labour, Capital, and Talent. The capital of the community may be owned in unequal shares by different members, who would in that case receive, as in any other joint-stock company, proportional dividends177. The claim of each person on the share of the produce apportioned to talent, is estimated by the grade or rank which the individual occupies in the several groups of labourers to which he or she belongs; these grades being in all cases conferred by the choice of his or her companions. The remuneration, when received, would not of necessity be expended178 or enjoyed in common; there would be separate menages for all who preferred them, and no other community of living is contemplated179, than that all the members of the association should reside in the same pile of buildings; for saving of labour and expense, not only in building, but in every branch of domestic economy; and in order that, the whole of the buying and selling operations of the community being performed by a single agent, the enormous portion of the produce of industry now carried off by the profits of mere distributors might be reduced to the smallest amount possible.
This system, unlike Communism, does not, in theory at least, withdraw any of the motives to exertion which exist in the present state of society. On the contrary, if the arrangement worked according to the intentions of its contrivers, it would even strengthen those motives; since each person would have much more certainty of reaping individually the fruits of increased skill or energy, bodily or mental, than under the present social arrangements can be felt by any but those who are in the most advantageous positions, or to whom the chapter of accidents is more than ordinarily favourable. The Fourierists, however, have still another resource. They believe that they have solved the great and fundamental problem of rendering180 labour attractive. That this is not impracticable, they contend by very strong arguments; in particular by one which they have in common with the Owenites, viz., that scarcely any labour, however severe, undergone by human beings for the sake of subsistence, exceeds in intensity that which other human beings, whose subsistence is already provided for, are found ready and even eager to undergo for pleasure. This certainly is a most significant fact, and one from which the student in social philosophy may draw important instruction. But the argument founded on it may easily be stretched too far. If occupations full of discomfort and fatigue181 are freely pursued by many persons as amusements, who does not see that they are amusements exactly because they are pursued freely, and may be discontinued at pleasure? The liberty of quitting a position often makes the whole difference between its being painful and pleasurable. Many a person remains in the same town, street, or house from January to December, without a wish or a thought tending towards removal, who, if confined to that same place by the mandate182 of authority, would find the imprisonment183 absolutely intolerable.
According to the Fourierists, scarcely any kind of useful labour is naturally and necessarily disagreeable, unless it is either regarded as dishonourable, or is immoderate in degree, or destitute184 of the stimulus185 of sympathy and emulation. Excessive toil needs not, they contend, be undergone by any one, in a society in which there would be no idle class, and no labour so enormous an amount of labour is now wasted, in was here useless things; full advantage would be taken of the power of association, both in increasing the efficiency of production, and in economizing186 consumption. The other requisites187 for rendering labour attractive would, they think, be found in the execution of all labour by social groups, to any number of which the same individual might simultaneously188 belong, at his or her own choice: their grade in each being determined by the degree of service which they were found capable of rendering, as appreciated by the suffrages of their comrades. It is inferred from the diversity of tastes and talents, that every member of the community would be attached to several groups, employing themselves in various kinds of occupation, some bodily, others mental, and would be capable of occupying a high place in some one or more; so that a real equality, or something more nearly approaching to it than might at first be supposed, would practically result: not, from the compression, but, on the contrary, from the largest possible development, of the various natural superiorities residing in each individual.
Even from so brief an outline, it must be evident that this system does no violence to any of the general laws by which human action, even in the present imperfect state of moral and intellectual cultivation, is influenced; and that it would be extremely rash to pronounce it incapable189 of success, or unfitted to realize a great part of the hopes founded on it by its partisans190. With regard to this, as to all other varieties of Socialism, the thing to be desired, and to which they have a just claim, is opportunity of trial. They are all capable of being tried on a moderate scale, and at no risk, either personal or pecuniary, to any except those who try them. It is for experience to determine how far or how soon any one or more of the possible systems of community of property will be fitted to substitute itself for the “organization of industry” based on private ownership of land and capital. In the meantime we may, without attempting to limit the ultimate capabilities191 of human nature, affirm, that the political economist192, for a considerable time to come, will be chiefly concerned with the conditions of existence and progress belonging to a society founded on private property and individual competition; and that the object to be principally aimed at in the present stage of human improvement, is not the subversion193 of the system of individual property, but the improvement of it, and the full participation194 of every member of the community in its benefits.
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1
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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par
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| n.标准，票面价值，平均数量；adj.票面的，平常的，标准的 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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pro
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| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
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machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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impoverish
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| vt.使穷困，使贫困 | |
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solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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analogous
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| adj.相似的；类似的 | |
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19
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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injustices
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| 不公平( injustice的名词复数 )； 非正义； 待…不公正； 冤枉 | |
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obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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redressed
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| v.改正( redress的过去式和过去分词 )；重加权衡；恢复平衡 | |
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robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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suffrages
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| （政治性选举的）选举权，投票权( suffrage的名词复数 ) | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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miseries
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| n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 )；痛苦的事；穷困；常发牢骚的人 | |
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43
iniquities
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| n.邪恶( iniquity的名词复数 )；极不公正 | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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45
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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46
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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47
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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48
expediency
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| n.适宜；方便；合算；利己 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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50
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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51
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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52
continental
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| adj.大陆的，大陆性的，欧洲大陆的 | |
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53
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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54
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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55
pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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56
defunct
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| adj.死亡的；已倒闭的 | |
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57
promulgation
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| n.颁布 | |
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58
socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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59
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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60
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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61
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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62
incessantly
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| ad.不停地 | |
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63
evading
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| 逃避( evade的现在分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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reaper
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| n.收割者，收割机 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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vigilant
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| adj.警觉的，警戒的，警惕的 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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72
perseverance
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| n.坚持不懈，不屈不挠 | |
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conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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predecessor
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| n.前辈，前任 | |
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inefficiency
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| n.无效率，无能；无效率事例 | |
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negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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incitement
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| 激励； 刺激； 煽动； 激励物 | |
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proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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diligently
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| ad.industriously;carefully | |
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functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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amenable
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| adj.经得起检验的；顺从的；对负有义务的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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deterring
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的现在分词 ) | |
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omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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emulation
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| n.竞争；仿效 | |
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strenuous
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| adj.奋发的，使劲的；紧张的；热烈的，狂热的 | |
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approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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repudiate
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| v.拒绝，拒付，拒绝履行 | |
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multiplication
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| n.增加，增多，倍增；增殖，繁殖；乘法 | |
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discomfort
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| n.不舒服，不安，难过，困难，不方便 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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intemperance
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| n.放纵 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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imputed
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| v.把（错误等）归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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reprobate
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| n.无赖汉；堕落的人 | |
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reprobation
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| n.斥责 | |
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culpable
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| adj.有罪的，该受谴责的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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apportioning
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| vt.分摊，分配（apportion的现在分词形式） | |
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sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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apportioned
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| vt.分摊，分配（apportion的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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contrive
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| vt.谋划，策划；设法做到；设计，想出 | |
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inverse
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| adj.相反的，倒转的，反转的；n.相反之物；v.倒转 | |
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descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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dwindling
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| adj.逐渐减少的v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的现在分词 ) | |
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fatiguing
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| a.使人劳累的 | |
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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aggravate
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| vt.加重(剧)，使恶化；激怒，使恼火 | |
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subversive
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| adj.颠覆性的，破坏性的；n.破坏份子，危险份子 | |
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diffusion
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| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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rectified
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| [医]矫正的，调整的 | |
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equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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conjecture
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| n./v.推测，猜测 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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restriction
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| n.限制，约束 | |
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137
affluence
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| n.充裕，富足 | |
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renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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locomotion
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| n.运动，移动 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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asylum
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| n.避难所，庇护所，避难 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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eccentricity
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| n.古怪，反常，怪癖 | |
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wholesome
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| adj.适合；卫生的；有益健康的；显示身心健康的 | |
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ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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incentives
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| 激励某人做某事的事物( incentive的名词复数 )； 刺激； 诱因； 动机 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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150
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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modification
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| n.修改，改进，缓和，减轻 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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regenerated
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| v.新生，再生( regenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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vocation
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| n.职业，行业 | |
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regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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averse
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| adj.厌恶的；反对的，不乐意的 | |
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consecutive
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| adj.连续的，联贯的，始终一贯的 | |
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authentically
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| ad.sincerely真诚地 | |
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166
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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prematurely
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| adv.过早地，贸然地 | |
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canvass
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| v.招徕顾客，兜售；游说；详细检查，讨论 | |
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chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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171
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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174
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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avowedly
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| adv.公然地 | |
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176
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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177
dividends
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| 红利( dividend的名词复数 )； 股息； 被除数； （足球彩票的）彩金 | |
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expended
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| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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179
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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181
fatigue
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| n.疲劳，劳累 | |
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182
mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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183
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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184
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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185
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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186
economizing
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| v.节省，减少开支( economize的现在分词 ) | |
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187
requisites
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| n.必要的事物( requisite的名词复数 ) | |
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188
simultaneously
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| adv.同时发生地，同时进行地 | |
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189
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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190
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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capabilities
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| n.能力( capability的名词复数 )；可能；容量；[复数]潜在能力 | |
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192
economist
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| n.经济学家，经济专家，节俭的人 | |
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193
subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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194
participation
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| n.参与，参加，分享 | |
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